Part 60

Contrasts stand ever quietly side by side, telling their story to him who will read, perhaps nowhere else more markedly than here in Cuba, where the conditions of life are most abnormal.

These few snap-shots at history, as it is making in these stirring times, show that even behind the closed doors of a wareroom, where the overlooking, assorting and repacking of cases of garments, which the kind hearts of people at home have prompted them to send, is not without its human, vital interest. Meanwhile the work goes steadily on; as each case is repacked, it is nailed up. A Red Cross label is pasted on, below the label its contents are duly noted in blue pencil, and the box is neatly piled, with like cases and barrels, ready to be sent out to the commissioners, the hospitals, orphanages, medical clinic, outlying towns whenever the call may come.

Fifty-eight barrels and fifty cases of clothing were put on the "Clinton" to be taken to Havana. A hundred and eight cases and barrels have been distributed. About six hundred cases are left in the warerooms of Casa Buena, there to be distributed by the commission of ladies who have consented to give out this clothing to the needy. Three hundred and ninety-eight cases were opened, sorted and repacked, making a total of about 800 cases, mainly from the cargo of the "State of Texas."

THE RED CROSS OF OTHER NATIONS.

THEIR SYMPATHY AND ACTIVE CO-OPERATION.

It is with feelings of pleasure and satisfaction that I record the fact that the Red Cross of the United States is, in its relations with all the foreign branches of the International Society, on terms of mutual confidence and esteem; and that the utmost cordiality is maintained through a constant interchange of correspondence.

During many years, before our organization received the attention and official recognition in this country that it was entitled to, coming as it did with the prestige of a splendid record in Europe, and the patronage of the elite of the Old World, I was encouraged and strengthened by those friends of many nations, but of one humanity, to hold to the good work until the United States should place itself in the van of enlightenment and civilization, and catch step in the grand march onward to universal peace. Many times discouragement and despair battled with me; and but for the never-ending kindly words that bade me strive on, I fear I should have been inclined to give up the fight.

The American people are ever so active and full of the work of the present, that it is a hard matter to interest them in anything that may be of remote utility or even mercy. Certainly, no other people have quicker instincts or more generous impulses than they; and none respond with more alacrity and abundance with the need is present. It was almost an impossibility to make the average American believe that his country would ever go to war again; therefore, why should he trouble himself about war cares or appliances; there would be time enough to think about those things when war was threatened. Surely no one wanted to fight us. We, as a nation, attended to our own business, and didn't interfere in the affairs of other nations; and thus were in no danger of getting into serious trouble with any one.

Of course, the history of the world was all against any such optimistic reasoning; but, then, it was said, America was a new country, and laid on peaceable lines; its intentions were good and honorable and would be respected; besides, it was so powerful and so remote from other nations that it was in no danger of attack under any circumstances. That was the kind of argument one met, when vouchsafed an opportunity to speak in behalf of the Red Cross. Fortunately, though, there were a few more thoughtful and reflecting people who could look ahead and see the dangers; who knew that, however carefully navigated, there were winds and tides that might veer from her course the good ship of state, and wreck or damage her on the rocks of discord. These few friends rallied to the support of the Red Cross, and stood by it through all the dark days; and now that it has received its "baptism of fire," and the gracious acknowledgment of gratitude from the President of the United States, and the blessings of thousands upon thousands of the citizens and soldiers who have felt its beneficence, they feel, with its president, that there is at least some truth in the old saying that "all things come to him who waits."

The alarm of war was all that was needed to bring the American people quickly to a realization of the necessity for the services of the Red Cross; and that necessity once recognized, they gave an unstinted support of themselves and their means. Had there been need for them, the Red Cross could easily have recruited an army of twenty-five thousand from the flower of American womanhood. Rich and poor alike gave their money freely; and doctors and nurses from every part of the country offered their services for no greater compensation than the privilege to serve suffering humanity.

To our friends of the Red Cross in Europe and in Asia--nearly all of the nations of which contributed liberally to our needs during the late war--we have no words that will adequately express our appreciation and gratitude for their timely aid; and if I fail to make proper acknowledgment it is because I am unable to say all that wells up to my heart for utterance. Let it suffice for me to say that the Americans are enthusiastic, affectionate, and appreciative; and a kindness once shown is never forgotten. God grant that other nations may not have to settle their differences by an appeal to arms; but should such an unhappy fate attend them, I can say with certainty, that the Red Cross of America will be only too happy to reciprocate the many kindnesses that have been equally shown to us and to our late opponents.

To the Red Cross of Spain we extend our loving hand, with the hope that our two nations shall never more be anything but the warmest friends. We know how our sister society suffered in this last struggle; and we, who labored under the banner of "humanity and neutrality"--we, who could harbor no animosity for a brave people struggling, as they were, for what they believed to be their rights--lent our assistance to its countrymen wherever we found them, on the fields, or in the prisons and hospitals; and it is our proud privilege to say that the Red Cross of Spain has officially recognized in a most graceful and welcome manner its high appreciation and gratitude for the good offices we were able to render in the line of our duty to its sick and wounded countrymen during the late war.

Remembering with heartfelt gratitude the munificence of Great Britain, Germany, Austria, Russia, Italy, Switzerland, Denmark, Belgium, Holland, Sweden, Norway, Greece, Turkey and India, I trust it will not appear invidious for me to especially commend two of their sister countries.

The Red Cross of France, acting in strict accordance with the principle of neutrality, gave generously and equally to the Red Cross societies of Spain and the United States for the benefit of the sick and wounded; while many of its private societies and citizens sent us substantial remembrances of the long-continued friendship that binds together the two countries. To all these we say: "God bless you; we shall not forget."

Soon after the United States had declared war against Spain I received a letter from the Duke of Palmella, the President of the Portuguese Red Cross Society, in which he tendered the services of his society to act as a friendly intermediary between the societies of the belligerent powers. The geographical position of Portugal, being on the border of Spain, and the well-known neutrality of her people, made her the natural agency for this purpose; and as all mail facilities between Spain and the United States had ceased, we gladly availed ourselves of this opportunity to communicate with "our friend, the enemy." Of course, the same offer was tendered to Spain and accepted by that country.

The prime reason for the duke's suggestion was his desire to open a way for the prisoners of war of both countries to inform their relatives and friends of their condition and whereabouts. The arrangement worked perfectly, and many anxious hearts were saved from the rack of uncertainty; while others were informed of the sad fate that had befallen their loved ones. How well satisfied our Portuguese friends are with the service that was rendered is best told in the following copy of a letter received some time since:

LISBON, _October 22, 1898_.

_The American National Red Cross, Washington, D.C._:

DEAR MR. SECRETARY:--We beg to acknowledge receipt of your esteemed favor of the first October, enclosing three more letters, the last to be returned to Spain.

Our work being now arrived at a close, we take advantage of this opportunity for presenting to the American National Red Cross and your worthy president our earnest thanks for their kind support in the accomplishment of the task we have undertaken in behalf of Spanish prisoners in the United States and their relatives and friends in Spain.

Again, we have true pleasure in acknowledging, in the name of hundreds of mothers and wives, whose sorrow and anxiety were extreme, the invaluable services you and your government have rendered to them, in order to assure correspondence between the prisoners and their families--a fact quite new in the annals of war--the benefits of which are certainly to be valued and cherished by every sensible heart. For we must not conceal that when we were determined to ask the assent of the American and Spanish Governments for such a work, through your kind mediation and that of our friends in Madrid, most people shook their heads incredulously, and while admiring the spirit that animated our good wishes, feared that our efforts would be in vain, and that the Red Cross would find itself hopelessly out of place in the unusual position it was about to fill. It is a consolation--indeed, amidst such gloom it is a transient happiness--to know that such was not the case; and we feel happy in proclaiming that the most efficient part of that work was, undoubtedly, yours.

Please accept, dear sir, my sincere regard and distinguished consideration.

Sincerely yours, DUKE OF PALMELLA

TO THE CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES

The following address was prepared to be read before a special meeting of members of Congress as early as the summer of 1888. The news of the death of General Sheridan prevented the meeting, and no other opportunity having ever presented, the remarks have waited all the intervening years. What were the facts then are none the less true now, either for the Congress or the people, and I adopt the usual custom in such cases, and ask "leave to print."

GENTLEMEN:--While proceeding to lay before you the various measures to which I have taken the liberty of inviting your honored consideration, it may be well to refresh your memories in regard to the principles involved in the subject of the Red Cross; to recall how, under the treaty, it stands related to our government, and how, through the same feature, it relates us to other governments.

The code of ten articles, forming the international compact or Treaty of Geneva, pledges each nation which unites with it to certain methods of neutral action and humanity never before formally admitted by nations at war, and it removes, to the greatest possible extent, all needless severities hitherto practiced under their usages.

This treaty, said to be the first compound treaty ever formed, came into existence at Geneva, Switzerland, in 1864. It now includes some thirty governments. The first efforts towards our own adhesion were made with the Executive Department; but as it was thought that the text of the treaty called for some changes in the "Articles of War," it was submitted to Congress, by which body the adhesion was made in February, 1882.

It ever remains an undisputed fact, that the medical department of an army never is, nor can be, made adequate to the needs of the sick and wounded of its battles. Hence the inevitable suffering of the men, the terrible anxiety and agony of friends at home, and the loss of countless lives.

The Red Cross creates an organized, neutral volunteer force, from the people, supplied by the people, but still subject to the regulations of the military in the field, recognized by and working in full accord with it, bringing all needed aid in the form of intelligent, disciplined assistants, and abundant supplies to the direct help and use of the medical department of an army, and with which department it works, as if belonging to it.

It created, with great care, an insignia to be the one known and recognized sign of neutrality in the relief of the sick and wounded of armies, and in the protection of the military hospital service, the world over.

This insignia, which has given its name to the treaty, has become universally known and respected. There is no other military hospital flag, and no other sign marks the relief designed for the succor of the wounded soldier, nor protects from capture or harm, either himself or the non-combatant who goes to administer. It is probable that no sign nor figure in the secular world is sacred to so many eyes as the Red Cross of Geneva.

This treaty takes its powers from the common consent of the united governments of the civilized world. Their rulers sign it. Its ratifications are officially made by the Congress of Berne, Switzerland. It recognizes no other features than the relief of the victims, and the mitigation of the horrors of war.

In its short life of twenty-five years it has assumed the conduct of the entire auxiliary relief work of the armies of the world. It has given rise to more valuable inventions, and under its humane impulses sanitary science has made rapid growth.

By common consent of the powers, at the formation of the treaty, the worthy body of Genevese gentlemen, who called and conducted the convention, was formed into an International Committee, through which only medium the various nations within the treaty communicate, and which holds the direction of all international relief in time of war. Each nation, upon its accession to the treaty, is requested to form a national committee, which committee shall constitute the medium by which the other governments, through the International Committee, may communicate with its government.

These national committees are usually presided over by officers very near the crown or high in authority; as, for instance, the national president of the Red Cross of Germany is Count Otto de Stolberg, who recently crowned young Emperor William. Of France, Marshal McMahon; of England, Lord Lindsay; of Belgium, the King himself.

Their patrons are always of the crown or royal families, as Empress Augusta of Germany, Victoria of England, Dagmar of Russia, Marguerite of Italy, and the Royal Grand Duchess of Baden.

Although the object of the organization is people's help for national necessities, its national branches receive strong governmental recognition, and encouragement. Every facility which can be is afforded them, and the patronage of the crown or government in _monarchical_ countries, unlike our own, _means substantial aid_, which is afforded in many ways.

Each nation is left free to form its national committee in accordance with the spirit and needs of its nationality. In the formation of our own, it was thought possible to include other relief than that of war, and as you already know, America organized for the relief, first of war then of other great national calamities, such as the government is liable to be called upon to aid through its public treasury.

We were accepted by the ratifying powers at Berne, with this digression, and although novel, it has won great approval and is known abroad as the "American amendment."

Under this civil feature the American Red Cross has aided in twelve great calamities: one forest fire, five floods, three cyclones, one earthquake, one famine and one pestilence. It has brought to the aid of the victims of these disasters, in money and material, many hundred thousands of dollars, acting as a systematized and organized medium of conveyance and distribution for the relief which the people desired to contribute. It has never yet solicited aid, it has scarcely suggested the raising of relief, but has endeavored to administer the relief which was raised wisely and faithfully.

[H]Since our adhesion to the treaty two international conferences have been held: the one at Geneva, by the International Committee, in 1884; the other at Carlsruhe, by the Grand Duke and Grand Duchess of Baden, in 1887.

As president of the American National Red Cross the honor has been accorded me to represent the government in each of these conferences. Some of the questions therein discussed, being of both national and international importance, will be later submitted for the consideration of your honorable legislative body.

The foregoing explanations made, I will, with your kind permission, gentlemen, venture to name to you some of the more personal features, of our _own_ national branch of this world-wide organization, touching its conditions, positions, relations and requirements, inviting your thoughtful consideration to the same. I must do this, not only as its chief executive officer, but as the person who has been wholly responsible for our ever having had any connection with it. I alone brought this subject before the government, as the official representative of the International Committee, asking its adoption as a treaty, if found desirable; and was shown the exceptional courtesy of a unanimous accord in a most unfamiliar subject, by the largest, and, as I hold, the highest legislative body in the world.

[H] Since, then, however, the international conferences have numbered six and the relief fields twenty.

During the intervening seven years, I have done my best and my utmost to properly test the value of the obligation taken, and to learn, from actual and practical experience, if the results would warrant a continuance of effort on the part of the national committee, and to some extent the encouragement and active co-operation of our government, without which the objects of the treaty would be misapplied, and its results practically lost.

These efforts have been made in the face of the open world. No action has been covered, none exaggerated. On its own fair merits, the American branch of the Red Cross stands before the government and the people it has served for their judgment.

If it has been an idle body?

If a parasite, drawing sustenance from others?

If it has promised and not performed?

If its work has been actual, or merely appeared upon paper?

If it has found favor with the people it has gone to aid?

If it has gained or lost in public estimation?

If in any way it has disappointed the expectations of the country or the people?

If it has given cause to the government to regret its admission?

If it has sustained its national standing in good repute with the affiliating nations of the world?

If it has been a costly adjunct to the government?

Like a gleaner it brings in its sheaves at the end of its seven years of faithful trial, and asks that its work be judged. If for any cause, the organization be looked upon as _not_ meriting or justifying encouragement and co-operation of the government, which its peculiar relations to it demand, and it is thought wisest or best to withhold them, it will be a simple and perhaps welcome thing to let go and rest. Unless one is actually going down hill with a load, it is always easier to stop than to go on. In this case vastly so.

It is now thirteen years ago, during the administration of President Hayes, that I first brought this matter to the attention of our government, believing it to be, perhaps, the work of a month. From that day to this, I have found time for nothing else. I learned that its broad humanities were the belt that spanned the world. Dependent, as it is, upon the co-operation of the government, being substantially a link between it and the people at large, I should not have been justified in proceeding to organize great bodies of persons under its regulations, until I was assured what position the government would take in regard to it. I could not _ask_ this decision of the government until actual results had proven to it, and to myself as well, that the position required was one worthy to _be_ taken. Thus the trial has been made single handed. Not a penny of tax nor dues has ever been asked for the expenses of the National Red Cross.

The general impression prevails that it is actively a branch of the government, and of course, provided for by it. This impression has, pecuniarily, been heavily against us, as it enters no philanthropic mind to extend a generosity to the Red Cross, any more than to the War, or State, or Navy Departments, or any other branch of protected government service. No freight bill on shipments has ever been remitted, nor agent ever passed free over a road up to this time; and no bequest has ever been made to it. Postage is not even paid.

The government is supposed to do all these things, and it is generally believed that its officers have large salaries. In one way this impression has been helpful. It has doubtless given prestige; but it is a costly luxury, and not to be _forever_ afforded.

The actual expenses of the government since the first, have been as follows: an appropriation in 1883 of one thousand dollars, expended in government printing of a little pamphlet history of the Red Cross, written by me, at the request of the Senate committee, for circulation after the adoption of the treaty--two thousand copies. As neither frank nor postage were provided for the mailing, the transmission of each copy cost some ten cents. The issue is exhausted. Appropriations of $1000 and $2000 respectively for expenses of governmental delegates to the International Conferences of 1884 and 1887, held at Geneva and Carlsruhe, the delegates giving their time and services, and meeting all costs, excepting those actually incurred en route, and provable by vouchers. Thus making an aggregate of six thousand dollars in eight years expended in its own behalf, with as much in value, in each instance, added by the committee, as otherwise appropriated. These are the only demands ever made upon the government. This balances our accounts to date.