CHAPTER L

GODS AS GUARDIANS OF MORALITY

AS men are concerned about the conduct of their fellow men towards their gods, so gods are in many cases concerned about men's conduct towards one another--disapproving of vice and punishing the wicked, approving of virtue and rewarding the good. But this is by no means a universal characteristic of gods. It is a quality attributed to certain deities only and, as it seems, in most instances slowly acquired.

We are told by competent observers that the supernatural beings of savage belief frequently display the utmost indifference to all questions of worldly morality. According to Messrs. Spencer and Gillen, the Central Australian natives, though they assume the existence of both friendly and mischievous spirits, "have not the vaguest idea of a personal individual other than an actual living member of the tribe who approves or disapproves of their conduct, so far as anything like what we call morality is concerned."[1] The Society Islanders maintained that "the only crimes that were visited by the displeasure of their deities were the neglect of some rite or ceremony."[2] The religious belief of the Gonds of Central India is said to be wholly unconnected with any idea of morality; a moral deity demanding righteous conduct from his creatures, our informant adds, is a religious {664} conception far beyond the present capacity either of the Indian savage or the ordinary Hindu.[3] Of the E[(w]e-, Yoruba-, and Tshi-speaking peoples of the West African Slave and Gold Coasts Major Ellis writes:--"Religion, at the stage of growth in which we find it among these three groups of tribes, has no connection with morals, or the relations of men to one another. It consists solely of ceremonial worship, and the gods are only offended when some rite or ceremony has been neglected or omitted. . . . Murder, theft, and all offences against the person or against property, are matters in which the gods have no immediate concern, and in which they take no interest, except in the case when, bribed by a valuable offering, they take up the quarrel in the interests of some faithful worshipper."[4] So also among the Bambala, a Bantu tribe in the Kasai, south of the River Congo, "there is no belief that the gods or spirits punish wrong-doing by afflicting the criminal or his family, nor are the acts of a man supposed to affect his condition after death."[5] The Indians of Guiana, says Sir E. F. Im Thurn, observe an admirable code of morality, which exists side by side with a simple animistic form of religion, but the two have absolutely no connection with one another.[6] With reference to the Tarahumares of Mexico Dr. Lumholtz states that the only wrong towards the gods of which an Indian may consider himself guilty is that he does not dance enough. "For this offence he asks pardon. Whatever bad thoughts or actions toward man he may have on his conscience are settled between himself and the person offended."[7] In the primitive Indian's conception of a god," Mr. Parkman observes, "the idea of moral good {665} has no part. His deity does not dispense justice for this world or the next."[8]

[Footnote 1: Spencer and Gillen, _Northern Tribes of Central Australia_, p. 491.]

[Footnote 2: Ellis, _Polynesian Researches_, i. 397.]

[Footnote 3: Forsyth, _Highlands of Central India_, p. 145. See also Hodgson, _Miscellaneous Essays_, i. 124 (Bódo and Dhimáls); Caldwell, _Tinnevelly Shanars_, p. 36; Lyall, _Asiatic Studies_, p. 45; Radloff, _Das Schamanenthum_, p. 13 (Turkish tribes of the Altai).]

[Footnote 4: Ellis, _Yoruba-speaking Peoples of the Slave Coast_, p. 293. _Idem_, _Tshi-speaking Peoples of the Gold Coast_, p. 10. The E[(w]e god Mawu is represented as an exception to this rule (_infra_, p. 686).]

[Footnote 5: Torday and Joyce, 'Ethnography of the Ba-Mbala,' in _Jour. Anthr. Inst._ xxxv. 415.]

[Footnote 6: Im Thurn, _Indians of Guiana_, p. 342.]

[Footnote 7: Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, i. 332.] [Footnote 8: Parkman, _Jesuits in North America_, p. lxxviii. See also Eastman, _Dacotah_, p. xx.; Schoolcraft, _Indian Tribes of the United States_, ii. 195 (Dacotahs).]

That many savage gods are so thoroughly selfish as to care about nothing else than what concerns their own interests, may also be inferred from the character attributed to them. We have seen that the altruistic sentiment is the chief source from which moral emotions spring, and of the gods of various uncivilised peoples we hear not only that they are totally destitute of benevolent feelings, but that they are of a malicious nature and mostly intent on doing harm to mankind.[9]

[Footnote 9: See Meiners, _Geschichte der Religionen_, i. 405; Tylor, _Primitive Culture_, ii. 329; Avebury, _Origin of Civilisation_, p. 232 _sqq._; Roskoff, _Geschichte des Teufels_, i. 20 _sq._; Frazer, _Golden Bough_, iii. 40 _sqq._; Karsten, _Origin of Worship_, p. 46 _sqq._]

The Maoris of New Zealand regarded their deities as the causes of pain, misery, and death, as mighty enemies from whom nobody ever thought of getting any aid or good, but who were to be rendered harmless by means of charms or spells or by sacrifices offered to appease their wrath.[10] The Tahitians "supposed their gods were powerful spiritual beings, in some degree acquainted with the events of this world, and generally governing its affairs; never exercising any thing like benevolence towards even their most devoted followers, but requiring homage and obedience, with constant offerings; denouncing their anger, and dispensing destruction on all who either refused or hesitated to comply."[11] The Fijians "formed no idea of any voluntary kindness on the part of their gods, except the planting of wild yams, and the wrecking of strange canoes and foreign vessels on their coast";[12] and that some of these beings were conceived as positively wicked is indicated by the names given them--"the adulterer," "the rioter," "the murderer," and so forth.[13] The people of Aneiteum, in the New Hebrides, maintained that "earth and air and ocean were filled with natmasses, spiritual beings, but all malignant, who ruled over everything that affected the human race. . . . Their deities, like themselves, were {666} all selfish and malignant; they breathed no spirit of benevolence."[14]

[Footnote 10: Taylor, _Te Ika a Maui_, pp. 104, 148. Colenso, _Maori Races of New Zealand_, p. 62. _Cf._ Dieffenbach, _Travels in New Zealand_, ii. 118.]

[Footnote 11: Ellis, _Polynesian Researches_, i. 336.]

[Footnote 12: Williams and Calvert, _Fiji_, p. 195.]

[Footnote 13: _Ibid._ p. 185.]

[Footnote 14: Inglis, _In the New Hebrides_, pp. 30, 32.]

The Santal of India believes in no god from whose benignity he may expect favour, but in "a multitude of demons and evil spirits, whose spite he endeavours by supplications to avert." Even his family god "represents the secret principle of evil, which no bolts can shut out, and which dwells in unseen but eternally malignant presence beside every hearth."[15] The Kamchadales do not seem to have hoped for anything good from their deities; Kutka himself, the creator of the universe and the greatest of the gods, was once caught in adultery and castrated.[16]

[Footnote 15: Hunter, _Annals of Rural Bengal_, i. 181 _sq._]

[Footnote 16: Klemm, _Cultur-Geschichte der Menschheit_, ii. 318 _sq._ Steller, _Beschreibung von Kamtschatka_, p. 264.]

According to the beliefs of the Koksoagmyut, or Hudson Bay Eskimo, all the minor spirits are under the control of the great spirit whose name is Tung ak, and this being "is nothing more or less than death, which ever seeks to torment and harass the lives of people that their spirits may go to dwell with him."[17] Nay, even the special guardian spirit by which each person is supposed to be attended is malignant in character and ever ready to seize upon the least occasion to work harm upon the individual whom it accompanies; its good offices can be obtained by propitiation only.[18] Among the Nenenot, or Indians of Hudson Bay, "the rule seems to be that all spirits are by nature bad, and must be propitiated to secure their favour."[19] Of various Brazilian tribes we are likewise told that they do not believe in the existence of any benevolent spirits. Thus the Coroado Indian acknowledges only an evil principle, which sometimes meets him in the form of a lizard or a crocodile or an ounce or a man with the feet of a stag, sometimes transforms itself into a swamp, and leads him astray, vexes him, brings him into difficulty and danger, and even kills him.[20] The Mundrucus of the Cuparí have no notion of a good supreme being, but believe in an evil spirit, regarded merely as a kind of hobgoblin, who is at the bottom of all their little failures and gives them troubles in fishing, hunting, and so forth.[21] The Uaupés, says Mr. Wallace, "appear to have no definite idea of a God. . . . They have much more definite ideas of a bad spirit, 'Juruparí,' or Devil, whom they fear and {667} endeavour through their _pagés_ [or medicine men] to propitiate. When it thunders, they say the 'Juruparí' is angry, and their idea of natural death is that the 'Juruparí' kills them."[22]

[Footnote 17: Turner, 'Ethnology of the Ungava District,' in _Ann. Rep. Bur. Ethn._ xi. 272.]

[Footnote 18: _Ibid._ p. 194.]

[Footnote 19: _Ibid._ p. 193 _sq._]

[Footnote 20: von Spix and von Martius, _Travels in Brazil_, ii. 243.]

[Footnote 21: Bates, _The Naturalist on the River Amazons_, ii. 137.]

[Footnote 22: Wallace, _Travels on the Amazon_, p. 500.]

In Eastern Africa, according to Burton, "the sentiment generally elicited by a discourse upon the subject of the existence of a Deity is a desire to see him, in order to revenge upon him the deaths of relatives, friends, and cattle."[23] The only quality of a moral character which the Wanika are said to ascribe to the supreme being, Mulungu, is that of vindictiveness and cruelty.[24] To the Matabele the idea of a benevolent deity is utterly foreign, but they have a vague notion of a number of evil spirits always ready to do harm, and the chief among these are the spirits of their ancestors.[25] All the good the Bechuanas enjoy they ascribe to rainmakers, but "all the evil that comes they attribute to a supernatural being";[26] of their principal god, Morimo, Mr. Moffat never once, in the course of twenty-five years spent in missionary labour, heard that he did good or was capable of doing so.[27] Among various other African peoples, travellers assure us, supernatural beings are supposed to exercise a potent influence for evil rather than for good, or beneficent spirits are, at any rate, almost unknown.[28] On the Gold Coast, according to Major Ellis, the majority of spirits are malignant, and every misfortune is ascribed to their action. "I believe," he adds, "that originally all were conceived as malignant, and that the indifference, or the beneficence (when propitiated by sacrifice and flattery), which are now believed to be characteristics of some of these beings, are later modifications of the original idea."[29]

[Footnote 23: Burton, _Lake Regions of Central Africa_, ii. 348.]

[Footnote 24: New, _Life, Wanderings, and Labours in Eastern Africa_, p. 103 _sq._]

[Footnote 25: Decle, _Three Years in Savage Africa_, p. 153.]

[Footnote 26: Campbell, _Second Journey in the Interior of South Africa_, ii. 204.]

[Footnote 27: Moffat, _Missionary Labours in Southern Africa_ (ed. 1842), p. 262.]

[Footnote 28: Rowley, _Religion of the Africans_, p. 55. Kingsley, _Travels in West Africa_, p. 443. Mockler-Ferryman, _British Nigeria_, p. 255 _sq._]

[Footnote 29: Ellis, _Tshi-speaking Peoples_, pp. 12, 18, 20. _Cf._ Cruickshank, _Eighteen Years on the Gold Coast_, ii. 134.]

Of many savages it is reported that they have notions of good, as well as of evil spirits, but that they chiefly or exclusively worship the evil ones, since the others are supposed to be so good that they require no offerings or homage.[30] But adoration of supernatural beings which are {668} considered at least occasionally beneficent is also very prevalent among uncivilised peoples.[31] The gods of the pagan Lapps were all good, although they took revenge upon those who offended them.[32] Among the Navaho Indians of New Mexico "the gods who are supposed to love and help men the most receive the greatest honour"; whereas the evil spirits are not worshipped except, rumour says, by the witches.[33] The belief in guardian or tutelary spirits of tribes, clans, villages, families, or individuals, is extremely widespread.[34] These spirits may be exacting enough--they are often greatly feared by their own worshippers, and sometimes described as distinctly malignant {669} by nature;[35] but their general function is nevertheless to afford assistance to the person or persons with whom they are associated. At the same time it should be noticed that the goodness of many savage gods only consists in their readiness to help those who please them by offerings or adoration; and in no case does their benevolence prove that they take an active interest in morality at large. A friendly supernatural being is not necessarily a guardian of men's behaviour towards their fellow men. In Morocco the patron saint of a town, village, or tribe is not in the least concerned about any kind of conduct which has not immediate reference to himself.[36] It is believed that even the robber may, by invoking a dead saint, secure his assistance in an unlawful enterprise.

[Footnote 30: Wilken, _Het Animisme bij de volken van den Indischen Archipel_, p. 207 _sq._ Perham, 'Sea Dyak Religion,' in _Jour. Straits Branch Roy. Asiatic Soc._ no. 10, p. 220; St. John, _Life in the Forests of the Far East_, i. 69 _sq._ (Sea Dyaks). Blumentritt, 'Der Ahnencultus und die religiösen Anschauungen der Malaien des Philippinen-Archipels,' in _Mittheil. d. kais. u. kön. Geograph. Gesellsch. in Wien_, xxv. 166 _sqq._ Prain, 'Angami Nagas,' in _Revue coloniale internationale_, v. 489. Forsyth, _op. cit._ pp. 141, 143 (Gonds). Hooker, _Himalayan Journals_, i. 126 (Lepchas). Robertson, _History of America_, i. 383; Müller, _Geschichte der Amerikanischen Urreligionen_, pp. 150, 151, 232, 260; Dorman, _Origin of Primitive Superstition_, p. 30 (American Indians). Sproat, _Scenes and Studies of Savage Life_, p. 212 (Ahts). Falkner, _Description of Patagonia_, p. 116; Prichard, _Through the Heart of Patagonia_, p. 97.]

[Footnote 31: See _supra_, ii. 615 _sq._]

[Footnote 32: von Düben, _Lappland_, pp. 227, 285. Friis, _Lappisk Mythologi_, p. 106. Jessen, _Norske Finners og Lappers Hedenske Religion_, p. 33.]

[Footnote 33: Matthews, _Navaho Legends_, p. 40. See also _ibid._ p. 33.]

[Footnote 34: Ellis, _Tshi-speaking Peoples of the Gold Coast_, pp. 17, 18, 77, 92. _Idem_, _E[(w]e-speaking Peoples of the Slave Coast_, p. 75. Wilson, _Western Africa_, p. 387 (Mpongwe). Tuckey, _River Zaire_, p. 375. Ellis, _History of Madagascar_, i. 395 _sq._ Ratzel, _History of Mankind_, i. 321 (various South Sea Islanders). Turner, _Samoa_, p. 17 _sq._ Williams and Calvert, _Fiji_, p. 185 _sq._ Inglis, _op. cit._ p. 30 (people of Aneiteum). Christian, _Caroline Islands_, p. 75. Wilken, _Het Animisme_, pp. 231 _sqq._ (Minahassers, Macassars, and Bugis of Celebes), 243 (Javanese). Selenka, _Sonnige Welten_, p. 103 _sq._ (Dyaks). Forbes, _Insulinde_, p. 203 (natives of Tenimber). von Brenner, _Besuch bei den Kannibalen Sumatras_, p. 221 (Bataks). Mason, 'Religion, &c. among the Karens,' in _Jour. Asiatic Soc. Bengal_, xxxiv. 196. Hunter, _Annals of Rural Bengal_, i. 182, 186 _sq._ (Santals). Hodgson, _Miscellaneous Essays_, i. 128 (Bódo and Dhimáls). Bailey, 'Veddahs of Ceylon,' in _Trans. Ethn. Soc._ N.S. ii. 301; Nevill, 'Vaeddas of Ceylon,' in _Taprobanian_, i. 194. Schmidt, _Ceylon_, p. 291 _sq._ (Tamils). Bergmann, _Nomadische Streifereien unter den Kalmüken_, iii. 182 _sq._ Abercromby, _Pre- and Proto-historic Finns_, i. 160 (Ostiaks). Buch, 'Die Wotjaken,' in _Acta Soc. Scient. Fennicæ_, xii. 595 _sq._ Castrén, _Nordiska resor och forskningar_, iii. 106, 107, 174 _sq._ (Finnish tribes). Boas, 'Central Eskimo,' in _Ann. Rep. Bur. Ethn._ vi. 591. Turner, _ibid._ xi. 193 _sq._ (Hudson Bay Eskimo), 272 (Hudson Bay Indians). Hoffman, 'Menomini Indians,' _ibid._ xiv. 65. McGee, 'Siouan Indians,' _ibid._ xv. 179; Parkman, _op. cit._ p. lxx; Dorman, _op. cit._ p. 227 (North American Indians). Müller, _Geschichte der Amerikanischen Urreligionen_, pp. 72 (North American Indians), 171 (Indians of the Great Antilles). Couto de Magalhães, _Trabalho preparatorio para aproveitamento do selvagem no Brazil--O selvagem_, p. 128 _sqq._ Tylor, _op. cit._ ii. 199 _sqq._]

[Footnote 35: Schmidt, _Ceylon_, p. 291 _sq._ (Tamils). Turner, in _Ann. Rep. Bur. Ethn._ xi. 193 _sq._ (Hudson Bay Eskimo), 272 (Hudson Bay Indians). McGee, _ibid._ xv. 179; Müller, _op. cit._ p. 72 (North American Indians).]

[Footnote 36: For a singular exception to this rule see _supra_, ii. 67 _sq._]

On the other hand, instances are not wanting in which savage gods are supposed to punish the transgression of rules relating to worldly morality. Occasionally, as we have noticed above, such gods are represented as avengers of some special kind of wrong-doing--murder,[37] theft,[38] niggardliness,[39] want of hospitality,[40] or lying.[41] Of certain Negro tribes we are told that, "when a man is about to commit a crime, or do that which his conscience tells him he ought not to do, he lays aside his fetiche, and covers up his deity, that he may not be privy to the deed."[42] The Tonga Islanders "firmly believe that the gods approve of virtue, and are displeased with vice; that every man has his tutelar deity, who will protect him as long as he conducts himself as he ought to do; but, if he does not, will leave him to the approaches of misfortune, disease, and death. . . . All rewards for virtue or punishments for vice happen to men in this world only, {670} and come immediately from the gods."[43] The Ainu of Japan are heard to say, "We could not go contrary to the customs of our ancestors without bringing down upon us the wrath of the gods."[44] And of various savages we are told that they believe in the existence of a supreme being who is a moral lawgiver or judge.

[Footnote 37: _Supra_, i. 378 _sq._]

[Footnote 38: _Supra_, ii. 59 _sq._]

[Footnote 39: _Supra_, i. 561 _sq._]

[Footnote 40: _Supra_, i. 578.]

[Footnote 41: _Supra_, ii. 114 _sq._]

[Footnote 42: Tuckey, _op. cit._ p. 377. _Cf._ Monrad, _Skildring af Guinea-Kysten_, p. 27, n. *]

[Footnote 43: Mariner, _Natives of the Tonga Islands_, ii. 149, 107.]

[Footnote 44: Batchelor, _Ainu of Japan_, p. 243 _sq._]

In Australia, especially in New South Wales and Victoria but also in other parts of the continent, many of the native tribes have the notion of an "All-father," called Baiame, Daramulun, Mungan-ngalla, Bunjil, Nurelli, Nurundere, or by some other name.[45] He is represented as an anthropomorphic, supernatural being and as the father of the race or the maker of everything, who at one time dwelt on the earth but afterwards ascended to a land beyond the sky, where he still remains. He is of a kindly disposition, and requires no worship; in a very few cases only we meet with some faint traces of a cult offered him.[46] {671} He is frequently believed to have instituted the initiation ceremonies,[47] and to have given the people their laws.[48] Thus Nurundere is said to have taught the Narrinyeri all the rites and ceremonies whether connected with life or death; on inquiry why they adhere to any custom, the reply is that Nurundere commanded it.[49] At the _boorah_, or initiation, of the Euahlayi tribe, Byamee is proclaimed as "Father of All, whose laws the tribes are now obeying"; and in one of their myths he is described as the original source of all the totems and of the law that persons of the same totem may not intermarry.[50] Bunjil taught the Kulin the arts of life, and told them to divide themselves into two intermarrying classes so as to prevent marriages between kindred.[51] Daramulun instructed the Yuin what to do and gave them laws which the old people have handed down from father to son to the present time.[52] And in several instances the Australian "All-father" is represented as a guardian of morality who punishes the wicked and rewards the good. Bunjil "very frequently sent his sons to destroy bad men and bad women . . . who had killed and eaten blacks."[53] Daramulun, or Tharamulun, who from his residence in the sky watches the actions of men, "is very angry when they do things that they ought not to do, as when they eat forbidden food."[54] The natives of the Herbert River, in Queensland, believe that anybody who takes a wife from the prohibited sub-class, or who does not wear the morning necklace for the prescribed period, or who eats forbidden food, will sooner or later die in consequence, since his behaviour is offensive to Kohin, a supernatural being who is supposed to have his dwelling in the Milky Way but to roam about at night on earth as a gigantic warrior killing those whom he meets.[55] Most commonly, however, the retribution is said to come after death. {672} The tribes about Maryborough, in Queensland, maintain that the ghosts of those who are good or those who have a high degree of excellence in any particular line--fishing, hunting, fighting, dancing, and so forth--are directed by Birral to an island in the Far North, where he resides.[56] Among the Cape River tribes, "when a Blackfellow dies whose actions during life have been what they hold to be good, he is said to ascend to Boorala (_i.e._, to the Creator, literally 'good'), where he lives much as he did on earth, less the usual terrestrial discomforts"; whereas to the man who has led a bad life death is thought to be simple annihilation.[57] The Kulin said that when they die they will be subjected to a sort of trial by Binbeal, "the good being rewarded in a better land, the bad driven away, but where they seemed to have no idea."[58] According to another account, again, Binbeal, after he has subjected the spirits of the deceased to an ordeal of fire to try whether they are good or bad, liberates the good at once, whereas the bad are confined and punished.[59] The Illawarra, who lived from thirty to a hundred miles south of Sidney, believed that when people die they are brought up to a large tree where Mirirul, the supreme ruler, examines and judges them. The good he takes up to the sky, the bad he sends to another place to be punished. The women said to their children when they were naughty, "Mirirul will not allow it."[60] Among the Wathiwathi, in New South Wales, the belief prevails that if the spirit of a bad man escapes the traps which are set for it on its course in the sky, it is sure to fall into the hell of fire. The good spirit, on the other hand, is received by two old women who take care of it till it becomes accustomed to its new abode; and after a time the great God, Tha-tha-puli, comes with a host of spirits to see the newcomer and try his strength.[61] According to a report written by Archdeacon Günther in 1839, Baiame is supposed to like the blacks who are good; and "there is also an idea entertained by the more thoughtful that good natives will go to Baiame when they die."[62] Later authorities state that Baiame is believed not only to reward the good after death, but also to punish the wicked--that is, persons who tell lies or kill men by striking them secretly or who are unkind towards the old and sick or, generally, who break his laws.[63] A very elaborate {673} theory of retribution is communicated by Mr. Manning, whose notes date from 1844 or 1845. Boyma (Baiame) is said to be seated far away in the north-east on an immense throne made of transparent crystal and standing in a great lake. He has a son, Grogoragally, equal with him in omniscience, who acts as mediator for the souls to the Great God. His office is to watch over the actions of mankind and to bring to life the dead to appear before the judgment-seat of his Father, who alone pronounces the judgment of eternal happiness in heaven or eternal misery in a hell of everlasting fire. Women and boys dying before the initiation, however, do not go to heaven; the men have a vague idea that another world is reserved for them. There is also a third person, half human, half divine, called Moodgeegally, who makes Boyma's will known to mankind and is the avowed enemy of all wicked people, transmitting their misdeeds to Grogoragally.[64]

[Footnote 45: Henderson, _Colonies of New South Wales_, p. 147. de Strzelecki, _New South Wales_, p. 339. Manning, 'Aborigines of New Holland,' in _Jour. and Proceed. Roy. Soc. N.S. Wales_, xvi. 157 _sqq._ Ridley, _Kámilarói_, p. 135 _sqq._ Cameron, 'Some Tribes of New South Wales,' in _Jour. Anthr. Inst._ xiv. 364 _sq._ Langloh Parker, _Euahlayi Tribe_, p. 4 _sqq._ Threlkeld, _An Australian Language as spoken by the Awabakal_, p. 47. Mathews, _Aboriginal Tribes of New South Wales and Victoria_, p. 138 _sqq._ Mathew, _Eagle-hawk and Crow_, p. 146 _sqq._ Fountain and Ward, _Rambles of an Australian Naturalist_, p. 296. _Missions-Blatt aus der Brüdergemeine_, xvi. 101, 143; Parker, _Aborigines of Australia_, p. 24; Dawson, _Australian Aborigines_, p. 49 (tribes in Victoria). Brough Smyth, _Aborigines of Victoria_, i. 423 _sqq._ Taplin, 'Narrinyeri,' in Woods, _Native Tribes of South Australia_, p. 55 _sqq._ Howitt, _Native Tribes of South-East Australia_, p. 489 _sqq._ Spencer and Gillen, _Northern Tribes of Central Australia_, p. 498 _sq._ (Kaitish). Strehlow, quoted by Thomas, 'Religious Ideas of the Arunta,' in _Folk-Lore_, xvi. 429 _sq._ _Idem_, quoted by von Leonhardi, 'Religiöse und totemistische Vorstellungen der Aranda und Loritja in Zentralaustralien,' in _Globus_, xci. 286 _sq._ Curr, _The Australian Race_, i. 253 (Larrak[=i]a); ii. 465, 475 (some Cape River natives). Lang, _Cooksland_, p. 459 _sq._; _Idem_, _Queensland_, p. 379 _sq._ Roth, _Ethnol. Studies among the North-West-Central Queensland Aborigines_, pp. 16, 153. 158. Salvado, _Mémoires historiques sur l'Australie_, p. 258 (natives of West Australia).]

[Footnote 46: When the natives of Cooksland, in North-Eastern Australia, rob a wild bees' hive they generally leave a little of the honey for Buddai, the supernatural ancestor of their race (Lang, _Cooksland_, p. 460; _Idem_, _Queensland_, p. 380). Mrs. Langloh Parker (_op. cit._ pp. 8, 9, 79, 89) was told that in the Euahlayi tribe prayers are addressed to Byamee at funerals for the souls of the dead, and that at some initiatory rites the oldest medicine-man present addresses a prayer to him asking him to give the people long life as they have kept his law; but they do not profess to pray or to have prayed to Byamee on any other occasions (_cf._ Manning, _loc. cit._ p. 164). The natives inhabiting the neighbourhood of Lake Boga in Victoria have to placate Pei-a-mei by dances (_Missions-Blatt aus der Brüdergemeine_, xvi. 143). Of the South-Eastern Australian Daramulun Mr. Howitt says (_op. cit._ p. 507 _sq._) that, although there is no worship of him, "the dances round the figure of clay and the invocating of his name by the medicine-men certainly might have led up to it."]

[Footnote 47: Manning, _loc. cit._ p. 165; Ridley, _op. cit._ pp. 141, 155; Langloh Parker, _op. cit._ p. 7 (Boyma, Baiame, Byamee). Howitt, _op. cit._ p. 495 (Daramulun). M'Kinlay, quoted _ibid._ p. 496. Mr. Threlkeld says (_op. cit._ p. 47) that Koin, an imaginary male being who has the appearance of a black, is supposed to precede the coming of the natives from distant parts when they assemble to celebrate certain of their ceremonies.]

[Footnote 48: Howitt, _op. cit._ p. 489 (Nurelli of the Wiimbaio). M'Kinlay, quoted _ibid._ p. 496.]

[Footnote 49: Taplin, in Woods, _op. cit._ p. 55.]

[Footnote 50: Langloh Parker, _op. cit._ p. 7 _sq._]

[Footnote 51: Howitt, _op. cit._ p. 491.]

[Footnote 52: _Ibid._ p. 495.]

[Footnote 53: Brough Smyth, _op. cit._ i. 423.]

[Footnote 54: Howitt, _op. cit._ p. 495.]

[Footnote 55: _Ibid._ p. 499.]

[Footnote 56: Howitt, _op. cit._ p. 498.]

[Footnote 57: Curr, _op. cit._ ii. 475.]

[Footnote 58: Parker, _Aborigines of Australia_, p. 24.]

[Footnote 59: Ridley, _op. cit._ p. 137.]

[Footnote 60: _Ibid._ p. 137.]

[Footnote 61: Cameron, in _Jour. Anthr. Inst._ xiv. 364 _sq._]

[Footnote 62: Günther, quoted by Thomas, in _Man_, 1905, p. 51.]

[Footnote 63: Ridley, _op. cit._ pp. 135, 136, 140. Langloh Parker, _op. cit._ p. 70.]

[Footnote 64: Manning, _loc. cit._ p. 159 _sqq._]

It seems probable that these statements represent a mixture of Christian ideas and genuine aboriginal beliefs. There is reason to believe that the Australian notion of an "All-father" is not in the first instance due to missionary influence;[65] we have records of it from a comparatively early date, it is spread over a wide area, it has been found among natives who live in a state of great isolation, and the multitude of different names by which the "All-father" is called in different tribes does not suggest a recent origin from a common source. He may very well be a mythical ancestor. Mr. Howitt observes that the master in the sky-country represents the Australian idea of a headman--"a man who is skilful in the use of weapons of offence and defence, all-powerful in magic, but generous and liberal to his people, who does no injury or violence to any one, yet treats with severity any breaches of custom or morality."[66] But he may also be a personification of supernatural force in general, or a being who has been invented to account for all kinds of marvellous phenomena. The word _altjira_, by which the Arunta call their great god, is apparently not a proper name; according to Kempe, it is applied to five gods, whose names he gives, as also to the sun, moon, and remarkable things generally.[67] And Mulkari, who figures in the beliefs of some Queensland tribes, is described not only as "a benevolent, omnipresent, supernatural being," but as "anything incomprehensible," as {674} the supernatural power who makes everything which the blacks cannot otherwise account for.[68] On the other hand, it is hardly possible to doubt that in various instances Christian conceptions have been infused into the aboriginal belief either by the natives themselves or by our informants.[69] Biblical traits are conspicuous in some of the legends. Bishop Salvado tells us that, according to West Australian beliefs, the Creator, Motogon, "employa ces paroles: 'Terre, parais dehors': et il souffla, et la terre fut créée. 'Eau, parais dehors'; et il souffla, et l'eau fut créée."[70] The believers in Nourelle give the following account of the origin of death:--The first created man and woman were told not to go near a certain tree in which a bat was living, as the bat was not to be disturbed. But one day the woman, while gathering firewood, went near the forbidden tree; the bat flew away and after that came death.[71] And the same natives also believe that Nourelle created a great serpent, to which he gave power over all created things.[72] So also the doctrine of a hell with everlasting fire has almost certainly a foreign origin; and in some other points the genuineness of the Australian theories of retribution is at least open to doubt, even though the function of a judge cannot be regarded as incompatible with the notion of a mythical headman in the sky. Messrs. Spencer and Gillen observe that it would be a very easy matter indeed to form, as the result of a general statement such as might be made by any individual native in reply to a question, a perfectly wrong impression with regard to the native's idea as to the existence of anything like a supreme being inculcating moral rules.[73] Of the Central Australian aborigines they say:--"Any such idea as that of a future life of happiness or the reverse, as a reward for meritorious or as a punishment for blameworthy conduct, is quite foreign to them. . . . We know of no tribe in which there is a belief of any kind in a supreme being who rewards or punishes the individual according to his moral behaviour, using the word moral in the native sense."[74] So far as the Arunta are concerned, this statement is confirmed by Mr. Strehlow. He writes that their god Altjira, who lives in the sky and shows himself to man in the lightning, is a {675} good god who never inflicts any punishments on human beings.[75]

[Footnote 65: See especially Howitt, _op. cit._ p. 504 _sqq._; Lang, _Magic and Religion_, p. 25 _sqq._; Thomas, in _Man_, p. 50 _sqq._; von Leonhardi, in _Globus_, xci. 287.]

[Footnote 66: Howitt, _op. cit._ p. 507. See also _ibid._ p. 501.]

[Footnote 67: Thomas, in _Folk-Lore_, xvi. 431.]

[Footnote 68: Roth, _op. cit._ pp. 36, 153.]

[Footnote 69: Mr. J. D. Lang (_Queensland_, p. 379 _sq._; _Cooksland_, p. 459 _sq._) even suspects Asiatic influence in the case of Buddai, or Budjah, the mythical ancestor of certain Queensland aborigines. Not only does his name remind of Buddha, but a story told of him is remarkably similar to an Eastern legend.]

[Footnote 70: Salvado, _op. cit._ p. 258.]

[Footnote 71: Brough Smyth, _op. cit._ i. 428.]

[Footnote 72: _Ibid._ i. 423.]

[Footnote 73: Spencer and Gillen, _Northern Tribes of Central Australia_, p. 492 _sqq._]

[Footnote 74: _Ibid._ p. 491.]

[Footnote 75: Strehlow, quoted by Thomas, in _Folk-Lore_, xvi. 429 _sq._ _Idem_, quoted by von Leonhardi, in _Globus_, xci. 287.]

From various Polynesian and Melanesian islands we hear of a supreme being--called Io by the Maoris,[76] Tangaroa by the Samoans,[77] Taaroa by the Society Islanders,[78] and so forth[79]--who has made everything, but who is too remote and indistinct to be an object of worship and takes no interest in the morals of men. In some instances at least he seems to be a very shadowy deification of the forces of nature. Thus Io is described as "the great originator, the All-Father, who pervades space, has no residence, and cannot be localised"; and the conception of Tangaroa is equally abstract.[80] Mr. Guppy learned that the natives of Treasury Island and the Shortlands, in the Solomon Group, believe in a Good Spirit who lives in a pleasant land, whither all men who have led good lives go after death; whereas all bad people are transported to the crater of Bagana, the burning volcano of Bougainville, which is the home of the Evil Spirit and his companion spirits.[81] But this belief savours too much of a Christian hell to be accepted as genuine without further evidence.

[Footnote 76: Gudgeon, 'Maori Religion,' in _Jour. Polynesian Soc._ xiv. 108 _sq._]

[Footnote 77: _Ibid._ p. 108 _sq._]

[Footnote 78: Ellis, _Polynesian Researches_, i. 323 _sqq._]

[Footnote 79: Tylor, _op. cit._ ii. 344 _sqq._ Hoffmann, _La notion de l'Être suprême chez les peuples non civilisés_, p. 70 _sqq._]

[Footnote 80: Gudgeon, in _Jour. Polynesian Soc._ xiv. 108.]

[Footnote 81: Guppy, _Solomon Islands_, p. 53.]

The Sea Dyaks of Borneo have a great good god called Batara, or Petara, who created the world and rules over it, and is the cause of every blessing. He is not susceptible to human influence, and therefore receives no worship. But he approves of industry, honesty, purity of speech, and skill in word and work. He punishes theft, injustice, disrespect for old persons, and adultery; and immorality among the unmarried is supposed to bring a plague of rain upon the earth as a punishment inflicted by Petara. In general, says Mr. Perham, he is against man's sin; but over and above moral offences many sins have been invented which are simply the infringement of _pemate_, or _tabu_.[82] Like many other great gods of savages, Petara is lacking in individuality. He is at all events not now supposed to be one supreme god, but the general belief is that there are many Petaras--in fact as many Petaras as men. Each man, the people say, has his own peculiar Petara, his own tutelary deity, and if a {676} person is miserable it is because his Petara is miserable.[83] This account, however, loses much of its interest when we find that the name Batara or Petara has obviously been borrowed from Sanscrit, where the word _bha[t.][t.]âra_ means "lord" or "master."[84] The great gods of some other peoples in the Malay Archipelago, again, have names which are derived from Arabic--Lahatala, Latala, or Hatalla, from _Allah ta[(]âla_. Hence when the Alfura of Bura are heard to say that their highest god, Opo-geba-snulat or Lahatala, writes down in a book the actions of men so as to be able to reward the virtuous and punish the wicked as they deserve, there is every reason to think of influence from Muhammedanism.[85]

[Footnote 82: Perham, 'Petara,' in _Jour. Straits Branch Roy. Asiatic Soc._ no. 8, p. 149 _sq._ St. John, _Life in the Forests of the Far East_, i. 69 _sq._ Selenka, _op. cit._ p. 97 _sqq._]

[Footnote 83: Perham, in _Jour. Straits Branch Roy. Asiatic Soc._ no. 8, p. 134 _sq._]

[Footnote 84: _Ibid._ p. 133. Wilken, _Het Animisme_, p. 162.]

[Footnote 85: Wilken, _op. cit._ pp. 162, 240 _sq._]

The Andaman Islanders are reported to believe in a supreme being, P[=u]luga, who was never born and is immortal, who has created the world and all its objects, who is omniscient when it is day, knowing even the thoughts of their hearts. Whilst pitiful to those in distress, he is angered by the commission of certain sins--falsehood, theft, grave assault, murder, adultery, and burning wax. He is the judge from whom each soul receives its sentence after death. The "spirits" of the departed are sent by him to a place comprising the whole area under the earth, to await the resurrection. The "souls" of the departed, again, pass either into paradise or to another place which might be described as purgatory, a place of punishment for those who have been guilty of heinous sins, such as murder. At the resurrection the soul (from which evil emanates) and the spirit (from which all good emanates) will be reunited and will henceforth live permanently on the new earth, since the souls of the wicked will then have been reformed by the punishments inflicted on them during their residence in the "purgatory."[86] Mr. Man, who has given us this account, thinks it is extremely improbable that the legends about P[=u]luga, about the powers of good and evil, and about a world beyond the grave, are the result of the teaching of missionaries or others.[87] But his assumption that they are indigenous seems hardly justified by the very scanty knowledge we possess of the past history of these islanders. Considering their low state of culture, the metaphysical subtlety in some of the notions recorded by Mr. Man would certainly be more astonishing if India were not so near.

[Footnote 86: Man, 'Aboriginal Inhabitants of the Andaman Islands,' in _Jour. Anthr. Inst._ xii. 112, 157, 158, 161 _sq._]

[Footnote 87: _Ibid._ p. 156.]

{677}Among the Karens of Burma the belief is held that Hades has a king or judge who stands at the door to admit or reject those who apply for admission into his kingdom. He decides the future of each. Those who have performed meritorious works are sent to the regions of happiness above; those who have done wickedness, such as striking father or mother, are delivered over to the king of hell who is in waiting; whilst those who have neither performed deeds of merit nor are guilty of great crimes are allotted a place in Hades.[88] At the same time the Karens' ideas of a future state are described as confused, indefinite, and contradictory. Mr. Mason writes:--"They seem to be a melee of different systems. That which appears to me indigenous Karen . . . represents the future world as a counterpart of this, located under the earth, where the inhabitants are employed precisely as they are here."[89] The Pahárias of the Rájmahal Hills believe that the souls of those who have been disobedient to the commands of Bedo Gosain will be condemned either to inhabit some portion of the vegetable kingdom for a certain number of years, or to be cast into a pit of fire, where the offender will suffer eternal punishment or be regenerated in the shape of a dog or a cat. Those who have led a good life, on the other hand, will be rewarded, first by enjoying a short but happy residence with Bedo Gosain in heaven, and subsequently by being born a second time on earth of women and being exalted to posts of great honour, as also by possessing an abundance of worldly goods.[90] In these notions our chief informant, Lieutenant Shaw, sees traces of Hinduism.[91] Lack of detailed information makes it impossible to decide whether the belief in a creator and heavenly judge which has been found in some other uncivilised tribes in India might be traced to a similar influence. The Munda Kols in Central Bengal maintain that the good and almighty Singbonga, who lives in the sky and is connected with the sun, has made everything. Being so far away he occupies himself very little with earthly matters, and is only in exceptional cases an object of worship; but he sees everything which happens, and is said to punish theft and insincerity.[92] So also the Kukis recognise a benevolent and all-powerful god {678} and creator, called Puthén, who is the judge of all mortals and awards punishments to the wicked both in this world and in the next.[93]

[Footnote 88: Mason, in _Jour. Asiatic Soc. Bengal_, xxxiv. 196.]

[Footnote 89: _Ibid._ p. 195.]

[Footnote 90: Shaw, 'Inhabitants of the Hills near Rájamahall,' in _Asiatick Researches_, iv. 48 _sqq._ Sherwill, 'Tour through the Rájmahal Hills,' in _Jour. Asiatic Soc. Bengal_, xx. 556.]

[Footnote 91: Shaw, in _Asiatick Researches_, iv. 46.]

[Footnote 92: Jellinghaus, 'Sagen, Sitten und Gebräuche der Munda-Kolhs in Chota Nagpore,' in _Zeitschr. f. Ethnologie_, iii. 330 _sq._]

[Footnote 93: Stewart, 'Northern Cachar,' in _Jour. Asiatic Soc. Bengal_, xxiv. 628.]

The Ainu of Japan believe in a great god or creator who bestows blessings upon the good and visits the bad with disease, unless they repent. They also say that good people go after death to the "island of the Great Spirit," or to the "kingdom of God," to lead a happy life; whereas bad people go to the "bad island," or to the "wet underground world," in which they suffer discomfort or, according to some, are burned in everlasting fires.[94] Of the pagan Samoyedes we are told that they regard the great Num as the creator of the universe, as an all-powerful and omniscient being, who protects the innocent, rewards the virtuous, and punishes the wicked.[95] But the primitive Num, who was simply the sky, was too far removed from the nomads who wandered across the frozen plain, to interfere to prevent catastrophe or accomplish their well-being; and in the provident actions and overseeing which some of the Samoyedes now ascribe to him, "we can clearly enough trace the influence of the missionary and the suggestion of the Christian faith."[96]

[Footnote 94: von Siebold, _Die Aino auf der Insel Yesso_, p. 24. Batchelor, _Ainu of Japan_, pp. 199, 235 _sqq._ Howard, _Life with Trans-Siberian Savages_, p. 193.]

[Footnote 95: Castrén, _op. cit._ iii. 14.]

[Footnote 96: Jackson, in _Jour. Anthr. Inst._ xxiv. 398. See also Castrén, _op. cit._ iii. 14-16, 182 _sqq._]

Dr. Rink asserts that the Greenlanders considered Tornarsuk as the supreme being on whom they were dependent for any supernatural aid, and in whose abodes in the depth of the earth all such persons as had striven and suffered for the benefit of their fellow men should find a happy existence after death.[97] Dr. Nansen, however, is of opinion that Tornarsuk owes a great deal to missionary influence.[98] That he was not so superior a being as is commonly stated is evident from Captain Holm's description of the Angmagsaliks in Eastern Greenland, where he is represented as a monster living in the sea, of about the same length as a big seal, but thicker.[99] And to judge from Egede's description dating from the earlier part of the eighteenth century, Tornarsuk's notions of justice, if he had any, must in olden times have been very limited, as he took to his subterranean paradise only women that died in labour and men that perished at sea.[100]

[Footnote 97: Rink, _Greenland_, p. 141.]

[Footnote 98: Nansen, _Eskimo Life_, p. 242.]

[Footnote 99: Holm, 'Ethnologisk Skizze af Angmagsalikerne,' in _Meddelelser om Grönland_, x. 115.]

[Footnote 100: Egede, _Description of Greenland_, p. 197.]

{679} The "Great Spirit" so often referred to in accounts of North American Indians, is described as a being too elevated and remote to take much interest in the destinies and actions of men and too benevolent by nature to require propitiation or worship. Schoolcraft asserts that in their oral traditions there is no attempt "to make man accountable to him, here or hereafter, for aberrations from virtue, good will, truth, or any form of moral right. With benevolence and pity as prime attributes the Great Transcendental Spirit of the Indian does not take upon himself a righteous administration of the world's affairs, but, on the contrary, leaves it to be filled, and its affairs, in reality, governed, by demons and fiends in human form."[101] Yet there are instances in which he is represented in a different light. The most essential moral precepts of the Iroquois "were taught as the will of the Great Spirit, and obedience to their requirements as acceptable in his sight";[102] but whilst highly gratified with their virtues, he detested their vices, and punished them for their bad conduct not only in this world but in a future state of existence.[103] The Potawatomis considered that rape was visited by the anger of the Great Spirit.[104] Ti-ra'-wa, the supreme being of the Pawnees, applauds valour, abhors theft, and punishes the wicked by annihilation, whilst the good dwell with him in his heavenly home.[105] The Indians of Alabama told Bossu that those who behave themselves foolishly and disregard the supreme being will after death go to a barren land full of thorns and briars, with no hunting and no wives, whereas those who neither rob nor kill nor take other men's wives will occupy a very fertile country and live there a happy life.[106] Keating states that, according to the beliefs of the Dacotahs, men go to the residence of the Great Spirit if they have been good and peaceable, or if they died by the hand of their enemy, but that their souls are doomed to the residence of the Evil Spirit if they perish in a broil with their own countrymen.[107] This statement, however, is not supported by other authorities. Prescott writes of the same Indians:--"They have very little notion of punishment for crime hereafter in eternity: indeed, they know very little about whether the Great Spirit has anything to do with their affairs, present or future."[108] {680} And among the Omaha and Ponka, who are branches of the same people, the old men used to say to their fellow tribesmen, "If you are good, you will go to the good ghosts; if you are bad you will go to the bad ghosts." But nothing was ever said of going to dwell with Wakanda, or with demons.[109] As regards the origin of the North American notion of the Great Spirit different opinions have been expressed. On the one hand we are told that it is essentially only "the Indian's conception of the white man's god," which belongs not to the untutored but to the tutored mind of the savage.[110] On the other hand it is argued that the belief in the Great Spirit must be a native product, since it is reported to have occurred already before the arrival of the earliest Jesuit missionaries.[111] Unfortunately, however, we cannot be sure that our informants have accurately interpreted the beliefs of the Indians. Mr. Dorsey has pointed out that a fruitful source of error has been a misunderstanding of their terms and phrases.[112] The Dacotah word _wakanda_, which has been rendered into "Great Spirit," simply means "mystery," or "mysterious," and signifies rather a quality than a definite entity. Among many tribes the sun is wakanda, among the same tribes the moon is wakanda, and so are thunder, lightning, the stars, the winds, as also various animals, trees, and inanimate objects or places of a striking character; even a man, especially a medicine-man, may be considered wakanda.[113] So, too, the Menomini term _mashä' ma' nid[=o]_, or "great unknown," is not to be understood as implying a belief in one supreme being; there are several manidos, each supreme in his own realm, as well as many lesser mysteries, or deities, or spirits.[114] Mr. Dorsey also observes that in many cases Indians have been quick to adopt the phrases of civilisation in communicating with white people, whilst in speaking to one another they use their own terms.[115] At the same time it seems to me that if the notion of a Great Spirit had altogether a Christian origin we might expect to find an idea of moral retribution more commonly associated with it than the {681} statements imply. It may be that among the North American Indians also, as among some other peoples, a vague conception of something like a supreme being has arisen through a personification of the mysteries in nature.[116] But if this be the case the interest which the Great Spirit in rare instances takes in human conduct may all the same be due to missionary influence. It is certainly not an original characteristic of his nature. Among the Iroquois and Pawnees, who attribute to their great god the function of a moral judge, he also receives offerings--[117] a circumstance which indicates that he cannot be regarded as a typical representative of his class.

[Footnote 101: Schoolcraft, _op. cit._ i. 35.]

[Footnote 102: Morgan, _League of the Iroquois_, p. 172.]

[Footnote 103: Seaver, _Narrative of the Life of Mrs. Jemison_, p. 155.]

[Footnote 104: Keating, _Expedition to the Source of St. Peter's River_, i. 127.]

[Footnote 105: Grinnell, _Pawnee Hero Stories_, p. 355. Lang, _Making of Religion_, p. 257.]

[Footnote 106: Bossu, _Travels through Louisiana_, i. 256 _sq._]

[Footnote 107: Keating, _op. cit._ i. 393 _sq._]

[Footnote 108: Schoolcraft, _op. cit._ ii. 195. _Cf._ _ibid._ iii. 229.]

[Footnote 109: Dorsey, 'Siouan Cults,' in _Ann. Rep. Bur. Ethn._ xi. 419.]

[Footnote 110: Smith, 'Myths of the Iroquois,' in _Ann. Rep. Bur. Ethn._ ii. 112. Tylor, 'Limits of Savage Religion,' in _Jour. Anthr. Inst._ xxi. 284. Boyle, 'Paganism of the Civilised Iroquois,' _ibid._ xxx. 266.]

[Footnote 111: Lang, _Making of Religion_, p. 251 _sqq._ _Idem_, _Magic and Religion_, p. 19 _sqq._ Hoffmann, _op. cit._ p. 86 _sq._]

[Footnote 112: Dorsey, in _Ann. Rep. Bur. Ethn._ xi. 365 _sq._]

[Footnote 113: _Ibid._ p. 366. McGee, in _Ann. Rep. Bur. Ethn._ xv. 181 _sqq._ _Cf._ James, _Expedition to the Rocky Mountains_, i. 268; Tylor, _op. cit._ ii. 343.]

[Footnote 114: Hoffman, 'Menomini Indians,' in _Ann. Rep. Bur. Ethn._ xiv. 39, n. 1. _Cf._ Parkman, _Jesuits in North America_, p. lxxix.]

[Footnote 115: Dorsey, in _Ann. Rep. Bur. Ethn._ xi. 365. See also Smith, _ibid._ ii. 112.]

[Footnote 116: The Great Spirit is represented by Schoolcraft (_op. cit._ i. 15) as a "Soul of the Universe which inhabits and animates every thing," and is supposed to exist under every possible form in the world, animate and inanimate. Of Ti-ra'-wa it is said that he "is in and of everything" (_supra_, i. 448).]

[Footnote 117: Seaver, _op. cit._ p. 155. _Supra_ i. 448.]

In South America, too, several tribes have been found to believe in a benevolent Great Spirit, who is indifferent to men's behaviour and is not worshipped by them.[118] Of the Passés, however, we are told by a Portuguese official who travelled in Brazil in 1774-75 that they have the idea of a creator who rewards good people by allowing their souls to stay with him and punishes the wicked by turning their souls into evil spirits.[119] But according to Mr. Bates "these notions are so far in advance of the ideas of all other tribes of Indians . . . that we must suppose them to have been derived by the docile Passés from some early missionary or traveller."[120] Of the Fuegians, again, Admiral Fitzroy writes:--"A great black man is supposed to be always wandering about the woods and mountains, who is certain of knowing every word and every action; who cannot be escaped, and who influences the weather according to men's conduct." Of this influence our informant gives the following instance. A native related a story of his brother who once killed a man--one of those very wild men who wander about in the woods supporting themselves by theft--because he stole from him a bird. Afterwards he was very sorry for what he had done, particularly when it began to blow hard. In telling the story, the brother said:--"Rain come down--snow come down--hail come down--wind blow--blow--very much blow. Very bad to kill man. Big man in woods no like it, he very angry." The same native also reproached the surgeon {682} of the Beagle for shooting some young ducks with the old bird:--"Very bad to shoot little duck--come wind--come rain--blow--very much blow."[121] In the latter case, however, no mention was made of the black man in the woods. From Admiral Fitzroy's account Mr. Andrew Lang draws the conclusion that the Fuegians have evolved the idea of a high deity, an ethical judge, who "makes for righteousness," who searches the heart, who almost literally "marks the sparrow's fall," and whose morality is so much above the ordinary savage standard that he regards the slaying of a stranger and an enemy, caught redhanded in robbery, as a sin.[122] This statement may serve as a specimen of the spirit in which its author deals with the subject of supreme beings in savage beliefs. There is after all some difference between a high moral god and a mythical weather doctor who lives in the woods and sends bad weather if a wild man, who also lives in the woods, is killed. Mr. Bridges, our most trustworthy authority on the Fuegians, says nothing of the black man, but states that nearly all the old men among the Fuegians are medicine-men, and that these wizards make frequent incantations in which they seem to address themselves to a mysterious being called Aïapakal. And they also believe in another spirit, named Hoakils, from whom they pretend to obtain a supernatural power over life and death.[123]

[Footnote 118: Bernau, _Missionary Labours in British Guiana_, p. 49. Hoffmann, _op. cit._ p. 90 _sqq._]

[Footnote 119: Ribeiro de Sampaio, _Diario da viagem_, p. 79.]

[Footnote 120: Bates, _The Naturalist on the River Amazons_, ii. 244. _Cf._ _ibid._ ii. 162; Dobrizhofter, _Account of the Abipones_, ii. 57 _sq._; Müller, _Geschichte der Amerikanischen Urreligionen_, p. 289.]

[Footnote 121: King and Fitzroy, _Voyages of the "Adventure" and "Beagle,"_ ii. 180.]

[Footnote 122: Lang, _Making of Religion_, pp. 188, 198. The same description of the Fuegian black man is repeated by M. Hoffmann (_op. cit._ p. 40).]

[Footnote 123: Bridges, quoted by Hyades and Deniker, _Mission scientifique du Cap Horn_, vii. 256.]

The South African Bushmans, another very backward people, are likewise represented by Mr. Lang and M. Hoffmann as believers in a supreme being.[124] A native said to Mr. Orpen that Cagn made all things, and that the people prayed to him:--"O Cagn! O Cagn! are we not your children, do you not see our hunger? Give us food." And he gave them what they asked for both hands full. But although he was at first very good and nice, he afterwards "got spoilt through fighting so many things."[125] However, according to another statement, made by a person who from childhood had much intercourse with Bushmans and knew their language, they did not believe in a God or the great father of men, but in a devil who made everything with his left hand.[126] The Hottentots spoke of Tsui-goab as "the giver of all blessings, the Father on high, All-father, the {683} avenger, who fought daily the battle for his people." They thus identified him with the ancestor of the tribe, but Tsui-goab was also the name by which they called the Infinite.[127] Among the pagans of Africa there is, in fact, a very widespread belief in a benevolent supreme deity, a creator or maker of things, who lives in or above the sky, who generally takes no concern whatever in the affairs of mankind, who mostly receives no worship, and is, as a rule, totally indifferent to good or evil.[128] In some rare instances only he is described as a judge of human conduct. Thus some of the Bechuanas believe that a being who is vaguely called by the name of Lord and Master of things, Mongalinto, punishes thieves by striking them with the lightning.[129] According to an old writer, Father Santos, the natives of Sofala in South-Eastern Africa acknowledge a god, called Molungo, "who both in this and the world to come they fancy measures retribution for the good and evil done in this." They believe in the existence of twenty-seven paradises, where everyone enjoys a pleasure proportionate to the merits of his life; while those who have passed their lives in wickedness are supposed to be condemned to a privation from the sight of the holy presence of Molungo, and to suffer torments in one of the thirteen hells they assume to exist, each according to the evil he has done.[130] The Baluba, a Bantu people of Equatorial Africa, have the notion of a creator, named Fidi-Mukullu, who punishes the souls of the wicked before they are reborn on earth, whereas the good return to life again, in the shape of chiefs or other important persons, immediately after they have died.[131] The Awemba, {684} another Bantu people, who inhabit the stretch of country lying between Lake Tanganyika and Lake Bangweolo, acknowledge a supreme being, Leza, who "is the Judge of the dead, and condemns thieves, adulterers and murderers to the state of Vibanda, or Viwa (evil spirits), exalting the good to the rank of _mipashi_, or benevolent spirits."[132] Other natives in the neighbourhood of Lake Tanganyika recognise a creator called Kabesa, who lives in the sky and admits to his abode the souls of good people after death, but turns away the souls of the wicked.[133] The Akikuyu of British East Africa recognise three gods all of whom are called Ngai. One of them, however, is considered the supreme deity. "If a man is good this Ngai can give him much property. If he does wrong the same power can strike him down with disease and cause his livestock to dwindle away. . . . The sudden death of a man, for instance by lightning, is ascribed to some evil act of his life being punished by Ngai."[134] Proyart tells us that the Negroes of Loango believed in a supreme being, Zambi, who had created all that is good in the world, who was himself good and loved justice in others, and who severely punished fraud and perjury.[135] It is of course impossible to say exactly how far the statements referring to African supreme beings represent unadulterated native beliefs. In criticising Kolb's account of the supreme and perfect god of the Hottentots, Bishop Callaway observes, "Nothing is more easy than to enquire of heathen savages the character of their creed, and during the conversation to impart to them . . . ideas which they never heard before, and presently to have these come back again as articles of their own original faith, when in reality they are but the echoes of one's own thoughts."[136] With reference to the West African native Miss Kingsley likewise remarks that he has a wonderful power of assimilating foreign forms of belief, and that when he once has got hold of a new idea it remains in his mind long after the missionaries who put it there have passed away.[137] And besides the teaching of missionaries there are in Africa several factors which for centuries have tended to introduce foreign conceptions, namely, intercourse with European settlers, the operations of the slave trade, and the influence of Muhammedanism.[138] But at the same {685} time it seems exceedingly probable that the African belief in a supreme being has a native substratum. In many cases he is apparently the heaven god;[139] but he may also be a mythical ancestor, as the Hottentot god Tsui-goab and the Zulu god Unkulunkulu; or a personification of the supernatural, as is suggested by such names as the Masai Ng[)a]i, the Monbuttu Kilima, and the Malagasy Andriamanitra;[140] or the assumed cause of anything which particularly fills the savage mind with wonder or awe. Among the natives of Northern Guinea, according to Mr. Wilson, "every thing which transpires in the natural world beyond the power of man, or of spirits, who are supposed to occupy a place somewhat higher than man, is at once and spontaneously ascribed to the agency of God."[141] Nay, for reasons which will be stated immediately, I am even of opinion that the function of a moral judge, occasionally attributed to the great god of African pagans, has in some instances an independent origin.

[Footnote 124: Lang, _Making of Religion_, p. 210. Hoffmann, _op. cit._ p. 40 _sq._]

[Footnote 125: Orpen, 'Glimpse into the Mythology of the Maluti Bushmen,' in _The Cape Monthly Magazine_, N.S. ix. 2.]

[Footnote 126: Campbell, _Second Journey in the Interior of South Africa_, i. 29.]

[Footnote 127: Hahn, _The Supreme Being of the Khoi-Khoi_, pp. 122, 126 _sq._]

[Footnote 128: Livingstone, _Missionary Travels_, p. 641 (tribes of the Zambesi). Rattray, _Stories and Songs in Chinyanja_, p. 198 (natives of Central Angoniland). Stigand, 'Natives of Nyassaland,' in _Jour. Roy. Anthr. Inst._ xxxvii. 130. Roscoe, 'Bahima,' _ibid._ xxxvii. 108 _sq._ Wilson and Felkin, _Uganda_, i. 206. Beltrame, _Il Fiume Bianco e i Dénka_, pp. 191, 192, 276 _sq._ Kingsley, 'Fetish View of the Human Soul,' in _Folk-Lore_, viii. 142 _sq._; _Idem_, _Travels in West Africa_, pp. 442, 508. Parkinson, 'Asaba People of the Niger,' in _Jour. Anthr. Inst._ xxxvi. 312. Bosman, _Description of the Coast of Guinea_, pp. 121 _sq._ (Gold Coast natives), 348 (Slave Coast natives). Cruickshank, _Eighteen Years on the Gold Coast_, ii. 126 _sq._ Ellis, _Tshi-speaking Peoples of the Gold Coast_, p. 26 _sqq._ _Idem_, _E[(w]e-speaking Peoples of the Slave Coast_, p. 33 _sq._ Winterbottom, _Native Africans in the Neighbourhood of Sierra Leone_, i. 222. Wilson, _Western Africa_, p. 209 (natives of Northern Guinea). Rowley, _Religion of the Africans_, pp. 15, 16, 54. Tylor, _op. cit._ ii. 347 _sqq._ Lang, _Making of Religion_, p. 230 _sqq._ Hoffmann, _op. cit._ p. 45 _sqq._]

[Footnote 129: Arbousset and Daumas, _Exploratory Tour to the North-East of the Colony of Good Hope_, p. 322 _sq._]

[Footnote 130: Santos, 'History of Eastern Ethiopia,' in Pinkerton, _Collection of Voyages and Travels_, xvi. 687.]

[Footnote 131: Wissmann, Wolf, &c., _Im Innern Afrikas_, p. 158. Wissmann, _Quer durch Afrika_, p. 379.]

[Footnote 132: Sheane, 'Awemba Religion,' in _Jour. Anthr. Inst._ xxxvi. 150 _sq._ ]

[Footnote 133: Schneider, _Die Religion der afrikanischen Naturvölker_, p. 84.]

[Footnote 134: Tate, 'Kikuyu Tribe,' in _Jour. Anthr. Inst._ xxxiv. 263.]

[Footnote 135: Proyart, 'History of Loango,' in Pinkerton, _Collection of Voyages and Travels_, xvi. 594.]

[Footnote 136: Callaway, _Religious System of the Amazulu_, p. 105 _sq._]

[Footnote 137: Kingsley, in _Folk-Lore_, viii. 150.]

[Footnote 138: _Cf._ Rowley, _Religion of the Africans_, pp. 28, 90; Wilson, _Western Africa_, p. 229 _sq._; Cruickshank, _op. cit._ ii. 126.]

[Footnote 139: See Tylor, _op. cit._ ii. 347 _sqq._]

[Footnote 140: See _supra_, ii. 586 _sq._]

[Footnote 141: Wilson, _op. cit._ p. 209. See also Livingstone, _Expedition to the Zambesi_, p. 521 _sq._, quoted _supra_, ii. 594.]

Generally speaking, then, it seems that the All-father, supreme being, or high god of savage belief may be traced to several different sources. When not a "loan-god" of foreign extraction, he may be a mythical ancestor or headman; or a deification of the sky or some large and remote object of nature, like the sun; or a personification or personified cause of the mysteries or forces of nature. The argument that the belief in such a being is "irreducible" because it prevails among savages who worship neither ancestors nor nature,[142] can carry no weight in consideration of the fact that he himself, as a general rule, is no object of worship. In various instances we have reason to suppose that even though the notion of a supreme being is fundamentally of native origin, foreign conceptions have been engrafted upon it; and to these belongs in particular the idea of a heavenly judge who in the after-life punishes the wicked and rewards the good. But we are not entitled to assume that the idea of moral retribution as a function of the great god has in every case been adopted {686} from people of a higher culture. A mythical ancestor or headman may of his own accord approve of virtue and disapprove of vice; and, besides, justice readily becomes the attribute of a god who is habitually appealed to in curses or oaths. That the supreme being of savages is thus invoked, is in some cases directly stated by our authorities. In making solemn treatises, the Hurons called on Oki, the heaven god.[143] The Negroes of Loango, who believed that Zambi, the supreme being, punished fraud and perjury, took his name in testimony of the truth.[144] Among the Awemba the supreme god Leza, who is believed to reward the good and to punish thieves, adulterers, and murderers, is invoked both in blessings and curses, the injured man praying that Leza will send a lion to devour the evildoer.[145] In the E[(w]e-speaking Ho tribe on the Slave Coast the great god Mawu, who is said to inflict punishment on the wicked, is frequently appealed to in law-cases, by the judge as well as by the plaintiff and the accused.[146] In Northern Guinea the name of the supreme being is solemnly called on three times at the ratification of an important treaty, or when a person is condemned to undergo the "red-water ordeal."[147] Of the Mpongwe we are told that "when a covenant is about to be formed among the different tribes, Mwetyi [the supreme being] is always invoked as a witness, and is commissioned with the duty of visiting vengeance upon the party who shall violate the engagement. Without this their national treaties would have little or no force. When a law is passed which the people wish to be especially binding, they invoke the vengeance of Mwetyi upon every transgressor, and this, as a general thing, is ample guarantee for its observance."[148] Among the East African Wakamba, when the supposed criminal is to undergo the ordeal of the hatchet, a magician makes him repeat the following words:--"If I have stolen the property of so and so, or committed this crime, let {687} Mulungu respond for me; but if I have not stolen, nor done this wickedness, may he save me." The magician then passes the red-hot iron four times over the flat hand of the accused; and the people believe that if he is guilty, his hand will be burned, but that, if innocent, he will suffer no injury.[149] Among the Masai a person who is accused of cattle-lifting and on that account subjected to the ordeal of drinking a mixture of blood and milk, has first to swear, "O God, I drink this blood, if I have stolen the cattle this blood will kill me." Should he not die within a fortnight he is considered innocent.[150] The Madi of Central Africa have various means of trial by ordeal, through which it is believed that the guilt of a suspected individual can be detected; and "before any of these trials the men look up and solemnly invoke some invisible being to punish him if guilty, or help him if innocent."[151] Of the natives of the Zambesi, all of whom have an idea of a supreme being, Livingstone states that, when undergoing an ordeal, "they hold up their hands to the Ruler of Heaven, as if appealing to him to assert their innocence."[152]

[Footnote 142: Lang, _Magic and Religion_, p. 42. Hoffmann, _op. cit._ pp. 122, 126, 131.]

[Footnote 143: Tylor, _op. cit._ ii. 342.]

[Footnote 144: Proyart, _loc. cit._ p. 594.]

[Footnote 145: Sheane, in _Jour. Anthr. Inst._ xxxvi. 151.]

[Footnote 146: Spieth, _Die E[(w]e-Stämme_, p. 415.]

[Footnote 147: Wilson, _Western Africa_, p. 210.]

[Footnote 148: _Ibid._ p. 392.]

[Footnote 149: Krapf, _Travels in Eastern Africa_, p. 173.]

[Footnote 150: Marker, _Die Masai_, p. 211.]

[Footnote 151: Felkin, 'Notes on the Madi,' in _Proceed. Roy. Soc. Edinburgh_, xii. 334.]

[Footnote 152: Livingstone, _Missionary Travels_, p. 641 _sq._]

It has often been said that the oath and ordeal involve a belief in the gods as vindicators of truth and justice, that they are "appeals to the moral nature of the Divinity."[153] If this were true, moral retribution would certainly be an exceedingly common function of savage gods. But, as we have noticed before,[154] the efficacy ascribed to an oath is originally of a magic character, and if it contains an appeal to a god he is, according to primitive notions, a mere tool in the hand of the person invoking him. So also the ordeal is essentially a magical ceremony. In many cases at least, it contains a curse or an oath which has reference to the guilt or innocence of a suspected person, and the {688} proper object of the ordeal is then to give reality to the imprecation for the purpose of establishing the validity or invalidity of the suspicion.

[Footnote 153: Tiele, _Elements of the Science of Religion_, i. 86. Réville, _Les religions des peuples non-civilisés_, i. 103. Brinton, _Religions of Primitive Peoples_, p. 225. Schneider, _Religion der afrikanischen Naturvölker_, p. 255. Hodgson, _Miscellaneous Essays_, i. 126. Dahn, _Bausteine_, ii. 21, 24. Gummere, _Germanic Origins_, p. 183.]

[Footnote 154: _Supra_, ii. 118 _sqq._]

Thus in West Africa the common ordeal which consists in drinking a certain draught or "eating the fetish" is regularly accompanied by an oath or a curse.[155] In the Calabar the accused person, before swallowing the ju-ju drink _mbiam_, which is made of filth and blood, recites an oath beginning with the words, "If I have been guilty of this crime," and ending with the words, "Then, Mbiam, Thou deal with me!" And whenever this ordeal is used the greatest care is taken that the oath shall be recited in full.[156] Of the Negroes of the Gold Coast Bosman states that "if any person is suspected of thievery, and the indictment is not clearly made out, he is obliged to clear himself by drinking the oath-draught, and to use the imprecation, that the Fetiche may kill him if he be guilty of thievery."[157] In Ashantee, "when any one denies a theft, an aggry bead is placed in a small vessel, with some water, the person holding it puts his right foot against the right foot of the accused, who invokes the power of the bead to kill him if he is guilty, and then takes it into his mouth with a little of the water."[158] Among the Negroes of Northern Guinea, in the case of the "red-water ordeal," the accused "invokes the name of God three times, and imprecates his wrath in case he is guilty of the particular crime laid to his charge." He then steps forward and drinks freely of the "red water"--that is, a decoction made from the inner bark of a tree of the mimosa family. If it nauseates and makes him vomit freely, he is at once pronounced innocent, whereas, if it causes vertigo and he loses self-control, it is regarded as evidence of guilt.[159] According to an old account, the Negroes of Sierra Leone have a "water of cursing," boiled of barks and herbs. The witch-doctor puts his divining-staff into the pot and drops or presses the water out of it upon the arm or leg of the suspected person, muttering over it these words:--"Is he guilty of this, or hath he done this or that; if yea, then let it scald or burn him, till the very skin come off." If the person remains unhurt they hold him innocent, and proceed to {689} the trial of another, till the guilty is discovered.[160] Among the Wadshagga of Eastern Africa the medicine-man gives to the accused a poisonous draught with the words, "If you fall down, you have committed the crime and told a lie, if you remain standing we recognise that you have spoken the truth."[161]

[Footnote 155: See, besides the references below, Monrad, _Skildring af Guinea-Kysten_, p. 35 _sq._ (Negroes of Accra); Beecham, _Ashantee_, p. 215 _sqq._; Ratzel, _op. cit._ iii. 130.]

[Footnote 156: Kingsley, _Travels in West Africa_, p. 465.]

[Footnote 157: Bosman, _op. cit._ p. 125.]

[Footnote 158: Bowdich, _Mission to Ashantee_, p. 267.]

[Footnote 159: Wilson, _Western Africa_, p. 225 _sq._]

[Footnote 160: Dapper, _Africa_, p. 405.]

[Footnote 161: Volkens, _Der Kilimandscharo_, p. 249.]

Among the Hawaiians, in the ordeal called _wai haalulu_, "prayer was offered by the priest" while a large dish of water was placed before the culprit, who was required to hold his hands over the fluid; and if it shook, his fate was sealed.[162] Among the Tinguianes in the district of El Abra in Luzon, if a man is accused of a crime and denies it, the headman of the village, who is also the judge, causes a handful of straw to be burned in his presence. The accused then holds up an earthern pot and says, "May my belly be changed to a pot like this if I am guilty of the crime of which I am accused." If he remains unchanged in body, the judge declares him innocent.[163] The following ordeal is in use among the Tunguses of Siberia. A fire is made and a scaffold erected near the hut of the accused. A dog's throat is then cut and the blood received in a vessel. The body is put on the wood of the fire, but in such a position that it does not burn. The accused passes over the fire, and drinks two mouthfuls of the blood, the rest whereof is thrown into the fire; and the body of the dog is placed on the scaffold. Then the accused says:--"As the dog's blood burns in the fire, so may what I have drunk burn in my body; and as the dog put on the scaffold will be consumed, so may I be consumed at the same time if I be guilty."[164]

[Footnote 162: Jarves, _History of the Hawaiian Islands_, p. 20.]

[Footnote 163: Lala, _Philippine Islands_, p. 100.]

[Footnote 164: Hartland, _Legend of Perseus_, ii. 85 _sq._]

The "trial of jealousy" mentioned in the Old Testament involved a curse pronounced by the priest to the effect that the holy water which the woman suspected of adultery had to drink should cause her belly to swell and her thigh to rot.[165] In India the ordeal was expressly regarded as a form of the oath, the same word, _[s.]apatha_, being used to denote both.[166] We have seen above that in the Middle Ages every judicial combat was necessarily preceded by an oath, which essentially decided the issue of the fight and the question of guilt.[167] So also at the moment when the hot iron was raised and the accused took {690} it into his hand, the Deity was invoked to manifest the truth.[168] The ordeal of the Eucharist involved the following formula recited by the victim:--"Et si aliter est quam dixi et juravi, tunc hoc Domini nostri Jesu Christi corpus non pertranseat gutur meum, sed hæreat in faucibus meis, strangulet me suffocet me ac interficiat me statim in momento."[169]

[Footnote 165: _Numbers_, v. 20 _sqq._]

[Footnote 166: Jolly, 'Beiträge zur indischen Rechtsgeschichte,' in _Zeitschr. d. Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellsch._ xliv. 346. Oldenberg, _Die Religion des Veda_, p. 510, n. 1. See also Patetta, _Le ordalie_, p. 14.]

[Footnote 167: _Supra_, i. 505.]

[Footnote 168: Beames, in his _Translation of Glanville_, p. 351 _sq._]

[Footnote 169: Dahn, _op. cit._ ii. 16.]

To the list of ordeals which contain an oath or a curse as their governing element many other instances might probably be added in which no imprecation has been expressly mentioned by our authorities in their short descriptions of the ceremonies. This is all the more likely to be the case as magical practices often imply imprecations which are not formally expressed.[170] But there may also be ordeals which have a different origin. Thus the custom of swimming witches seems to have arisen from the notion that everything unholy is repelled by water and unable to sink into its depths;[171] and the ordeal of touching the corpse of a murdered person no doubt originated in the belief that the soul of such a person lingered about the body until appeased by the shedding of the murderer's blood and that "by the murderer's approach, and especially by his polluted touch, the soul was excited to an instant manifestation of its indignation, by appearing in the form in which it was supposed to subsist, viz. in that of blood."[172] However, even though all ordeals have not the same foundation, it seems highly improbable that any people, in the first instance, resorted to this method of discovering innocence and guilt from a belief in a god who is by his nature a guardian of truth and justice.

[Footnote 170: See, for instance, Westermarck, '_L-[(]âr_, or the Transference of Conditional Curses in Morocco,' in _Anthropological Essays presented to E. B. Tylor_, p. 361 _sqq._]

[Footnote 171: Binsfeldius, _Tractatus de confessionibus maleficorum et sagarum_, p. 315. In the North-East of Scotland it was believed that, if a person committed suicide by drowning, the body did not sink, but floated on the surface (Gregor, _Folk-Lore of the North-East of Scotland_, p. 208).]

[Footnote 172: Pitcairn, _Criminal Trials in Scotland_, iii. 187.]

Nor must we make any inference as to the moral character of gods from the mere prevalence of a belief in {691} a future world where men are in some way or other punished or rewarded for their conduct during their life. Such a belief is said to be fairly common among uncivilised races;[173] and, although in several cases it is undoubtedly due to Christian or other foreign influence,[174] I agree with Dr. Steinmetz that we are not entitled to {692} assume that it is so in all.[175] It seems that the savage mind may by itself, in various ways, come to the idea of some kind of moral retribution after death. First, the condition of the dead man is often supposed to depend upon the attentions bestowed on him by the survivors. Mr. Turner was told that, in the belief of the St. Augustine Islanders in Polynesia, the souls of the departed "if good" went to a land of brightness and clear weather in the heavens, but "if bad" were sent to mud and darkness; and the answer to his next question informed him that in this case "goodness" meant that the friends of the deceased had given him a good funeral feast, and that "badness" meant that his stingy friends had provided nothing at all.[176] Although Mr. Turner sees no moral distinction in these terms, there may be one nevertheless. Speaking of the Efatese, in the New Hebrides, Mr. Macdonald observes:--"A man's condition in the future would be, to some extent, happy or miserable according to his life here. Supposing he were a worthless fellow, very scanty worship would be rendered to him at his death and few animals slain to accompany him to the spirit world; and thus he would occupy an inferior position there corresponding to his social worthlessness here. This belief," our informant adds, "has undoubtedly great influence in making men strive to live so as to obtain the good opinion of their fellows, and leave an honourable memory behind them at death."[177] The Bushmans, who maintain that the dead will ultimately go to a land abounding in excellent food, put a spear by the side of a departed friend in order that, when he arises, he may have something to defend himself with and procure a living; but, if they hate the person, they deposit no spear, so that on his resurrection he may either be murdered or starved.[178] The dead may also have to suffer from the curses of those whom they injured while alive. At Motlav, in the {693} Banks Islands, relatives "watch the grave of a man whose life was bad, lest some man wronged by him should come at night and beat with a stone upon the grave, cursing him."[179] At Gaua, in the same group, "when a great man died his friends would not make it known, lest those whom he had oppressed should come and spit at him after his death, or _govgov_ him, stand bickering at him with crooked fingers and drawing in the lips, by way of curse."[180] The Maoris were careful to prevent the bones of their dead relatives from falling into the hands of their enemies, "who would dreadfully desecrate and ill-use them, with many bitter jeers and curses."[181] A person may, moreover, himself during his lifetime directly provide for his comfort in the life to come, and if the act by which he does so is apt to call forth approval its result is easily interpreted as its reward. Thus the Kukis of India believe that all enemies whom a person has killed will in his future abode be in attendance on him as slaves;[182] and this belief probably accounts for their opinion that nothing more certainly ensures future happiness than destroying a number of enemies.[183] We have further to notice the common idea that a person's character after his death remains more or less as it was during his life. Hence the souls of bad people are supposed to reappear in the shape of obnoxious animals[184] or become evil spirits,[185] and this may lead to the notion that they have to do so as a punishment for their wickedness.[186] And as the revengeful feelings of men likewise are believed to last beyond death, offenders may in the {694} other world have to suffer from the hands of those whom they injured in this.[187] Some of the Nagas of Central India maintain that "a murdered man's soul receives that of his murderer in the spirit world and makes him his slave."[188] The Chippewas think that in the land of the dead "the souls of bad men are haunted by the phantoms of the persons or things they have injured."[189] In Aurora, in the New Hebrides, the belief prevails that the ghosts of those whom a man has wronged in this world take a full revenge upon him after death.[190] According to the Banks Islanders, if a person has killed a good man without cause, the good man's ghost withstands his murderer, when the latter after death wants to enter into Panoi, the good place; but if one man has killed another in fair fight he will not be withstood by the person whom he slew.[191] And not only the offended party but the other dead as well may, from dislike or fear, be anxious to refuse the souls of bad people admittance to their company. In the belief of the Pentecost Islanders, when the soul of a murdered man comes to the land of ghosts with the instrument of death upon him, he tells who killed him, and when the murderer arrives the ghostly people will not receive him, but he has to stay apart with other murderers.[192] The Iroquois allot separate villages even to the souls of those who have died in war and of those who have committed suicide, because the other dead are afraid of their presence.[193] Among the Negroes of Northern Guinea, according to Mr. Wilson, "the only idea of a future state of retribution is implied in the use of a separate burial-place for those who have died 'by the red-water ordeal' or who have been guilty of grossly wicked deeds";[194] and if a person's body is buried apart, his soul will naturally remain equally isolated.[195] That the frequent idea of the bad being separated {695} from the good after death is largely due to the assumed unwillingness of the latter to associate with dangerous or disreputable souls, seems probable from the fact that, in the beliefs of the lower races, paradise generally plays a much more prominent part than hell, the lot of the wicked being to suffer want rather than to be subjected to torments.[196] But, finally, it must also be remembered that the other world is a creation of men's fancy, and may therefore be formed in accordance with their hopes and wishes. Beyond the gloom of death they imagine a paradise where life is much happier than here on earth.[197] Why, then, might not their moral feelings, only too often ungratified in the reality of the present, occasionally seek satisfaction in the dreams of the future?

[Footnote 173: Thomson, _Savage Island_, p. 94. Percy Smith, 'Futuna,' in _Jour. Polynesian Soc._ i. 39. Seemann, _Viti_, p. 400; Williams and Calvert, _Fiji_, p. 208. Codrington, _Melanesians_, p. 274 _sq._ (Banks' Islanders). Inglis, _New Hebrides_, p. 31; Turner, _Samoa_, p. 326 (people of Aneiteum). Campbell, _A Year in the New Hebrides_, p. 169 (people of Tana). Schwaner, _Borneo_, i. 183 (natives of the Barito district). Selenka, _op. cit._ pp. 88, 94, 112 (Dyaks). von Brenner, _op. cit._ p. 240 (Bataks of Sumatra), de Mas, _Informe sobre el estado de las Islas Filipinas_, 'Orijen, &c.' p. 14. Best, 'Prehistoric Civilisation in the Philippines,' in _Jour. Polynesian Soc._ i. 200 (Tagalo-Bisaya tribes). Worcester, _Philippine Islands_, p. 110 (Tagbanuas of Palawan). Smeaton, _Loyal Karens of Burma_, p. 186 _sq._ Anderson, _Mandalay to Momien_, p. 146 (Kakhyens). Lewin, _Wild Races of South-Eastern India_, p. 243 _sq._ (Pankhos and Bunjogees). Hunter, _Rural Bengal_, i. 210 (Santals). Macrae, 'Account of the Kookies,' in _Asiatick Researches_, vii. 195; Butler, _Travels in Assam_, p. 88 (Kukis). Stewart, 'Notes on Northern Cachar,' in _Jour. Asiatic Soc. Bengal_, xxiv. 620 (Old Kukis), 632 (Nagas). Macpherson, _Memorials of Service in India_, p. 92 _sqq._ (Kandhs). Thurston, 'Todas of the Nilgiris,' in the Madras Government Museum's _Bulletin_, i. 166 _sq._ Breeks, _Tribes and Monuments of the N[=i]lagiris_, p. 28 (Todas and Badagas). Radloff, _op. cit._ p. 11 _sq._ (Turkish tribes of the Altai). Georgi, _Russia_, i. 106 (Chuvashes). Cranz, _History of Greenland_, i. 186. Hall, _Arctic Researches among the Esquimaux_, p. 571 _sq._ Lyon, _Private Journal_, p. 372 _sqq._ (Eskimo of Igloolik). Boas, 'Central Eskimo,' in _Ann. Rep. Bur. Ethn._ vi. 590. Nelson, 'Eskimo about Bering Strait,' _ibid._ xviii. 423. Douglas, quoted by Petroff, _Report on Alaska_, p. 177 (Thlinkets). Harrison, 'Religion and Family among the Haidas,' in _Jour. Anthr. Inst._ xxi. 17 _sqq._ Duncan, quoted by Mayne, _Four Years in British Columbia_, p. 293 _sq._ (Coast Indians of British Columbia). Mackenzie, _Voyages to the Frozen and Pacific Oceans_, p. cxix. (Chippewyans). Morgan, _League of the Iroquois_, p. 168 _sqq._ Harmon, _Journal of Voyages in the Interior of North America_, p. 364 _sq._ (Indians on the East side of the Rocky Mountains). Keating, _op. cit._ i. 110 _sq._ (Potawatomis); ii. 158 _sq._ (Chippewas). Say, quoted by Dorsey, 'Siouan Cults,' in _Ann. Rep. Bur. Ethn._ xi. 422 (Kansas). Stevenson, 'Sia,' _ibid._ xi. 145 _sq._ Bartram, in _Trans. American Ethn. Soc._ iii. pt. i. 27 (Creek and Cherokee Indians). Powers, _Tribes of California_, pp. 34, 58, 59, 91, 110, 144, 155, 161. Buchanan, _North American Indians_, p. 235 _sqq._; Heriot, _Travels through the Canadas_, pp. 362, 536; Catlin, _North American Indians_, i. 156, and ii. 243; Domenech, _Great Deserts of North America_, ii. 380 (various Indian tribes of North America), von Martius, _Beiträge zur Ethnographie Amerika's_, i. 247 (Guatós). von den Steinen, _Unter den Naturvölkern Zentral-Brasiliens_, p. 435 (Paressi). de Azara, _Voyages dans l'Amérique méridionale_, ii. 138 (Payaguás). Bosman, _op. cit._ p. 424 (people of Benin). Wilson, _Western Africa_, p. 217 (Negroes of Northern Guinea). Reade, _Savage Africa_, p. 539 (Ibos). Mungo Park, _Travels in the Interior of Africa_, p. 250 (Mandingoes). Tylor, _op. cit._ ii. 83 _sqq._ Marillier, _La survivance de l'âme et l'idée de justice chez les peuples non civilisés_, p. 33 _sqq._ Steinmetz, _Ethnologische Studien zur ersten Entwicklung der Strafe_, ii. 368 _sqq._]

[Footnote 174: _Cf._ Tylor, _op. cit._ ii. 84, 91 _sqq._; Marillier, _loc. cit._ p. 32 _sq._]

[Footnote 175: Steinmetz, _Studien_, ii. 366 _sqq._ _Idem_, 'Continuität oder Lohn und Strafe im Jenseits der Wilden,' in _Archiv f. Anthropologie_, xxiv. 577 _sqq._]

[Footnote 176: Turner, _Samoa_, p. 292 _sq._]

[Footnote 177: Macdonald, _Oceania_, p. 209.]

[Footnote 178: Campbell, _Second Journey in the Interior of South Africa_, i. 29.]

[Footnote 179: Codrington, _op. cit._ p. 269.]

[Footnote 180: _Ibid._ p. 269.]

[Footnote 181: Colenso, _Maori Races_, p. 28.]

[Footnote 182: Dalton, _Ethnology of Bengal_, p. 46.]

[Footnote 183: Macrae, 'Account of the Kookies,' in _Asiatick Researches_, vii. 195.]

[Footnote 184: Hill and Thornton, _Aborigines of New South Wales_, p. 4. Ratzel, _op. cit._ i. 317 (Solomon Islanders). Junghuhn, _Die Battaländer auf Sumatra_, ii. 338 (natives of Bali and Lombok). Cross, quoted by Mac Mahon, _Far Cathay and Farther India_, p. 203 (Karens). Waitz, _Anthropologie der Naturvölker_, ii. 419 (Maravi). Southey, _History of Brazil_, iii. 392 (Guaycurus). Powers, _Tribes of California_, pp. 144 (Tatu), 155 (Kato Pomo).]

[Footnote 185: Bailey, 'Wild Tribes of the Veddahs,' in _Trans. Ethn. Soc._ N.S. ii. 302, n. [double dagger] (Sinhalese), von den Steinen, _Unter den Naturvölkern Zentral-Brasiliens_, p. 349 (Bakaïri).]

[Footnote 186: See Steinmetz, _Studien_, ii. 376; _Idem_, in _Archiv für Anthropologie_, xxiv. 603 _sq._]

[Footnote 187: _Cf._ Marillier, _loc. cit._ p. 44 _sq._]

[Footnote 188: Fytche, _Burma_, i. 354.]

[Footnote 189: Keating, _op. cit._ ii. 158 _sq._]

[Footnote 190: Codrington, _op. cit._ p. 279 _sq._]

[Footnote 191: _Ibid._ p. 274.]

[Footnote 192: _Ibid._ p. 288.]

[Footnote 193: Brebeuf, 'Relation de ce qui s'est passé dans le pays des Hurons,' in _Relations des Jésuites_, 1636, p. 104 _sq._ Hewitt, 'The Iroquoian Concept of the Soul,' in _Jour. of American Folk-Lore_, viii. 109.]

[Footnote 194: Wilson, _Western Africa_, p. 210.]

[Footnote 195: See _supra_, ii. 236 _sqq._]

[Footnote 196: This is especially the case among the Indians of North America (_cf._ Brinton, _Myths of the New World_, p. 242 _sq._; Dorman, _op. cit._ p. 33; Steinmetz, in _Archiv f. Anthrop._ xxiv. 591). See also Codrington, _op. cit._ p. 274 _sq._ (Banks' Islanders).]

[Footnote 197: Dove, 'Aborigines of Tasmania.' in _Tasmanian Jour. Natural Science_, i. 253. Polack, _Manners and Customs (of the New Zealanders_, i. 254; Dieffenbach, _Travels in New Zealand_, ii. 118. Percy Smith, 'Futuna,' in _Jour. Polynesian Soc._ i. 39. Batchelor, _Ainu of Japan_, p. 225. Steller, _op. cit._ p. 269 (Kamchadales). Cranz, _op. cit._ i. 186 (Greenlanders). Robertson, _History of America_, ii. 202. Arbousset and Daumas, _op. cit._ p. 343 (Bechuanas).]

The belief in a moral retribution after death may thus originate in various ways, quite independently of any notion of a god who acts as a judge of human conduct. When such a belief is said to prevail among a savage people it is by no means the rule that the rewards or punishments are associated with the activity of a divine being. And when, as is sometimes the case, the fate of the dead is supposed to depend upon the will of a high god, the notions held about the other world, and especially about the place reserved for the wicked, in several instances suggest influence from a more advanced religion. But on the other hand it is not an idea which seems incompatible with genuine savage thought that, in cases where the souls of men are believed to go to live with gods, the latter select their companions and, like the human inhabitants of the other world, refuse admittance to undesirable individuals.

Religious ideas have no doubt already at the savage {696} stage begun to influence the moral consciousness even in points which have no direct bearing upon the personal interests of gods; but this influence is not known to have been so great as it has often been represented to be. I can find no solid foundation for the statements made by recent writers, that "the historical beginning of all morality is to be found in religion";[198] that even in the earliest period of human history "religion and morality are necessary correlates of each other";[199] that "all moral commandments originally have the character of religious commandments";[200] that in ancient society "all morality--as morality was then understood--was consecrated and enforced by religious motives and sanctions";[201] that the clan-god was the guardian of the tribal morality.[202] From various facts stated in this and earlier chapters I have been led to the conclusion that among uncivilised races the moral ideas relating to men's conduct towards one another have been much more influenced by the belief in magic forces which may be utilised by man, than by the belief in the free activity of gods.

[Footnote 198: Pfleiderer, _Philosophy and Development of Religion_, iv. 230.]

[Footnote 199: Caird, _Evolution of Religion_, i. 237.]

[Footnote 200: Wundt, _Ethik_, p. 99.]

[Footnote 201: Robertson Smith, _Religion of the Semites_, p. 267. _Cf._ _ibid._ p. 53.]

[Footnote 202: Jevons, _Introduction to the History of Religion_, pp. 112. 177.]