xxi. 28, though the owner of the offending ox was to go free, the animal

itself was to be stoned to death, and its flesh not eaten. There is no doubt that this was hard on the owner, but it must have had an excellent effect, and ensured the proper enclosing of all doubtful animals.

251. Even when the master knew that his ox was vicious, the Babylonians were more lenient than the Hebrews, who, in such a case, besides the destruction of the ox, decreed the death of the owner as a punishment for his negligence (Ex. xxi. 29). As will be seen from verse 30, however, he might be spared by paying such ransom as might be imposed upon him.

252. One-third of a mana of silver is equivalent to 20 shekels, so that the sum here indicated as compensation for the death of a slave who has been gored by a bull differs from that awarded in Ex. xxi. 32, by ten shekels—one-sixth of a mana more.

266. This is in part covered by 244 (destruction of cattle by a lion), and is parallel with Ex. xxii. 10, 11, where, also, an oath had to be sworn between the parties, and the herdsman in whose care the cattle were, went free of all obligation. The accident causing the loss, however, is not there described as “an act of God.”

267. The wording of this law clearly indicates that it would apply if the herdsman were in fault, and suggests that the same condition must be read into Ex. xxii. 12, where, if the cattle were stolen from him, he had to make the loss good.

Besides the enactments in the Code of Moses, however, we find, in the interesting and important monument translated above, and in the legal documents of the period to which it belongs, noteworthy parallels to other parts of the Old Testament. Reference has already been made (pp. 174, 175, and 185, 186) to the contracts of the period of Ḫammurabi’s dynasty which illustrate the matter of Sarah giving Hagar to Abraham because she herself was childless (Gen. xvi. 1, 2). That this was the custom in Babylonia is now confirmed by law 144, which also furnishes the reason why it was the wife who chose her partner in the husband’s affections. It was because the first wife preferred to choose herself the woman who was to replace her, and in doing this, she chose one who would be her subordinate, not one who might become a really serious rival. A parallel case is that of Bilhah (Gen. xxx. 4). Hagar’s despising her mistress (Gen. xvi. 4) is illustrated by law No. 146, which allows the mistress to reduce her to the position of a slave again, which was agreed to by the patriarch, the result being that Hagar fled (v. 6).

The determination to have the possession of the cave of Machpelah placed upon a thoroughly legal footing (Gen. xxiii. 14-20) may, perhaps, be illustrated by law No. 7, though there is not much parallelism between the two instances, a field with a cave and trees being a difficult thing to steal. There is hardly any doubt, however, that the patriarch desired that no accusation should be brought against him or his descendants for unlawfully using it, as is suggested by the fact that when Ephron offered to give it, he said that he did so “in the presence of the sons of my people” only, but when the transaction was completed as Abraham wished, it was done not only in the presence of the children of Heth, but before all who went in at the gate of his city (Gen. xxiii. 18), and naturally included strangers as well.

Abraham’s seeking a wife for his son (Gen. xxiv. 4) is in conformity with laws 155, 156, and 166; gifts are given (Gen. xxiv. 53 and laws No. 159, 160, etc.); seemingly the father-in-law retained the presents given by his son-in-law, if he could get possession of them (Gen. xxxi. 15 and laws 159-161), and these belonged to the wife (wives) and the children (xxxi. 16 and laws 162, 167, 171, ff.).

Whether the theft of her father’s teraphim by Rachel (Gen. xxxi. 19) could be construed as sacrilege or not is doubtful, but this may well have been the penalty thought of by Jacob when Laban accused some of his household of theft (Gen. xxxi. 32 and law No. 6), though theft, if there were no restitution, was in Babylonian law always punishable with death.

The punishment of death by burning, which Judah decreed for his daughter-in-law Tamar (Gen. xxxviii. 24), is parallel with that meted out to a devotee opening or entering a wine-house (probably a place of ill-repute), but the parallel ends there—there is no law in the code of Ḫammurabi, as at present preserved, decreeing death by burning for a widow who became a harlot.

Theft from a palace (law No. 6) is parallel with Gen. xliv. 9, where the sons of Jacob admit the justice of a death-penalty if Joseph’s cup were found in the possession of any of them. Whether the purchase of the Egyptians and their land for bread by Joseph had any analogy in Western Asia or not, is uncertain, though law No. 115, as well as those which precede it, refer to something similar, but in these cases the servitude was terminable, which does not appear from Gen. xlvii. 19 ff. Thereafter the Egyptian ruler took from these farmer-thralls a fifth part of the produce, which compares well with the half or third exacted by the owner of a field in Babylonia from the hirer (law 46). Finally, the clauses of the laws of Ḫammurabi referring to adoption (No. 185) might be quoted in illustration of the adoption of Ephraim and Manasseh by their grandfather Jacob (Gen. xlviii. 5), especially when read in connection with the inscriptions translated on pp. 176 and 177, where the sharing of the adopted son “like a son” is expressly referred to.

In the New Testament, Gal. iv. 30: “Cast out the bondwoman and her son, for the son of the bondwoman shall not be heir with the son of the freewoman,” finds illustration in law 171 of Ḫammurabi’s code, and the parable of the talents (Matt. xxv. 14 ff.) reminds one of the agent sending forth commissioners to get gain for him by trafficking, as in laws 100-102. 103-107 do not bear directly upon this parallel, but are worth noting in connection with it.

It will be long ere all that can be said about this noteworthy inscription finds expression. There is much needing comment, and much to study therein, and the precise rendering of many a word has still to be found out.

Babylon And The Bible.

A great deal has been written concerning the two lectures which the renowned Assyriologist, Friedrich Delitzsch, delivered some time ago before the German Emperor, under the title of _Babel und Bibel_. These lectures have now been published, and from their style and contents, one can easily judge how great was the interest which they aroused. Those who were privileged to hear them must have enjoyed a true archæological feast, all the more exquisite in that the subject was that which throws more light upon the Old Testament than any other known.

His lectures deal, for the most part, with the things which are touched upon at greater length in this book—the early records of Babylonia and Assyria, the history, the literature, the arts, and the sciences of those countries, and of the great cities of which they were so proud. Beginning with “the great mercantile firm of Murašû and Sons in the time of Artaxerxes,” about 450 B.C., and the Hebrew names found therein, he speaks of Ur of the Chaldees, Carchemish, Sargon of Agadé, Ḫammurabi, the Bronze Gates of Shalmaneser II., Sargon of Assyria, Sennacherib, Assurbanipal (Aššur-banî-âpli or Sardanapalus), the Laws of Ḫammurabi (translated in full in this volume), the processions of gods,(297) the blessing of Aaron,(298) the advanced civilization of Babylonia 2250 years B.C., and many other things. To touch upon all his points would be to repeat much that has been treated of in this book, and that being the case, all the most important of them are referred to in the following pages under special headings:—

Canaan.

That he is right in calling Canaan at the time of the Exodus “A domain of Babylonian culture” is indicated by the testimony of the Tel-el-Amarna tablets, and is fully shown in the present work, Chapters V.-VII. In the notes appended to the first lecture he refers to the fact that there existed, in the neighbourhood of Jerusalem, a town called Bît (or Beth) Ninip, after the Babylonian god—“even though there may not have been in Jerusalem itself a _bît Ninip_, a temple of the god Ninip.”

The Sabbath.

In the present work, the Sabbath is referred to on pl. II., where photographs of two fragments (duplicates) explaining the word are given. Prof. Delitzsch calls attention, in the notes to his first lecture, to this text, together with the British Museum syllabary 82-9-18, 4159, col. I., l. 24, where _ud_ (weakened to _û_), meaning “day,” is explained by _šabattum_, “Sabbath,” as “_the_ day” _par excellence_, and from other passages he reasons that the old rendering of the word as “day of rest,” _ûm nûḫ libbi_, “day of rest of the heart”—cf. pl. II.—is the correct one.

The following list of Sumerian and Babylonian days of the month will serve to show exactly how the matter stands:—

Sumerian. Semitic Translation. Babylonian. U ûmu day. U-maš-am [mišil] ûmu half a day. U-gi-kam [ûmu] kal first day (Sum.), the whole day (Sem.). U-mina-kam ši-na [ûmu] second day. U-eši-kam šela[štu ûmu] third day. U-lama-kam irbit fourth (day). U-ia-kam ḫamil[tu] fifth (day). U-âša-kam šeš[šitu] sixth (day). U-imina-kam sib[itu] seventh (day). U-ussa-kam saman[atu] eighth (day). U-ilima-kam tilti do. ninth day. U-ḫu-kam êširti do. tenth day. U-ḫuia-kam šapatti fifteenth day (Sum.), Sabbath (Sem.). U-mana-gi-lal-kam ibbû twentieth day less 1 (Sum.), the wrathful (Sem.). U-mana-kam êšrû twentieth day. U-mana-ia-kam ârḫu bat[tu] twenty-fifth day (Sum.), festival month (Sem.). U-eša-kam šelašâ thirtieth day. U-na-am bubbulum rest-day (Sum.), (day of) desire (Sem.). U-ḫul-gala u-ḫulgallum evil day. U-ḫul-gala ûmu lim[nu] evil day. U-šu-tua ûmu rimku libation-day. U-elene ûmu têliltum purification-day.

From the above it will be seen, that the _šapattum_ or Sabbath was the 15th day of the month, and that only. That it was a day of rest, is shown by the etymology, the word being derived from the Sumerian _ša-bat_, “heart-rest,” which probably has, therefore, no connection with the Semitic root _šabātu_, which, as far as at present known, is a synonym of _gamāru_, “to complete.” It was the day of rest of the heart, but being the 15th, it was also the day when the moon reached the full in the heart or middle of the month, and its name may, therefore, contain a play upon the two ideas which the word _libbu_ contains. In accordance with the general rule, the consonants of words borrowed from the Sumerian were often sharpened when transferred to Semitic Babylonian, hence the form _šapattum_ instead of _šabattum_, though the latter is also found.

The nearest approach to the Sabbath, in the Jewish sense, among the Babylonians, is the _û-ḫulgala_ or _ûmu limnu_, “the evil day,” which, as we know from the Hemerologies, was the 7th, 14th, 21st, 28th, and 19th day of each month, the last so called because it was a week of weeks from the 1st day of the foregoing month. It is this, therefore, which contains the germ of the idea of the Jewish Sabbath, but it was not that Sabbath in the true sense of the term, for if the months had 30 days, the week following the 28th had 9 days instead of 7, and weeks of 8 and 9 days therefore probably occurred twelve times each year. The nature of this original of the Sabbath is shown by the Hemerologies, which describe how it was to be kept in the following words:—

(The Duties Of The 7th Day).

“The 7th day is a fast of Merodach and Zēr-panitum, a fortunate day, an evil day. The shepherd of the great peoples shall not eat flesh cooked by fire, salted (savoury) food, he shall not change the dress of his body, he shall not put on white, he shall not make an offering. The king shall not ride in his chariot, he shall not talk as ruler; a seer shall not do a thing in a secret place; a physician shall not lay his hand on a sick man;(299) (the day) is unsuitable for making a wish. The king shall set his oblation in the night before Merodach and Ištar, he shall make an offering, (and) his prayer(300) is acceptable with god.”

For the 14th, 21st, 28th, and 19th, the names of the deities differ, and on the last-named the shepherd of the great peoples is forbidden to eat “anything which the fire has touched.” Otherwise the directions are the same, and though generally described as a lucky or happy day, it was certainly an evil day for work, or for doing the things referred to. It is to be noted, however, that there is no direction that the day was to be observed by the common people.

Was The Flood A “Sin-Flood”?

That the Flood was a “sin-flood” (“dass die Sintflut eine Sündflut(301) war”) among the Babylonians as among the Hebrews has already been stated (p. 112—cf. p. 107, I, II ff.), and with this Prof. Delitzsch, answering the criticisms of Oettli, agrees. Replying to König, he energetically repudiates the idea that “the Babylonian hero saves his dead and living property, but in both Biblical accounts there appears, instead of that, the higher point of view of the preservation of the animal-world.” He then cites Berosus, according to whom Xisuthros received the command to take into the ark winged and four-footed animals, and quotes the line translated on p. 103: “I caused to go up into the midst of the ship ... the beasts of the field and the animals of the field—all of them I sent up.”

The Dragon And The Serpent-Tempter.

Prof. Delitzsch’s notes upon the Dragon of Chaos are exceedingly interesting, as is also the picture which he gives, from a little seal in the form of a long bead, of the god Merodach “clothed in his majestic glory, with powerful arm, and broad eye and ear, the symbols of his intelligence, and at the feet of the god the captive Dragon of the primæval waters.” From our point of view the deity does not look very majestic, but it is an exceedingly interesting representation, the more especially as he bears in his left hand (in the drawing) the circle and staff of Šamaš, the sun, showing the correctness of the theory which made Merodach likewise a sun-god. It is noteworthy, however, that a similar object found by the German expedition to Babylonia shows a figure of Hadad, the wind-god, as the Babylonians conceived him, and accompanying him are a winged dragon and another creature—indeed, each deity seems to have had his own special attendant of this nature. Are we, therefore, to understand that each deity overcame a dragon or other animal? or may it not be, that Merodach had a kind of dragon as his attendant, and the one depicted sitting by his side, close to his feet, is the creature devoted to him, and not the Dragon of Chaos at all?

The Dragon of Chaos, Tiamtu or Tiawthu, appears in the inscriptions as the representative of the Hebrew _tehôm_, which is the same word without the feminine ending. It is also regarded, however, as being represented in the Old Testament by _liwyāthān_ (leviathan), _tannîn_, and _rahab_, explained as “the winding one,” “the dragon,” and “the monster” respectively. As far as our knowledge at present goes, none of these names occur in the Babylonian inscriptions, but there is sufficient analogy between the Biblical passages which contain them and the story of Tiamtu to establish an identity between the two sources.

In the passage “Awake, awake,” etc. (Is. li. 9), the cutting of Rahab in pieces, and the piercing of the dragon, are made into similes typifying the drying up of the Red Sea, so that the Israelites might pass over, and on this account the words standing for these creatures seem to have become an allegorical way of referring to Egypt, caught, like Tiamtu, in a net (Ezek. xxxii. 2, 3). In Job ix. 13 the “helpers of Rahab” are mentioned, recalling the gods who aided Tiamtu, and in xxvi. 12 “he smiteth through Rahab” is a reminiscence of the piercing of the head of Merodach’s opponent.

In Job xli. 3 the words “Lay thine hand upon him; remember _the battle_, and do so no more,” evidently refer to leviathan in v. 1, here typical of Tiamtu, the battle being that which Merodach fought with her. “Shall not one be cast down even at the sight of him?” in verse 9, recalls the dreadful appearance of Tiamtu and her helpers, whose aspect filled the gods of the Babylonians with fear. Still another parallel is to be found in the verse “Their (the enemies’) wine is the poison of dragons (_tanninim_),” Deut. xxxii. 33, reminding us of the monsters created by Tiamtu, whose bodies were filled with poison like blood.

All these passages naturally prove that the legend was well known to the Hebrews, and must also have been current among their neighbours. Though they identified her with the sea (_tehom_), they did not, to all appearance, use that word to indicate the Dragon of Chaos, as did the Babylonians—she was a serpent, a dragon, or a monster. Though she may be the type of the serpent-tempter (the difference of sex makes a little difficulty), the compiler of the first two chapters of Genesis rigorously excluded her from the Hebrew Creation-story. The story of leviathan, the dragon, or the monster, was a legend current among the people, and used by the Hebrew sacred writers as a useful simile, but it seems to have formed no part of orthodox Hebrew religious belief.

Prof. Delitzsch has boldly reproduced, on p. 36 of his _Babel und Bibel_ (German edition), what has been regarded in England as the driving of the evil spirit from the temple built at Calah by Aššur-naṣir-âpli (885 B.C.), but he calls it “Fight with the Dragon.” The evil spirit represented is certainly a kind of dragon, but on the original slab in the British Museum the creature is a male, and not a female, as in the Babylonian Creation-story. Identification with the Dragon of Chaos is therefore in the highest degree improbable, and as it would seem from his answer to Jensen, Delitzsch does not regard it as having anything to do with the Creation-story, but a representation of “a fight between the power of light and the power of darkness in general.” This seems exceedingly probable, as is also his statement that in such a conception as that of Tiamtu, it may easily be imagined that plenty of room for fancy existed.

The serpent-tempter in Gen. iii. 1 is an ordinary serpent, _naḫas_, the type of the evil one. He had no part in the creation, and was to all appearance one of the beasts of the field created by God. Tiamtu, his Babylonian parallel, on the other hand, does not seem to have been in any sense a tempter—she simply tried to overcome the gods of heaven, aided by her followers and offspring, among whom were some of the divine beings created by the gods. That in consequence of this, she may have been regarded as having tempted those of her followers who were the offspring of the gods of heaven, is not only possible, but probable, and if provable, we should have here the identification of the Dragon of Chaos with the serpent-tempter.

And this leads him to the question as to whether the celebrated cylinder-seal referred to on p. 79 is really intended to be a picture of the circumstance of the fall of man. Delitzsch points out, that the clothed condition of the figures prevents him from recognizing in the tree the tree “of knowledge of good and evil”—perhaps there glimmers through the Biblical account in Gen. ii. and iii. another and older form of the story, in which only one tree, the tree of life, appeared. The words in ii. 9: “and the tree of the knowledge of good and evil,” seem, as it were, patched on, and the narrator completely forgets this newly-introduced “tree of the knowledge of good and evil” to the extent, that he even, by oversight, makes God allow man, in contradiction to iii. 22, to eat of the Tree of Life (ii. 16). All this seems very plausible, but may it not be, that man, before eating of the tree of knowledge, was permitted to eat of the tree of life, which was denied to him after the Fall? If this be the case, there was probably no forgetfulness on the part of the narrator, and the story hangs excellently together. And here it is to be noted that both the tree of life, and the tree of the knowledge of good and evil, were in the midst of the garden (ii. 9), that the woman seems to be aware of the existence of one tree only (iii. 3), and there is no statement that the man knew the nature of the fruit which his wife handed to him (6), though it may be surmised that, with the prohibition with regard to one of them in his mind, he ought to have inquired. The heaviest punishment therefore falls upon the tempter, the woman coming next, and the man having the lightest though even his is sufficiently severe.

In the design on the cylinder Delitzsch sees a male and a female figure, with a serpent, and in this both Hommel and Jensen agree. Delitzsch, moreover, says: “The distinguishing of the one figure by horns, which was, in Babylonia, as in Israel, equally the common symbol of strength and victoriousness, I regard as a very delicate device of the artist to introduce into the two clothed human figures the sex-distinction in an unmistakable manner.” He is of opinion that nothing very decisive can as yet be pronounced concerning the serpent, but one might connect therewith the appearance of Tiamtu, who also, like leviathan in Job iii. 8 and “the old serpent” in the Apocalypse, may be assumed to have been still existing. (Compare p. 32 of the present work, lines 112 and 113.)

He points out that in a list of rivers, etc., there is one called “the river of the Serpent-god destroying(302) the abode of life” (_Id-Sir-tindir-duba_), which is also a confirmation of the theory that the Babylonians possessed the legend of the serpent-tempter. Noteworthy also is the following text, which he refers to “by the way,” with a slight indication of the contents:—

“... sin, fixing the command. ... of the ordinance, the man of lamentation. ... the maid, has eaten the evil thing— ... Ama-namtagga has done what is evil The fate of Ama-namtagga is hard(303)— Her fate is hard, her face is troubled with a tear. She has sat on a glorious throne, She has lain on a glorious couch, She has learned to love aright, She has learned to kiss.”

The mutilation of this inscription renders the true interpretation doubtful, but it would seem to be exceedingly probable that there is in it some reference to the fate of our first mother, inherited by all her daughters to the end of time.

Ama-namtagga means “The Mother of Sin,” and her having eaten and done what is evil makes an interesting parallel with the case of Eve.(304)

The Cherubim.

Concerning the Cherubs something has been said in this book, pp. 80-82, and to this Prof. Delitzsch adds a few more instances. As others have done, he regards the cherubim of the Babylonians and Assyrians as being the winged bulls, with heads of men. As an angel he gives a picture of a winged female figure holding a necklace(305); the demons he depicts are from the slabs in the Assyrian Saloon of the British Museum, where two of these beings are fighting with each other; and devils he regards as being typified by a small but mutilated statuette of a creature with an animal’s head, long erect ears, and open mouth with threatening teeth. For the existence of guardian-angels he quotes the letter of Ablâ to the queen-mother: “Bel and Nebo’s messenger of grace (_âbil šipri ša dunqi ša Bêl u Nabû_) will go with the king of the countries, my lord.” Of especial interest, however, is his reference to the inscription of Nabopolassar, in which that founder of the latest of the Babylonian empires states that Merodach “called him to rule over the land and the people, caused a guardian-god (cherub) to go by his side, and caused all the work which he undertook to succeed.” Besides the cherubs or guardian-angels, the Babylonians believed in numerous evil gods and devils, besides Tiamtu and the serpent-tempter of mankind.

Babylonian Monotheism.

The question of Babylonian monotheism, and of the antiquity of the name Yahweh (Jehovah) attracted a considerable amount of attention, and has been supplemented by Delitzsch very fully in the notes to his first lecture. Upon this point something was said in the present volume (pp. 47 and 58-61), and the author is practically at one with Prof. Delitzsch. As the inscription translated on p. 58 shows, the Babylonians were monotheists, and yet they were not. They believed in all their various gods, and at the same time identified those gods with Merodach. Just as, in the beliefs of India, each soul may be regarded as emanating from, and returning to, the Creator, and forming one with Him at the final death of the body, so the gods of the Babylonians were apparently regarded as parts of, and emanations from, Merodach, the chief of the gods, who, when they conferred upon him their names, conferred upon him in like manner their being. It is in this way alone that Merodach, the last-born of the great gods, can be regarded as the father and begetter of the gods (see pp. 45, 46).

Prof. Delitzsch has therefore done a service in bringing more prominently to the notice of students and scholars the text of which the obverse is printed on p. 58, and mentioning the paper where it first appeared.(306) The study of the religion of the Babylonians and Assyrians has been greatly furthered thereby.

With regard to the question, whether besides this tablet, there be other indications that the Babylonians—or a section of them—believed in one god, Delitzsch quotes, as did also the present author, many names supporting this idea. Thus he gives the following:—

Ilu-ittîa, “God is with me.” Ilu-amtaḫar, “I called upon God.” Ilu-âbi, “God is my father.”(307) Ilu-milki, “God is my counsel.” Yarbi-îlu, “God is great.” Yamlik-îlu, “God rules.” Ibšî-ina-ili, “He existed through God.”(308) Awel-ili, “Man of God.”(309) Mut(um)-ili, “Man of God.” Ilûma-le’i, “God is mighty.” Ilûma-âbi, “God is my father.” Ilûma-ilu, “God is God.” Šumma-îlu-lâ-îlîa, “If God were not my god?”

And if more be wanted, to these may be added Ya’kub-îlu, Yasup-îlu, Abdi-îlu, Ya’zar-îlu, and Yantin-îlu, on p. 157; Ili-bandi, “God is my creator,” p. 166; Sar-îli, “Prince of God,” p. 170; Uštašni-îli, “My God has made to increase twofold,” p. 178; Nûr-ili, “Light of God,” p. 184; Arad-îli-rêmeanni, “The servant of God, (who) had mercy on me,” p. 187; Yabnik-îlu, “God has been gracious (?),” p. 243; and many others. Remarks upon some of these names will be found on pp. 244, 245. Similar names occurring during the time of the later Babylonian empire will be found on pp. 434, 463 (Aqabi-îlu), 435, 436 (Adi’-ilu and Yadi’îlu), 458 (Baruḫi-ilu, probably a Jew, and Idiḫi-îlu). It will therefore be seen that names of a monotheistic nature were common in Babylonia at all periods, but as they are greatly outnumbered by the polytheistic ones,(310) their exact value as testimony to monotheism, or to a tendency to it, is doubtful. In certain cases, the deity intended by the word _îlu_ is the family god, but in the above examples, names implying this have been as far as possible avoided.

“Of what kind and of what value this monothesis was, our present sources of knowledge do not allow us to state, but we can best conclude from the later development of Jahvism.” (Delitzsch.)

Jahweh (Jehovah).

Most important of all, however, from the point of view of the history of the religion of the Jews, is what Delitzsch states concerning the name Jahweh (Jehovah). On p. 46 of his first lecture (German edition) he gives half-tone reproductions of three tablets preserved in the British Museum, which, according to him, contain three forms of the personal name meaning “Jahwe is God”—_Ya’we-îlu_, _Yawe-îlu_, and _Yaum-îlu_. The last of these names we may dismiss at once, the form being clearly not that of Yahweh, but of Yah, the Jah of Ps. civ. 35 and several other passages. The other two, however, are not so lightly dealt with, notwithstanding the objections of other Assyriologists and Orientalists. It is true that Ya’pi-îlu and Yapi-îlu are possible readings, but Delitzsch’s objections to them are soundly based, and can hardly be set aside. The principal argument against the identification of Ya’we or Yawe with Yahwah is, that we should have here, about 2000 years before Christ, a form of the word which is really later than that used by the Jewish captives at Babylon 500 years before Christ, when it was to all appearance pronounced Ya(’)awa or Yâwa (see pp. 458, 465, 470, 471). If, however, we may read the name Ya’wa (Ya’awa) or Yâwa, as is possible, then there is nothing against the identification proposed by Delitzsch. That [Cuneiform] was used with the value of _wa_ is proved by such words as _warka_, “after,” where the reading _wearka_ seems to be impossible, and the necessary distinction between _ma_ and _wa_ (the former was written with a different character) would be maintained. It is worthy of note that Ya’wa must have been more of a name than Yau, which was a primitive Babylonian word for “God,” it is doubtful whether it could always be written without the divine prefix. As, however, the divine name Ae or Ea, with others, is often written so unprovided, such an objection as this could not be held to invalidate Delitzsch’s contention.

The probability therefore is, that Delitzsch is right in transcribing the name as he has done, if we may change the final _e_ to _a_, and he is also probably right in his identification. Nevertheless, we require more information from the records of ancient Babylonia before we can say, with certainty, that the first component of the name Ya’wa-îlu is the Yahweh of the Hebrews, though we are bound to admit that the identification is in the highest degree probable. Delitzsch speaks of the possibility of _ya’ve_ being a verbal form (it would be parallel to names like Yabnik-îlu), only to reject it, as a name meaning “God exists” (Hommel and Zimmern) is certainly not what one would expect to find. On the other hand, Zimmern admits the possibility that Yaum may be the name of a god, and possibly the name Yahu, Yahve may be present in it. As he is against Delitzsch on the whole, this is an important admission.

Additional Notes To Ḫammurabi’s Laws.

P. 492, §. 8. The “poor man” who is mentioned here and in several other places, is referred to under a Sumerian term translated by the Semitic _muškinu_, Arabic _miskīn_, from which the French _mesquin_ is derived (through the Spanish _mezquino_). With the Babylonians, however, the “poor man,” as expressed by this term, was only one who was comparatively wanting in this world’s goods. That he was able to pay a fine, presupposes that he was the possessor of property, and this is confirmed by a bilingual explanatory list, which reads as follows:

Giš šar kirû Plantation. giš šar êgal kirû êkalli plantation of the palace. giš šar lugal kirû šarri plantation of the king. giš šar mašdu kirû muškini plantation of a poor man.

_Muškinu_ is rendered by Winckler “freedman.”

P. 493, § 26 ff. It is difficult to find a satisfactory rendering for the words translated “army-leader” and “soldier.” Winckler translates “soldier” and “slinger.” Perhaps the latter should be rendered “scout.”

P. 495, §§ 43 and 44. The word translated “shall enclose (it)” is in accordance with the meaning given for the root _šakāku_ in Delitzsch’s _Handwörterbuch_. If, however, the rendering “plough” in § 260 (p. 513), first proposed by Scheil, be correct, then in all probability the translation in the two sections should be “shall plough (it).”

P. 498, l. 12. Literally, “the man the tenancy, the silver of his rent complete for a year, to the lord of the house has given.”

P. 499, § 108. The “large stone” was seemingly large only by comparison with the “small stone” which weighed 1/3 of a shekel.

P. 500, § 116, etc. “The son of a man” Winckler translates as “a free-born person.”

P. 501, § 126. Or “As (in the case of) his property (which) has not been lost, he shall state his deficiency before God.”

P. 510, §§ 215, 218, 220. Instead of “cataract” Winckler translates “tumour,” but thinks “lachrymal fistula” still better, though “cataract” is possible.

P. 513, § 257. Here, as in other places, the character for field-labourer is the archaic form of [Cuneiform] _ikkaru_ or _îrrišu_.

APPENDIX TO THE THIRD EDITION.

The Hittites.

In consequence of the very important discoveries of the German explorers at Boghaz-Köi, the site of the ancient Hittite capital Ḫattu,(311) much light will be thrown on the ancient history, religion, manners, and customs of that portion of Western Asia, and Syria as well, together with the relations of the empire of the Hittites with Egypt. As far as can at present be judged, the language of the Hittites was Aryan, and the similar terminations in such Kassite(312) words as are known point to its being of the same family, and the same may, perhaps, be said of Mitannian.(313) The excavations at Boghaz-Köi began where fragments of tablets had already been found, namely, on the slope of the hill at Böyük-kale, the documents becoming more complete as the explorers went higher. Another mass of records was found at the foot of the hill, by the ruins of the temple. It was in the upper find that the Babylonian version of the treaty between Rameses II. and the Hittite king Ḫattušil was found. The founder of the dynasty was Šubbiluliuma, the name read _Sapalulu_ in the Egyptian version of the treaty. He was evidently a warrior-king, whose overlordship the state of Mitanni acknowledged, and seems to have been succeeded by his son Arandaš. The next ruler was Muršil, the _Maurasar_ of Egyptologists, who appears to have been a great conqueror. Muršil’s successor was his brother Mutallu (_Mautenel_), who, however, was apparently killed in a revolt, whereupon the renowned Ḫattušil (the _Khetasir_ of Egyptologists) mounted the throne. His queen was Pudu-ḫipa, and they had a son Dudḫalia, whose name recalls the Tidal (Tid’al) of the 14th chapter of Genesis, and the Tudḫula (or Tudḫul) of the tablets which apparently refer to Chedorlaomer and his allies.(314) In the Babylonian version of the treaty of Ḫattušil with Rameses II., we learn that the titles of the Egyptian king were _Wašmua-ria šatepuaria Ria-mašeša mâi Amana mâr Mim-mua-Ria binbin Min-paḫirita-Ria_, _i.e._ User-maat-ra Ra-messu Mery Amen, son of Men-maat-ra (Seti I.), grandson of Men-peḫti-ra (Rameses I.).(315)

The Ḫabiri.

Dr. Hugo Winckler, the explorer of Boghaz-Köi, who has published many interesting details of the result of his researches, states that parallel passages prove the identity of the Sa-gas (_see_ pp. 291, 292) of the Tel-al-Amarna tablets with the Ḫabiri, and that not only the Sa-gas people, but also the Sa-gas gods are referred to. For these latter, he says, compare the image of the “valley of the _’oberim_” (translated “them that pass”) in Ezekiel (xxxix. 11), in which further justification of the comparison of _ḫabiri_ and _’eber_ (Eber, regarded as the ancestor of the _’Ibrim_ or Hebrews) results. One would like to have further details of the learned explorer’s opinions upon this point. To all appearance the connection of _’oberim_ with _’eber_ would involve a change in the vocalization. For the author, the difficulty of connecting _ḫabiri_ with _’Ibrim_ (Hebrews) still continues to exist. The connection of _ḫabiri_ with _’Ibri_ (Hebrew) requires that the _ain_ should have been pronounced as _ghain_, and the Septuagint generally gives _gh_ when it was so pronounced.(316) In _’Ibrim_, however, this is not the case, and Prof. Swete has only the soft breathing in his edition.

A Letter Apparently From Prince Belshazzar (_see_ pp. 446-451).

This is evidently one of the documents obtained by Mr. Hormuzd Rassam at Sippar (Abu-habbah), as the reference to Bunene, one of the deities of the city, shows. Unfortunately, it is very defective, there being only eight lines (five of them incomplete) on the obverse, and the remains of the last three lines of the communication on the reverse. What makes it probable that the Belshazzar who sent the letter is the son of Nabonidus, and the hero of the fall of Babylon, is, that no honorific expressions are used with reference to the person to whom it is addressed—he does not call Mušêzib-Marduk his lord, or father, or brother, as was the custom in private correspondence. As far as it is preserved, the following is a rendering of this document, which is of interest mainly on account of the personality of its assumed writer—

“Letter of Bêl-šarra-uṣur to Mušêzib-Marduk. May the gods grant thee prosperity. Behold, I have sent Bêl-šunu and ... the (two) _mašmašē_, to.... Send the requirements for the robes (?) of the deity Bunene....

(Several lines are wanting here.)

... I have caused ... to be ... the threshold ... may all....”

The documents referring to Belshazzar’s residence at Sippar, are mentioned on pp. 414, 449, 450.

The Aramaic Papyri From Elephantine.

These noteworthy documents, which have attracted considerable attention, were found in the ruins of the city which lie at the southern point of the island. Almost all the brick-built private houses of Elephantine are in a ruinous state, partly due to the ravages of time, but principally to the Fellahin, who have for many years dug there for garden-mould. To the south of the place where Mr. Mond’s Aramaic papyri(317) are said to have been found, Greek papyri were discovered, but proceeding north of that point, the German explorers soon came upon the Aramaic fragments. Those first found are said to have been in earthen vessels, but the most important of them (the texts translated below) were buried, without any protective covering, close to the eastern and southern walls of the room in which they lay. To all appearance these last had escaped the notice of the earlier excavators, who had thrown them away with the rubbish cast aside as containing nothing more worth carrying off.

The text of the most perfect of them reads as follows—

“To our lord Bagohi, governor of Judea, thy servants Yedoniah and his companions, the priests in the fortress of Yeb, salutation! May our Lord, the God of heaven, grant (thee) prosperity at all times, and set thee in favour before Darius the king, and the sons of the (royal) house a thousandfold more than now, and may He give thee long life. Be at all times joyful and firm. Now speak thy servants Yedoniah and his companions as follows—

“In the month Tammuz in the 14th year of Darius the king, when Arsâm (Asames) had marched forth and gone to the king, the priests of the god Khnub, who are in Yeb, the fortress, [made] with Waidrang, who is the governor here, a secret union of the following nature—

“ ‘The temple of Yahû, the god who is in Yeb, the fortress, shall be removed(318) from that place.’

“Thereupon that Waidrang, the _laḫya_,(319) sent letters to Nephayan, his son, who was commander-in-chief in Syene, the fortress, saying—

“ ‘The temple which is in Yeb, the fortress, they shall destroy.’

“Thereupon Nephayan brought in Egyptians, together with other warriors; they came to the fortress of Yeb together with their _tali_,(320) penetrated into that temple, destroyed it down to the ground. And they shattered the stone columns which were there. It also happened, (that) they shattered the seven stone doors,(321) built out of a hewn block of stone, which were in that temple, and their heads, they ...(322) and their hinges which were in the marble, those were of brass,(323) and the roofing, consisting wholly of cedar beams, together with the plaster pavement (?) of the forecourt (?) and other (things) which were there—all this have they burned with fire. And the sacrificial dishes of gold and silver, and the things which were in that temple, all have they taken and have used as their own. And since the days of the kings of Egypt have our fathers built that temple in Yeb, the fortress. And when Cambyses came up to Egypt, he found that temple (already) built, but they pulled all the temples of the gods of Egypt down. In that temple, on the contrary, no one had destroyed anything.

“And after they had done this, we, with our wives and children, wore mourning-garments, fasted, and prayed to Yahû, the lord of heaven, who had given us warning concerning that Waidrang, the _kalbya_.(324) They have taken the chains(325) away from his feet, and all the treasures, which he had acquired, have gone to ruin. And all the men who wished evil to that temple, have all been killed, and we have been witnesses thereof.

“Also before this, at the time when this evil was committed upon us, did we send a letter to our lord, and to Yehoḥanan, the high-priest, and his companions, the priests who were in Jerusalem, and to Ostan (Ostanes), his brother, that is, ’Anani,(326) and the free ones (princes) of the Jews. They have not sent us one letter (in reply).

“Also since the days of Tammuz of the 14th year of Darius the king, and until this day, we wear mourning-garments and fast, our wives have been made as a widow, we have not anointed (ourselves with) oil nor drunk wine. Also since then and until (this) day of the 17th year of Darius the king they have not made food-offerings, incense-offerings, and burnt-offerings in that temple.

“Moreover, thy servants, Yedoniah and his companions, and the Jews, all citizens of Yeb, speak as follows—

“ ‘If it be good to our lord, mayest thou consider upon that temple, for its rebuilding, as they do not allow us to rebuild it. Look to the receivers of thy benefits and favours, who are here in Egypt. Let a letter be sent from thee to them with regard to the temple of the god Yahû, to rebuild it in Yeb, the fortress, even as it was heretofore built. And they shall offer food-offerings and incense-offerings and burnt-offerings upon the altar of the god Yahû in thy name. And we will pray for thee at every time—we and our wives and our children and all the Jews who are here, if they(327) have then worked until that temple is rebuilt.

“ ‘And a share shall be thine before Yahû the god of heaven from the man who offers to him a burnt-offering and a sacrifice, a value equal to the worth of a silver (shekel) for (every) 1000 talents.(328) And with regard to the gold, concerning that we have sent and given instruction. We have also sent everything in a letter in our name to Delaiah and Shelemiah, sons of Sanaballat, governor of Samaria. Also Arsames had no knowledge of all that which has been done unto us.’

“On the 20th of Marcheswan in the year 17 of Darius the king.”

A fragment of a duplicate gives some instructive variants of this exceedingly interesting document, from which it would appear that gold and treasure was given to Waidrang to induce him to act against the temple of Yahû at Yeb.

To this plea on the part of Yedoniah and the Jewish congregation at Yeb a favourable answer was given, as the following document shows—

“Memorandum of what Bagohi and Delaiah said to me—Memorandum as follows—

“ ‘Thou shalt speak in Egypt before Arsames concerning the temple of the sacrificial altar of the God of Heaven which is in Yeb, the fortress, before our time, before Cambyses, which Waidrang, that _lahia_,(329) destroyed in the 14th year of Darius the king, to rebuild it in its place, as it was formerly. And they shall offer food-offerings and incense upon that altar, even as was wont to be done formerly.’ ”

Nothing could be more satisfactory than this little episode of the Jewish colony at Yeb—it needs but the discovery of the record of the rebuilding and the inauguration of the temple to round it off.

Bagohi governor of Judea is the Bagoas or Bagoses of Josephus, _Antiquities of the Jews_, xi. 7. The high-priest Johannes or John (the Yoḫanan mentioned on p. 539) had slain his brother Jesus in the temple, because the latter, supported by Bagoas, sought to dispute with him the High-priesthood. Notwithstanding the protests of the Jews, Bagoas penetrated into the temple, and imposed upon it a fine of 50 drachmas for every lamb sacrificed therein. It will thus be seen, that in offering to him a percentage of the sacrifices in return for his support in rebuilding the temple at Yeb, Yedoniah and his companions were acting in accordance with what was known to be his character. The reference to Yohanan’s refraining from helping them, it is reasonable to suppose, also occurred to them as likely to further their desires.

Yedoniah, the chief of the Jewish colony at Yeb and the writer of the longer document, is probably likewise named in the Oxford papyri—he was either Yedoniah ben Hosea or Yedoniah ben Meshullam, but could not have been identified with a third of the name, Yedoniah ben Nathan, as this last is stated to have been an Aramean of Syene. We have to await further light upon his identity.

Arsames, who is mentioned in the second paragraph (p. 537), is probably, as Sachau points out, the Arsanes of Ktesias, who was governor of Egypt when Darius II. mounted the throne. He left Egypt and went to the court of Darius, and the priests of Chnum(330) in Elephantine profited by his absence to destroy the Jewish temple there. In this they were supported by Waidrang, who, in the absence of Arsames, seems to have exercised the office of governor. To all appearance he had been commander-in-chief of the army in Egypt, a post held, at the time this document was written, by Nephyan his son. There is some doubt as to the reading and vocalization of the name Waidrang, and consequently, also, as to its true form, but it is regarded as certainly Persian. It is thought that its Persian prototype may have been _Vayu-darengha_,(331) “companion of the wind-god,” whilst his son’s name, in Persian, is possibly _Napâo-yâna_, “favour of the god Napâo.” Should these identifications be found correct, they will have, as Sachau remarks, considerable value in ascertaining the principle upon which names in Persian were given.

To all appearance Arsames returned to Egypt, and a reaction followed which ended in the disgrace of Waidrang and his followers, who were deprived of the spoils which they had stolen from the temple at Yeb, and the Jews also became, in the end, witnesses of the death of all their persecutors. It seems probable that the central government was greatly displeased at the action of Waidrang and the priests of Chnub, for the Persians seem always to have been well-disposed towards the Jews—moreover, cupidity, and not the good of the state, was at the bottom of Waidrang’s action. The destruction wrought, however, was not immediately made good, hence this document, which throws such a vivid light upon the state of Egypt and the Jews in those days. It is but just to the Persians of that period to say, that notwithstanding their seemingly Persian names, Waidrang and his son were apparently not Persians, but possibly Semites, as the (probably gentilic) adjectives applied to the former seem to show.

The date of this document is regarded as not admitting of any doubt, as may be gathered by the references to the regnal years of Darius in conjunction with the names of historical personages—Bagohi (Bagoas or Bagoses of Josephus), governor of Judea, Yehoḥanan or John, the high-priest at Jerusalem, and the two sons of Sanaballaṭ,(332) the governor of Samaria in the time of Artaxerxes I. (Longimanus). The ruler of the Persian empire when these documents were written, must therefore have been Darius II. (Nothus), who reigned for 19 years, namely, 424-405 B.C. The 14th year of Darius II.—the date of the destruction of the temple at Yeb—was 410 B.C., and his 17th year—the date when the appeal was sent to Bagohi—corresponds with 407 B.C. This fixes, among others, the date of Yehoḥanan, and Sachau points out as noteworthy that one of his brothers, named Manasseh, was son-in-law of the governor of Samaria, Sanaballaṭ, as related in Nehemiah xiii. 28. Another brother of the high-priest was the one whom he killed in the temple (Jesus). In this record, however, a third brother, Ostan or Ostanes, appears. To all appearance this last bore also another name, to wit, ’Ahani, which would be his true Hebrew appellation. If, however, the Babylonian construction has been followed here, this Ostan or Ostanes would be brother of ’Ahani, a personage of importance in Jerusalem, but not otherwise known. Adopting the rendering given in the translation, however, it is noteworthy that two brothers named Yehoḥanan and ’Ahani are mentioned in 1 Chronicles iii. 24. These, however, were descendants of David, whereas the brothers mentioned in the papyrus must have been descendants of Aaron.

A high Persian official named _Uštanu or Uštannu (Ostanu_ or _Ostan_) occurs on two Babylonian tablets in the British Museum, and also on one in the possession of Lord Amherst of Hackney. He bears the title “governor of Babylon and across the river,” possibly meaning all the tract west of the Euphrates. This man, however, can hardly at the same time have been governor of Egypt, and the texts in which he is mentioned seem, moreover, to belong to the time of Darius Hystaspis, in which case he lived at a much too early date.

The Egyptians called the island of Elephantine Yeb, and its capital bore the same name as the island. It is transcribed Ab by those who follow the old system of reading Egyptian, so that the present documents seem to support the philological views of the Berlin school. A common ideograph for the name of the island is an elephant with an upturned trunk, showing that Yeb really means “elephant-island,” and that Elephantine is simply the Greek translation of the native name. The temple of Khnum (Khnumba, Khnub), whose priests are referred to in the papyri, was destroyed by Moḥammed Ali in 1822.

The Hebrew divine name is written Yahu, which is apparently the longer form of the biblical Jah, seen in such names as Hezekiah (Assyrian _Ḫazaqi-yau_), Gemariah or Gemariahu (Jer. xxix. 3; xxxvi. 10, etc.). As is shown on p. 471, this termination was pronounced _iāwa_ by the Babylonian Jews, which raises the question whether the Yahu of these papyri may not have been pronounced _Yāwa_ also.

Dr. L. Belleli, of the Philological Section of the _Instituto di Studi Superiori_ in Florence, doubts the genuineness of the papyri found at Elephantine on account of chronological difficulties. In the case of the documents here translated, however, no such difficulties can be said to exist, and the forger of such things would have to be not only a splendid Aramaic scholar acquainted with the Berlin scheme of transcribing Egyptian, but also a historian and the possessor of an exceedingly lively imagination.

The above description is based upon Eduard Sachau’s noteworthy monograph, _Drei aramäische Papyrusurkunden aus Elephantine_, Berlin, Königliche Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1907. The documents in question were discovered by Dr. Otto Rubensohn, and the collection included some papyri still in roll-form, and various fragments. The principal document translated above belonged to the former category, and was successfully unrolled by Herr Ibscher, the keeper of the Royal Museum. The reproduction shows it as a large sheet of papyrus, folded in two, and certain damaged portions, on the left, imply that it was rolled upon itself about six times.

NOTES AND ADDITIONS.

P. 11. It is needful to state, as has been pointed out to the writer, that “our English translation would make all (the Biblical Creation-story) appear English.” In other words, the test of language is not an unfailing one.

Pp. 14-15. To the names of translators of the Babylonian Creation-stories must be added P. Jensen, and W. L. King, who has published important additions to the text.

P. 21, l. 4. Alternative rendering: “He beheld Tiamtu’s snarling” (see the note to p. 24).

P. 22. With the first paragraph on this page the contents of the third tablet, and with the last paragraph those of the fourth, begin.

P. 24. Instead of “they clustered around him,” Jensen translates (doubtfully), “they ran round about him,” and King, “they beheld him.” Something may be said in favour of each, but the rendering of the text seems more probable. Also, instead of “Examining the lair,” I am inclined to return to my earlier rendering, “Noting the snarling of Kingu, her consort.” The four succeeding lines read:—

“He looks, and his advance(333) becomes confused, His understanding is destroyed, and his action fails (?), And the gods, his helpers, going by his side, Saw the [con]fusion (??) of their leader, (and) their sight was troubled (too).”

King attributes this fear and confusion not to Merodach, but to Kingu and his followers, which would seem to be more consistent, but the difficulty is, that the original gives no indication that this was the case. Further discoveries may throw light upon the point.

P. 27. The Lumaši (l. 2), according to _Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western Asia_, vol. III., pl. 57, were seven constellations, and seem to have been included in the thirty-six stars or constellations mentioned two lines lower down. A list of these will be found in the _Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society_ for 1900, pp. 573-575.

P. 28, l. 29. The translation of this line is based on that of Mr. L. W. King, who first published the text. The word for “bone” is _iṣṣimtum_, the Heb. _’eṣem_, Arab. _’adhm_. If the word be correctly read (the character _tum_ is doubtful), it is possibly connected with _êṣimtum_, which translates the Sumerian character standing for a weapon or a long straight object.

Pp. 29-31. Tutu and other names given to Merodach in this section are referred to on pp. 45-46. By “the people” in line 15 (p. 30) are apparently to be understood the gods.

P. 44. Other names of the goddess Aruru, who assisted Merodach in the creation of man, are “the lady potter,” “the constructor of the world,” “the constructor of the gods,” “the constructor of mankind,” “the constructor of the heart.” Aruru was the goddess of progeny, and is one of the forty-one names by which “the lady of the gods” was known. An interesting Sumerian (dialectic) hymn to her exists in the Brussels Museum.

P. 47, ll. 29-32. Instead of “in their (the fallen gods’) room,” Jensen suggests, “for their redemption.” That the fallen gods were to be redeemed (lit.: “spared”) by the merits of the race of men which Merodach created is a new idea, which further information may confirm.(334)

P. 59, l. 13. Ea is the Aê of the preceding pages, the Oannes of Damascius. There is reason to believe that the name was also read Aa, which would account for the Greek form which he employs, and likewise for the identification of this god with the Aa of l. 4 and the following paragraph.

P. 63, l. 27. Perhaps the most interesting of recent discoveries is the identification (by Prof. Zimmern) of Euedoreschos with the Enweduranki of the tablet described on p. 77. The original Greek form must have been Euedoranchos (see the note to the page mentioned). Euedocus (l. 21) is probably the Sumero-Akkadian En-me-duga.

P. 67. For further notes in connection with Tiamat, see the discussion of Delitzsch’s _Babel und Bibel_ at the end, pp. 529-532. It is noteworthy that this name heads the list of abodes of the gods published in the _Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archæology_ for Dec., 1900, pp. 367-369. The explanation is unfortunately broken away, but it may be surmised that as the goddess of the watery wastes of the earth she was described as the abode of the gods who were regarded as her followers.

P. 72. The description of Tammuz as “the peerless mother of heaven” is probably to be explained by the fact, that _ama-gala_, “great mother,” is one of the Sumerian words for “forest,” and Tammuz was identified with the forest of Eridu, the divine abode where he dwelt.

P. 73. For Pir-napištim, Ut-napištim is a possible reading (see below, note to p. 99).

For further notes upon the trees of Paradise, see pp. 531.

P. 77. Euedoranchos. The forms of this name, as handed down, are Εὐεδωραχος, Εὐεδωρεσχος, and Εὐερωδεσχος. Eusebius’s Chronicle, however, gives the best form, namely, Edoranchus.

P. 78, l. 20. Perhaps it would be better to say that the Hebrew accounts of the Creation “probably came from Babylonia”—they may not have originated there.

Pp. 80-82. For further remarks upon the cherubin, see p. 533. In “the _kurub_ of Anu, Bel,” etc., which also occurs, we probably have a variant form.

P. 83, ll. 1-5. It is noteworthy that Ablum (“Son”) as a personal name actually occurs (De Sarzec, _Découvertes_, pl. 30 bis, No. 19). Compare Ablaa, “my son,” p. 533, l. 12.

P. 90. For further information about the name Gilgameš, see the _Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archæology_ for 1903, pp. 198-199. Prof. Hommel has pointed out that an inscription exists stating that he built the fortress of Erech, thus bringing him almost within the domain of history.

P. 99. (The Legend of Gilgameš.) Dr. Meissner’s discovery of a fragment of a new version of the Gilgameš-legend(335) is a most welcome addition to our knowledge. A description of this text will be found in the _Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archæology_ for March and May, 1903, where a comparison of the two versions is also given. It speaks of his visit to the land of darkness in quest of his friend Ea-banî (whose name, as this inscription indicates, should properly be read Enki-du or Ea(Aê, Aa)-du). In the second column it details his conversation with Siduri (“the _Sabitu_”), in which he refers to the death of his beloved companion, since whose departure he had not sought to live, but having seen her face, he expresses the hope that he will now not see death. The _Sabitu_, however, answers him to the effect that he would not find the life which he sought—death was the lot which the gods had set for mankind. Eat, therefore, make festival, rejoice day and night, put on fine apparel, take pleasure in child and wife—such was her advice. In the last column of this version the hero meets with Sur-Sunabu (Ur-Šanabi), who asks him his name. Gilgameš tells him who he is and whence he came, and asks to be shown Uta-naištim, the remote, as the Babylonian Noah seems to be called in this version of the legend. About one-third of the tablet, giving the lower parts of columns 1 and 2, and the upper parts of columns 3 and 4, is the amount preserved.

The above seems to show, that the name of the friend of Gilgameš was Êa-du, (Aa-du, Aê-du, or Enki-du), not Êa-banî; whilst Ur-Šanabi the boatman, was really called Sur-Sunabu (or Sur-Šanabi); and Pir-napištim, the Babylonian Noah, was Ut-napištim.

P. 104, ll. 1 and 6. Jensen suggests, for _muir kukki_, the translation “rulers of darkness(?)”:—

“(If) the rulers of darkness cause to rain down one evening a rain of dirt (?),

Enter into the ship, and shut thy door!”

That period arrived;

“The rulers of darkness rain down one evening a rain of dirt (?).”

_Muir_, however, seems to be singular, not plural. Another meaning of the word is “messenger.”

P. 108, l. 35. If this translation be correct, the throwing down of a part of the food recalls the casting of meal on the ground as an offering to the gods. It is not unlikely that the preparation of the food, and setting it by his head, was accompanied by some prayer or incantation to secure his recovery, as in the inscription translated in the _Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archæology_, May, 1901, pp. 193 and 205-210. Sleeping with a cruse of water near the head (1 Sam. xxvi. 11-12) was probably simply a provision against thirst, with no special meaning. On p. 111, there is just the possibility that “The leavings of the dish” were what was allowed to remain therein for the gods, and “the rejected of the food” may have been that which was thrown on the ground as an offering.

P. 113, ll. 19 ff. A number of the deities identified with the god Ea or Aa are given in the _Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western Asia_, vol. II., pl. 58, and form a parallel with the inscription printed on p. 58. Deities seem also to have been identified with Nebo. The centres where these gods were worshipped therefore had likewise their monotheistic system, in which all the other gods were identified with the patron-deity of the place, just as those Babylonians who worshipped Merodach identified all the other gods with him.

P. 119. There has been a great deal of discussion as to the way in which Šumer could be connected with Shinar, the chief reasons against their identification being that the latter must have come from a Babylonian form, of whose existence there is no evidence, and that it stood for the whole country (except, possibly, Larsa), whereas Šumer was the name of the southern part only. Hommel derives the Biblical Shinar from Ki-Imgir, through the intermediate forms Shingar, Shumir (Šumer) and Shimir. This is based upon the tendency which _k_ had to change into _š_, whilst the substitution of _m_ for an older _g_ or _ng_ can be proved. As, however, Shinar corresponds practically with the whole of Babylonia, a modification of Prof. Hommel’s etymology may, perhaps, best meet the case. The whole of the country was called by the Sumerians Kingi (or Kengi) Ura, and the expression _mâda Kingi-Ura_ is rendered, in the lists, _mât Šumeri u Akkadī_, “the land of Sumer and Akkad.” It is therefore clear, that Kingi-Ura corresponds with the whole tract, and is practically synonymous with the Biblical Shinar. The change from _k_ to _š (sh)_ being provable, it is possible that Kingi-Ura, pronounced Shingi-Ura, may have originated the Hebrew form Shinar (better Shin’ar), through the intermediate forms Shingura and Shingar.

The statement that Elam was the firstborn of Shem (Gen. x. 22) receives illustration from the fact, that many inscriptions have been found showing that Semitic Babylonian was not only well known, but also used in that country. From the order in which the names occur in Genesis, it ought to be the earliest of the Semitic settlements, coming before Asshur, Arpachshad, Lud, and Aram. If, however, Arpachshad stand, as is generally thought, for Babylonia, it is quite clear that there is no indication of chronological order in this, for Assyria was certainly younger, as a Semitic settlement, than Babylonia, and it would seem that Elam was colonized with Semites from the last-named country. This would make Elam to be simply the first Semitic colony, as Prof. Scheil has already suggested.

A good example of the slim racial type is shown on pl. V., second seal-impression. For a long time after the Sumerians had become one nation with the Semitic Babylonians, the type of the figures represented on the cylinder-seals and sculptures remained unchanged, and it is on this account that Ḫammurabi is portrayed, on the slab reproduced as pl. I., in the old non-Semitic costume. The early Semitic type is shown on pl. III., no. 1 (no. 2 shows the late Assyrian type). In pl. VI. the Sumerian style is there, but the type is rather thick. This, however, may be partly due to the sliding of the cylinder when the impression was taken.

P. 124. Sargon of Agadé’s conquests, according to the omens referring to his reign, were as follows:—(paragraph 1) Elam, (2) the land of the Amorites, (4 and 5) the land of the Amorites (twice), (6) doubtful, (7) he crossed the sea of the rising of the sun, and the reference to three years in that district seems to refer to the time he stayed there, (8) apparently no expedition, (9) he ravaged the land of Kazalla, (10) he put down a revolt in his own country, (11) he fought against Suri or Sumaštu.

P. 125, l. 27. The old Sumerian or Akkadian laws are only known to us from a few specimens preserved in the tablets of grammatical paradigms (the series _Ana itti-šu_), and will be found on pp. 190-191. It is probable that they were made use of in compiling the Code of Ḫammurabi.

P. 127, l. 21 ff. But perhaps it was the city of Aššur which came forth from Babylonia (_i.e._ was a Babylonian colony), and its ever-increasing inhabitants who founded the other cities mentioned.

P. 130 (the derivation of Nimrod). Another suggestion is, that Nimrod may be the name of Merodach, as “Lord of Marad” (Nin-Marad). As far as I have been able to see, however, this name of Merodach does not occur, and moreover, it was Nergal, and not Merodach, who was lord of Marad—Merodach’s city was Babylon. Prof. Hommel’s acute suggestion, that Namra-ṣit may be a Babylonian form of Nimrod, would seem to be doubtful.

P. 131 (Merodach’s net). The bow of Merodach, after his fight with Tiamtu, was placed in the heavens, and seemingly became one of the constellations, but we do not hear of any similar honour having been conferred on his net, notwithstanding the great service which it had rendered him. In Habakkuk i. 15-17 there is a curious passage in which “the Chaldean” is described as catching men with his angle and his net, as fishes are caught, and making sacrifice to his net and his drag on account of his success with them. Heuzey, the well-known French Assyriologist and antiquarian, makes a comparison between this passage and the Vulture-stele, on which an ancient Babylonian prince is represented as having placed his conquered foes in a great net. This, however, does not explain the statement that the Chaldean sacrificed and offered incense to his net and his drag, and it is doubtful whether the Prophet had either that or any similar sculpture or picture in his mind. There is, nevertheless, just the possibility that the Babylonians were accustomed to pay divine honours to the net of Merodach, and this may have given rise to the statement in the passage quoted. Whether the relief on the Vulture-stele be derived from the legend of Merodach or not, is doubtful—in all probability it merely expresses a simile derived from catching wild animals with a net, as exhibited by the sculptures of Aššur-banî-âpli in the Assyrian Saloon of the British Museum.

Pp. 132-133. With regard to the statements on these pages, the Rev. John Tuckwell writes: “Gen. xi. 1 must in all fairness be regarded as going back prior to ch. x, in order to tell the history of Babylon from its foundation. Again:—Why contradict Genesis? We do not know who ‘began’ to build Babylon—Sayce suggests ‘Etana.’ It is quite possible that ‘they left off to build the city,’ and resumed the work under Nimrod. There is no need to regard any of the statements as ‘interpolations’ if thus read. If all mankind perished by the Flood, as both stories appear to teach, there must surely have been a time when ‘the whole earth was of one language.’ ”

P. 134. For the derivation of Shinar, see the note to p. 119.

P. 136. The Mohammedan legend of the Tower of Babel, as told in the Persian work, _Rauzat-us-Safa_,(336) may be interesting. It is as follows:—

“When Nimrud had witnessed the extinction of the pile of fire, and had beheld the roses produced therein by the benign Creator, he aspired to ascend to heaven.... Nimrud ... spent many years in erecting a tower, which was so high that the bird of imagination could not reach its summit. When it was completed, he ascended to the pinnacle of the spire, but the aspect of the heavens remained precisely the same as from the surface of the earth. This astonished and perplexed him. The next day the tower fell, and such a fearful noise struck the ears of the inhabitants of Babel that most of them fainted from the effects thereof; and when they had recovered their senses they forgot their own language, so that every tribe spoke a different idiom, and seventy-two tongues became current among them.”

P. 136, l. 3 from below. Nannara was the moon-god, the same as Sin. L. 6 from below, read _Ê-bar-igi-ê-di_.

P. 144, l. 9 from below. The Rev. C. H. W. Johns, in his Assyrian deeds and documents, has pointed out the likeness of the names _Naḫiri_ and _Naḫarau_ (or _Naḫarâu_) to Nahor, referred to by Kittel in his little book upon Delitzsch’s _Babel und Bibel_.(337) _Naḫiru_, however, is the common Assyro-Babylonian word for “nostril,” and is also the name of a creature of the sea supposed to be the dolphin. _Naḫarâu_ it may be noted, notwithstanding the absence of the prefix of divinity, bears every appearance of being a name like _Bêl-Yau_ on p. 59, the initial _y_ or _i_ being omitted as in the case of _Au-Aa_ seven lines lower down. Judging from analogy, _Naharâu_ should mean “Naḫar is Jah,” but whether this has anything to do with the name Nahor or not is doubtful—as Assyrian equivalent we should rather expect _Naḫuru_.

P. 145, l. 11 from below. The name of a Babylonian district called Pulug occurs in a Babylonian geographical list, and may be the same as Peleg. Though the ideogram is different, this is possibly the same as the Pulukku of the _Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western Asia_, vol. II., pl. 52, l. 53, where it is explained as _Bît ḫarê_, “the house of the cutting,” or “excavation.” The Babylonians would therefore seem to have regarded Pulug or Pulukku as referring to the division of the land of Babylon by the cutting of the irrigation-channels which gave it its fertility.

P. 146, l. 4. There is no great probability that the name Terah has anything to do with _Tarḫu_, which occurs in certain names found in Assyrian contracts (Johns, _Assyrian Deeds_, pp. 127, 458, etc.).

P. 147, l. 4 from below. The family of Terah may, however, have become pastoral on leaving Ur of the Chaldees.

P. 148 (Abram). According to Prof. Breasted (_American Journal of Semitic Studies_, Oct. 1904) mention is made in the geographical list of Shishak at Karnak of “the field of Abram,” and if this identification be correct, it is the earliest reference to the great ancestor of the Hebrews and the nations associated with them, though it cannot be said that the date (time of Jeroboam and Rehoboam) is a very remote one. Owing to the same Egyptian character being used for both _r_ and _l_, Maspéro read the word as the plural of _’abel_, “meadow.”

P. 150, l. 23. Illustrations of the old Akkadian (or Sumerian) laws will be found in the contracts of adoption of Bêl-êzzu and Arad-Išḫara on pp. 176 and 177. The laws themselves are given on p. 190.

P. 152, second paragraph. It is needful to state that a few Semitic Babylonian inscriptions of an exceedingly early date (seemingly before 3000 B.C.) exist, likewise a few Sumero-Akkadian texts after 2300 B.C., and the periods of the two languages therefore overlap. Judging from the inscriptions, however, Sumero-Akkadian goes back to a date much earlier than the earliest Semitic, but it was to all appearance hardly used after the period of the dynasty of Ḫammurabi.

P. 158, l. 11. The Gutites were probably Medes.

P. 161, l. 11. It is not improbable that Sippar-Amnanu means simply “Amonite Sippar,” the second word of the compound being apparently from Amna,(338) which is possibly the Babylonian form of the name of the Egyptian sun-god, Amon. _Ya’ruru_ is seemingly the old form of Aruru, one of the names of Ištar, who was also worshipped there.

P. 166. The wedding-gift was to all appearance the price paid by the bridegroom for the bride, in this case handed to the bride’s brother and sister. For the laws concerning this payment, see Ḫammurabi’s Code, sections 163 and 164 (p. 505). It was generally handed to the bride’s father (upon a dish, according to _Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western Asia_, vol. v., pl. 24, ll. 48-51_cd_).(339) Instead of “Ammi-ṭitana the king,” Dr. Schor reads Ammi-ṭitana-šarrum, _i.e._ as the name of a man, meaning “Ammi-ṭitana is king.” If this be correct, the document is not a record of the marriage of a princess.

P. 168. The grain given to Šeritum was probably of the nature of a deposit—according to Ḫammurabi’s Code, sect. 257, the wages of a reaper were not one _gur_ of grain, but eight.

P. 173-174. Upon the question of adoption, see Ḫammurabi’s Code, sections 185-193. As there is no indication, in these enactments, that female children were included, it is doubtful whether Ana-Aa-uzni and Aḫḫ-ayabi had any remedy in case of repudiation, or refusal to perform all the conditions. Calling the gods to witness was probably regarded as being a sufficient safeguard. Nevertheless, the usage of the language was such that “daughtership” could be included in “sonship.”

Pp. 174 ff. It is noteworthy that, in this contract, there is no indication of the second wife having been taken to vex the first (Lev. xviii. 18, A.V.), and as the second was to be subordinate to the first, rivalling (as the R.V. translates) was as far as possible prevented. As the children already born are referred to (p. 175, l. 20), the second marriage could not have been due to the absence of offspring, and it may therefore be supposed that the second wife was taken on account of the ill-health of the first (Ḫammurabi’s Code, sect. 148). This is supported by the clauses referring to the services which Iltani was to perform for her “sister.”

P. 176. The adoption of Bêl-êzzu illustrates section 191 of Ḫammurabi’s Code. Both are based upon the Sumerian laws translated on pp. 190 and 191. The word translated “deep” (line 19) is one generally used for the ocean, the abode of Ea (Aa), god of the waters. It may have been something similar to “the brazen sea” in the temple at Jerusalem.

P. 177. Arad-Išḫara was evidently adopted under the same law and enactment as the foregoing. The declaration of the foster-father of his right to have children is interesting.

Upon the adoption of Karanatum, compare pp. 173 and 174, with the note thereon.

Pp. 178 and 179. The three tablets giving equal portions to each of the three brothers, illustrate sections 165 and 167 of the Code, which enacts that all brothers shall share equally. Any gift or share in the property left by the mother would probably be recorded on another document.

P. 180. Laws 178 ff. of Ḫammurabi’s Code show that votaries and priestesses had special privileges in the matter of inheriting property, and it would seem from the tablet of Erištum, the sodomite or public woman, that her station did not allow her the choice, that being the right of her sister, Amat-Šamaš, priestess of the sun.

P. 181. Naramtum apparently had no children, and seems to have been divorced in accordance with section 138 of Ḫammurabi’s Code.

P. 185. The case of Šamaš-nûri is illustrated by sections 144-146 of Ḫammurabi’s Code.

Pp. 187 and 188. The conditions of the hiring of a slave were probably those of the old Sumerian law translated on p. 191.

P. 199, l. 26. Elamite overlordship was naturally coextensive with that of Babylon as long as the latter power acknowledged Elamite supremacy.

P. 201, l. 5 from below. _Qanni_ is probably one of the Assyro-Babylonian words for “sanctuary.”

P. 203. In addition to the deities mentioned, Aššur-banî-âpli (Assurbanipal) speaks of the goddess Nin-gala, the “great lady” or “queen,” as having a temple called Ê-gipara at Haran. She is mentioned with Nusku (p. 202) and is called “the mother of the gods,” Šamaš, the sungod, being described as her firstborn. To all appearance she was the consort of the Moongod, Nannar.

P. 208, last line. “Yoke of the _Elamites_” would probably have been the better term. (See the note to p. 199.)

P. 209, l. 8 from below. Oppert always refused to accept the identification of Amraphel with Ḫammurabi.

P. 222, l. 4 from below. It would appear from the Babylonian lists that Tudḫula may be read simply Tudḫul, notwithstanding the final _a_ at the end.

P. 243, ll. 25 ff. The name Aqabi-îlu (p. 463, l. 15) is similarly formed to that of Ya’kubi-îlu, and from the same root, but it is not identical with it. There is no probability that Egibi (p. 439, l. 2, etc.) has any connection with the name Jacob, as has been suggested. Its connection with the (? Assyrian) name Ḫakkubu seems to be still more unlikely. Upon these and similar names, see Hommel, “_Ancient Hebrew Tradition_,”(340) p. 112.

P. 246, l. 5. If my memory serves me, the name Gadu-ṭâbu, “the fortune is good,” occurs on a contract-tablet in the British Museum. (I unfortunately forgot to make note of it at the time, hence my inability to give the reference.)

P. 249, after the first paragraph. Jacob’s wrestling with “a man” (Gen. xxxii. 24 ff.) brings out the interesting name Peniel or Penuel (vv. 30 and 31), explained as “the face of God,” so called because he had there “seen God face to face.” A similar name to this is the Babylonian _Ana-pâni-îli_, “to the face of God,” sometimes shortened to _Appâni-îli_. The documents bearing the latter are of the time of Samsu-iluna, and are therefore rather earlier than the time of Jacob. Besides the meaning given above, other renderings are possible, and the question arises, whether _Ana-pâni-îli_ means “(let me go) to the presence” or “before the face of God,” or that its bearer was asked for by his father “at the presence of God.” Many other possible renderings will also, in all probability, occur to the reader, but it is noteworthy, that in this case, the Biblical narrative may, by chance, serve to explain this Babylonian compound, for as “the man” with whom Jacob wrestled was the representative of the Almighty, so _pâni_ in the Babylonian name may be interpreted in the same way, and the person bearing it may have been offered or dedicated to the face, or presence (that is, the representative) of God. It is to be noted that the owner of the name on Mr. Offord’s cylinder (pl. vi. no. 2) was a worshipper of the god Hadad or Rimmon, and was not, therefore, a monotheist.

P. 273, l. 8. The date of Amenophis II., according to Petrie, was about 1449 to 1423.

P. 278. The non-Semitic pronunciation of _Ninip_ was possibly _Nirig_, and the Semitic reading _En-mašti_ (so Prof. A. T. Clay). An earlier reading of the Aramaic character regarded as _m_ was _n_, which would give _Ênu-rêštū_, “the primæval lord,” or the like, a title of Ninip and of other gods. For other suggestions, see Hrozný in the _Revue Sémitique_, July 1908.

P. 279, l. 2. The name Bidina may also be read Kaština, apparently a variant of the Babylonian Bidinnam or Kaštinnam.

L. 12 ff. The mention of _Dumu-zi_, _i.e._ Tammuz or Adonis, goes back to about 3500 B.C., or earlier. Hymns to Tammuz in the dialect of the Sumerian language exist, dating from about 2000 years before Christ, the most noteworthy of these compositions at present known being that preserved in the Manchester Museum.

L. 27. Mutzu’u. It is doubtful whether this name is complete on the tablet where it occurs. Possibly Mutzuata, a name occurring on the Bronze Gates found by Mr. Rassam at Balawat, furnishes an indication as to the way in which it should be completed. (Knudtzon reads _Mut-baḫlu_, written for Mut-ba’la, possibly meaning “the man of his lord.”)

L. 31. Yabitiri. The inscription referring to his early life is translated on pp. 284-285.

L. 37. For Addu-nirari, read Adad-nirari, the Assyrian form.

P. 280, line 4 and note. Nin-Urmuru (?) Knudtzon reads as Bêlit(= Ba’lat)-Ur-Maḫ-Meš. In Assyro-Babylonian this would probably be read _Bêlit-nêši_, a name meaning “the lady of the lions.”

P. 286, note 1. For the name Mut-zu’u, compare the note to p. 279, l. 27, above. Knudtzon’s new translation differs somewhat from that given here.

P. 293, l. 26. Another Zimrêda (to all appearance) is mentioned in an inscription in the British Museum. This text comes from Babylonia, and is possibly of an earlier date. It apparently refers to the affairs of the Babylonian principality of Suḫu and Maër.

P. 319, l. 14. Suḫi and Maër are mentioned together in the document referred to above, note to p. 293, and in the inscription of Šamaš-rêš-uṣur, governor of that district, published by Dr. Weissbach in his _Babylonische Miscellen_. This district lay, according to that scholar, somewhere near the point where the Habûr runs into the Euphrates. As the western boundary of this state is entirely unknown, the full value of Tiglath-pileser I.’s boast cannot be estimated, but the district ravaged must have been a considerable stretch of country.

P. 325. The inscription referring to Gazzāni probably forms part of one of those in which the ruler asks the gods (generally Šamaš and Hadad) for success against the countries which he intended to invade. Sargon of Assyria, Esarhaddon, and Aššur-banî-âpli (Assurbanipal) all had similar inscriptions composed for them. From the manner in which the text is written, however, it is probable that it antedates these.

P. 329, l. 4 from below. Instead of “advanced,” another possible translation is “rose up.”

P. 330, l. 3. Instead of Gilzau, Kirzau and several other readings are possible.

The “battle of Qarqara,” as it is generally called, is illustrated by strip I (old mark C) of the Bronze Gates of Shalmaneser II.(341) The scenes only represent the capture of the cities Pargâ, Adâ, and Qarqara of Urḫilêni (= Irḫulêni) of the land of the Hamathites, there being no reference either to Ahab, or to his allies. The city of Qarqara was later on taken by Sargon (see p. 363).

P. 341, l. 4. Instead of _Persia_, read _Pahlav_ as the identification of Parsua (Hommel).

P. 343, l. 22. As the character translated “lady” means also “sister,” it may in reality indicate the relationship of Sammu-ramat to Bêl-tarṣi-îli-ma.

P. 346, l. 22. Tiglath-pileser “III.,” or “IV.”

P. 347, l. 25. Sardurri of Ararat is the Sardaris (II.) of the Armenian cuneiform texts.

P. 349, l. 6. Ḫatarikka is also spelled with one _k_, as on pp. 344 and 345.

P. 374, l. 20. In Kammusu-nadbi we have an instance of the occurrence of the name of Chemosh, the national god of the Moabites. This name is also found in that of Kamušu-šarra-uṣur, apparently a Babylonian, perhaps of Moabite origin (see the note to p. 466).

P. 376, l. 21. Urbi occurs as the name of a city or district in a Babylonian geographical list, from which we learn also that there was an “upper” and a “lower” Urbi. It is immediately followed by Pulug (see the note to p. 145).

L. 8. from below. Kallima-Sin is now read Kadašman-Ḫarbe (or Muruš).

P. 381, foot-note. According to Prof. W. Max Müller, _Orientalische Literaturzeitung_, Nov., 1902, Mer-en-Ptah and “the great sorcerer and high-priest of Memphis” were brothers, and the incident of the vision took place before Mer-en-Ptah’s battle with the Libyans, when, as he himself states, he saw in a dream a figure like that of Ptah, who said to him “Take,” giving him the sword, and “Put away from thee thy faintheartedness.” Max Müller attributes the chronological error neither to Herodotus nor to the Egyptian scribes who supplied him with information, but to Hecataeus of Miletus, whose work Herodotus used—“an Egyptian would not have made such a chronological blunder.” This, naturally, much diminishes the value of the extract as a parallel to the account of the destruction of Sennacherib’s army before Jerusalem.

P. 384, l. 1 ff. The following is Nabonidus’s account of the murder of Sennacherib and the events which led up to it, from the inscription published by the Rev. V. Scheil in the _Recueil des Travaux relatifs à la Philologie et à l’Archéologie égyptiennes et assyriennes_, vol. XVIII., pp. 1 ff.:—

“He (this must be Sennacherib) went to Babylon, he laid its sanctuaries in ruin, he destroyed the reliefs,(342) the statues he overthrew. He took the hands of the prince, Merodach, and caused him to enter within Aššur(343)—according to the anger of the god then he treated the land. The prince, Merodach, did not cease from his wrath—for 21 years he set up his seat within Aššur. (In) later days a time arrived, the anger of the king of the gods, the lords, was then appeased. He remembered E-sagila and Babylon, the seat of his dominion. The king of Mesopotamia,(344) who during the anger of Merodach had accomplished the ruin of the land, the son born of his body slew him with the sword.”

For the Babylonians, the Assyrian king was the instrument of Merodach’s wrath.

P. 385. The British Museum “black stone” mentions Esarhaddon’s elder brothers: “I, Esarhaddon, whom thou (O Merodach) hast called, in the assembly of my elder brothers, to restore those buildings” (_i.e._ the temples, etc., damaged by floods).

P. 393. Nabopolassar, father of Nebuchadnezzar the Great, in an inscription found by the German expedition, and published by Dr. Weissbach in his _Babylonische Miscellen_, refers to the downfall of Assyria in the following words:—

“The Assyrian, who from remote days ruled all people, and with his heavy yoke oppressed the people of the land,(345) I, the weak, the humble, the worshipper of the lord of lords, by the mighty force of Nebo and Merodach, my lords, cut off their feet from the land of Akkad, and caused their yoke to be thrown off.”

As the text is not of any great length, Nabopolassar could not give details, but notwithstanding his humility, it is noteworthy that he takes all the credit to himself. The inscription is written on four cylinders from Ê-ḫatta-tila, the temple of Ninip in Šu-anna.

P. 399, l. 8. The spelling of the name of Nebuchadnezzar differs somewhat in the various inscriptions, but the meaning is always practically the same—“Nebo, protect the boundary” or “my boundary,” according as the second component ends in _a_ or _i_. In Nabium (p. 398, l. 7 from below) we have an old form fully spelt out.

[Plate XVI.]

Emblems used by Esarhaddon, and carved on the upper surface of the black stone presented to the British Museum by Lord Aberdeen. It represents a divine tiara upon an altar, a priest, the sacred tree of the Assyrians, a bull, a mountain (?), a plough, a date-palm, and a rectangular object—perhaps the walls of a town. The same emblems, arranged in a circle, are found on the cylinders from Babylon inscribed with his architectural works in that city.

P. 400, l. 25. The name of at least one Nabû-zer-iddina (son of Ab[laa?], descendant of Irani) occurs in the contracts of the time of Nebuchadnezzar. This man, however, was a scribe, and there is no indication that he had ever been captain of the guard.

P. 403, ll. 7 ff. The penalty of death by fire, inflicted on Shadrach, Meshach, and Abednego, receives illustration from the notes to p. 480.

P. 405, l. 21. The German excavations at Babylon have revealed the appearance of the gate of Ištar as a plain opening in a wall of the city, covered with glazed brickwork, ornamented with bulls and dragons alternately, arranged in vertical rows, a decoration which is repeated in the thickness of the wall and in the inner recesses. (See Delitzsch’s _Im Lande des einstigen Paradieses_, figures 25 and 26.) For the position of the gate, see the note to pp. 471, 472.

P. 406, ll. 2 and 3 from below. “The House of the Foundation of Heaven and earth” is the Ê-temen-ana-kia of p. 138.

P. 413, above. As an example of the sending of the statues of deities temporarily away from their shrines, see p. 278, where mention is made of the image of Ištar of Nineveh, sent to Egypt by king Dušratta.

P. 415, l. 23, and four following pages. Ugbaru and Gubaru are generally regarded as two forms of the name Gobryas, and though this seems certain, there is just the possibility, that they are the names of two different persons.

P. 425, l. 10 from below. The tablet mentioning Zēru-Bâbîli son of Mutêriṣu exists in two examples, one being in the British Museum, and the other (which has an Aramaic docket) in the possession of Mr. Joseph Offord. It is translated in the _Quarterly Statement_ of the Palestine Exploration Fund, July, 1900, pp. 264 ff.

P. 439, l. 26. The _raqundu_ was probably a weaver’s or embroiderer’s tool, returned in exchange for that lent.

P. 446, ll. 8 ff. from below. The inscription referred to is published in the _Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archæology_, Dec. 1895, pp. 278, 279.

P. 453, ll. 6-8. Prof. Campbell Thompson translates: “I send this as a _trouble_ to my brothers”—_i.e._ “I am sorry to trouble you, but I hope you will do what is right.”

P. 457, l. 19. Arad-Mede may also be read Arad-Gula. In the next line Šubabu-sara’ may be Šumabu-sara’.

P. 466 (the sale of an Egyptian slave). Another text of the same nature, dated in the same year, is in the De Clercq collection. It refers to the sale of an Egyptian slave-woman named Tamūnu (“she of Amon”). The text is published, with a translation by Prof. J. Oppert, in the second vol. of the _Catalogue_.(346) The slave in question belonged to Itti-Nabû-balaṭu, son of Kamušu-šarra-uṣur, “Chemosh, protect the king”—probably indicating that the bearer of the name was of Moabite origin, or the introduction of the god of the Moabites into Babylonia.

Pp. 471-472. The German excavations have already settled many doubtful points concerning the topography of Babylon, and it is certain that, after the destruction of the city, exaggerated accounts of its enormous extent obtained credence. According to Delitzsch, it was not larger than Munich or Dresden, though even that is a good size for an Oriental city. The principal ruins are on the right bank of the river, and included Babil (“Probably a palace”), to protect which the city-wall makes a considerable angle on the north. From this point the wall continues its course in a south-easterly direction for a considerable distance, and turning at a right angle at its farthest point from the river, runs back in a south-westerly direction to meet it again. About a mile south of Babil the visitor comes upon the great ruin known as the Kasr, where stood Nebuchadnezzar’s second palace. On the eastern side of this is the “procession-street” of the god Merodach, from which came some very fine reliefs of “the Lion of Babylon,” beautifully wrought in coloured and enamelled brick. The temple of the goddess Nin-maḫ lay to the south-east of the southern end of the street, and between the two was situated the celebrated Gate of Ištar, adorned with lions and strangely-formed dragons, already referred to (p. 551). Proceeding to the south-west from the temple of Nin-maḫ, we reach Nebuchadnezzar’s earlier palace, a very extensive structure, with a spacious court-yard and a large hall used as a throne-room, on the south side of which the recess for the throne is still visible. The palace of his father Nabopolassar, which adjoined it on the west, has not yet been excavated. About half-a-mile to the south of these palaces lie the ruins of the great temple of Belus, in the mound now known as Amran-ibn-Ali (see pp. 137 ff., 476, 480, ff.). The German excavations have thus confirmed the identification of the site, as indicated in the _Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western Asia_, vol. I., pl. 48, no. 9 (published in 1861). This text, which is a brick-inscription of Esarhaddon, reads as follows:—

“Esarhaddon, king of Assyria, king of Babylon, has caused the brickwork of Ê-saggil, Ê-temen-ana-kia, to be built anew for Merodach his lord.”

According to the German plan, the portion of the city on the west of the river was of exceedingly small extent.

Artists will soon be able to depict the scenery of Babylon as a background for pictures of this world-renowned city with considerable accuracy.

P. 478, l. 24. An alternative rendering instead of “sculptor,” is “seal-engraver.”

P. 480. On account of the Greek words, I give here a transcription of the late Babylonian text of the extract printed on this page:—

_An(tiukkusu) šarru ina âlāni ša mât Meluḫḫa šalṭaniš itta-luku-ma ... (amēlu) puliṭê puppê u êpšētam ša kima uṣurtu (amēlu) Yāwannu...._

_Uṣurtu_ may be translated “bas-relief” instead of “shrine,” but the rendering would not be materially changed thereby.

The remainder of the inscription, which is exceedingly interesting, is rather mutilated, and a trustworthy translation of it is at present exceedingly difficult. Certain thieves (_šarraqa_), however, seem to be mentioned, and had to all appearance stripped (_iqlubū_) the image of Uru-gala and another, “a deity whose name was called Ammani’ita.” On the 10th of Marcheswan these thieves were captured and imprisoned, and on the 13th to all appearance judged and condemned. _Ûmu šuati ina išati qalû_, “That day they were burnt in the fire”—such is the end of the story.

This seems not to be in accordance with the laws of sacrilegious theft, as stated in sections 6 and 8 of Ḫammurabi’s code. Perhaps the law had changed in the 1800 years which had elapsed since the time of that ruler; or stripping a sacred image was a much more heinous crime than mere theft from a temple, which, in the first degree, was punishable with death.

It is noteworthy that refusal to worship the image set up by Nebuchadnezzar was visited, in Dan. iii, with the same penalty, probably as showing contempt for the divinity.

P. 484, l. 13. The river Ṣilḫu is probably the Sellas in Messinia, where one of the numerous cities named Apameia (Apam’(i)a) lay.

Pp. 489-491. Not the least interesting of this long list of temples and cities are Aššur and Nineveh, of which we have here the earliest mention.

INDEX.

Aa, Aê, Ea (Aos), 17, 26, 56, 61, 77; ? the same name as Yâ, 59, 112; transferred to Merodach, 32, 113; his other names and titles, 62; abode and form, 62, 63; offspring, attendants, and consort, 63, 64; parentage, 17, 64; god of handicrafts, rivers, and water, the sea and life therein, 62, 63; ever ready with counsel, 64; warns Pir-napištim of the coming of the Flood, commands him to build a ship, and tells him what to say to the people, 102; reproaches Ellila, 107; deifies Pir-napištim, 107, 108; worshipped at Eridu, 160; month Iyyar dedicated to him, 65; figures of Aa, 247

Aa (Aê, Ea), Yâ, Ya’u, names containing, 59, 546

Aa (goddess), 160

Aah-mes, Egyptian captain of marines, 270

Aah-mes, Pharaoh, 269, 270

Aa-ibur-sabû, Babylon’s festival street, 405, 472

Aa-rammu of Edom, 374

_Abarakku_, 258

Abdi-Aširta (Abdi-Aširti, Abdi-Ašratum, Abdi-Aštarti), the Amorite, 278, 293; the forms of his name, 313; writes to the king of Egypt, 314

Abdi-îli (Abdeel), 157

Abdi-li’iti of Arvad, 374

Abdi-milkutti of Sidon beheaded, 386

Abdi-tâba of Jerusalem, 233; in a different position from Melchizedek, 235; writes to the king of Egypt, 294, 295, 297-299; see also 293

Abed-nego (Abed-nebo), the Babylonian name of Azariah, 129, 403

Abel-Beth-Maachah, 352, 353

Abēšu’ (Ebisum), king, 153, 155; his daughter hires a field, 167

Abi-baal of Samsimuruna, 386

Abil-Addu-nathānu, life of, 459 ff.

Abil-akka, 352

Abil-Sin, king, 153

Abi-nadib (Abinadab), 438, 439

Ablum, “son,” as a personal name, 547

Abram, Abraham, his parentage, meaning of his first name, and traditions concerning him, 146, 147, 196; a Chaldean or Babylonian, 147; probable Assyrian form of his name, 148; the importance of his period, 149 ff.; his seeming mistrust of the sons of Heth, 150, 151; was there a movement towards monotheism in his time? 198, 199; the Sabeans dedicate a chapel to him, 203; the field of Abram, 552

_Abrech_, Sayce’s explanation of, 258

_Abriqqu_, 258

Absence of names of Egyptian kings, 250

_Abubu_, one of the weapons of Merodach, 24

Abu-habbah (Sippar), 158, 411

Abu-ramu, 148

Abydenus, 63, 384, 385, 393

Abyss, the, measured by Merodach, 26. _See_ Apsū, Apason

Accad, a city of Nimrod’s kingdom, 118. _See_ Akkad

Accho, 277; lawless acts of the people, 281, 282, 360, 374

Accusation, false, 501 (127)

Achzib (Akzibi), 374

Act of God, 513, 523

Adad-’idri, 329; resists the Assyrian king, 334, 335; = Ben-Hadad, 337

Adad-nirari of Assyria, 279

Adad-nirari, king of Nuḫašše, 317

Adad-nirari III., king, 339, 342, 344; inscriptions of, 340, 341, 343

Adam, various etymologies of the word, 78; _adam_ in the bilingual story of the Creation, 78, 79

Adamah, 292

Adaya, 297

Addu (Hadad), 157, 170, 277

Adini of Til-barsip, 328

Administration, 493, 494

Adonis (_see_ Dumuzi, Tammuz), 82, 279

Adoni-zedek, 324

Adoption, 173, 175 177, 463, 465, 508, 509, 525, 553 ff.

Adram(m)elech, 378, 384, 385

Adultery, 501, 502

Aesculapius, the serpent, and the magic herb, 109 _n._

Agad, Agadé, 124, 412, 422; its temple-tower, 136; misfortunes sung, 477. _See_ Akkad

Agaditess, lamentation of the, 477

Agents and travelling merchants, laws concerning, 495

Agricultural implements, theft of, 513

Ahab (Ahabbu of the Sir’ilâa), 329-331, 335, 337, 338

Ahaz and Tiglath-pileser, 353, 356

Aḫi-milki of Ashdod, 386

Aḫi-miti of Ashdod, 369

Aḫi-tâbu (Ahiṭub), 281

Ahuni of Til-barsip, 328

Ahuramazda, 426, 427

Ain-anab, 293

Ainsworth, W. F., his description of the ruins of Haran, 200

Ajalon, 280, 297

Akizzi, king of Qatua, 289-290, 317

Akkad (Accad), 119; references to the country and its language, 121, 412; the ideograph for, 122; in early times a collection of small states, 123; names of their capitals, 124; the gods of, 415; revolt in, 415; weeping in, 416

Akkad, the city (Agadé), 124, 135

Akkadian, Akkadians, 119, 120, 121; probably migrants, 134; will overthrow the nations, 123; their language that of most of the earlier inscriptions, 124; its gradual disuse, 125; disappearance of their specific racial type, 125; their literature current also in Assyria, 126; their laws retained, 125; transcription and translations of inscriptions, 219-221

Akkû (Accho), 374

Alašia (? Cyprus), 277

Al Aštarti, city, 278

Al bêth Ninip, “the city of the temple of Ninip,” 278

Aleppo, 304, 329

Allala-bird, Ištar breaks his wings, 96

Allat, the temple of, 182

Alliance by marriage, 276

Amadeh, 273

Amāna, the god Ammon, 278

Ama-namtagga, “the mother of sin,” 532

Amanus mountains, 349, 368

Amaru, a name of Merodach, 54

Amar-uduk (Merodach), 54

Amasis, pharaoh, Babylonian vassal, 401

Amattu (Hamath), 363

Amedi, city, 372

Amen-em-heb, officer of Thothmes III., 272

Ameni (Amen-em-ha), inscription of, 261

Amenophis II., 273; Amenophis III., 274, 316; Amenophis IV., 269, 293, 299, 302; his names, 303

Amherst of Hackney, Lord, his tablet mentioning Ostanes, 544

Amki, the cities of, 288, 289, 317

Ammani’ita, goddess, 561

Amminadab (Ammi-nadbi) of Beth-Ammon, 389

Ammi-ṭitana, king, 153; extent of his dominions, 155; letter from, 165; lord of Amurrū, 215

Ammi-zaduga, king, 153; tablet dated in his reign, 168, 332

Ammonites (Amanians), 329, 333

Ammurabi, a form of the name Hammurabi, 209

Ammurapi (Hammurabi), 210

Amna, a name of the sun-god, 144

Amon (the god Ammon), 278

Amoria (the land of the Amorites), 155, 205, 206, 207, 208, 374, 422

Amorite, Amorites, 156, 157, 300; in Babylonia, 169, 277, 310; tribute from the, 328, 341; their kings do homage to Cyrus, 422; their deities, 156, 170 _n._; names, 170

Amorite tract, the, 169, 312

Amorite, an, the father of Jerusalem, 316

Amosis, the prince who knew not Joseph, 307

’Amq, identified with Amki, 289

Amraphel (Hammurabi), 125, 152; identified with Hammurabi by Prof. Schrader, 209; explanations of the final _l_, 211; colophon-dates of his reign, 211-214; his successor, 153, 187, 188

Amtheta, mother of Abram, 146

Amu, the ethnic name of the “impure” Hyksos kings, 265

Amurrū (the land of the Amorites), 122, 134, 155, 205, 206 (207), 208, 328, 341; ruled over by Sargon of Agadé, 215; claimed by Ḫammurabi, 215; ruled by Ammi-ṭitana, 311; the cuneiform ideographs for, 122, 311, 312; used for “west,” 311

Amurrū (the god), 156, 312

Amurrū (personal name), 157

Amytis, 407

Anab, 293

Anamimi, the spring of, 305

“An eye for an eye,” etc., 509, 522

Animals created by Merodach, 40; animals sent into the ark, 103, 117; animals held in honour at On, 264, 265

Ankh-kheperu-Ra, “the beloved” of Amenophis IV., 303

Anman-ila, king, 54 _n._, 154

Annihilation, the, of Assyria, 393

Annunit, 224. _See_ Anunitum

Anos (= Anu), 17

Ansan, city, 411, 420, 421

Anšar and Kišar, production of, 16; their names, 65; connection of Anšar with Asshur, 66; identity of the two deities, 66; similar names, 67

Anšar and the revolt of Tiamtu, 20

Antiochus (Epiphanes), tablet referring to his reign, 480, 561

Anu, god of the heavens, 16; asked to subdue Tiamtu, 20; fails, 21; mentioned with Ištar, 41; worshipped at Erech, 160, 231; Merodach founds a place for him, 26; he joins with other deities to send a flood, 101

Anu-Bêl, the god, 482, 483

Anunitum, goddess of Sippar, 160; Nabonidus’ and Belshazzar’s offerings to her temple, 445, 450

Anunnaki (spirits or gods of the earth), creation of, 40; present at the Flood, 104

Aos (Aa, Aê, or Ea), 17. _See_ Aa

Apam’a (Apameia), city, 484

Apason (Apsū, the primæval ocean), 16; husband of Tauthé (Tiamtu), 17

Apharsathchites, the, 391

Apharsites, the, 391

Aphek, city, 330

Apophis (’Apop’i), 262

Apparazu, city, 334

Apprenticeage, 508

Apsū (= Apason), the primæval ocean, the abyss, 17; non-existent at the beginning, 39; its fountain, 41, 44; E-sagila there, 40, 43; the abode of Tammuz, 43

Arabia, Sennacherib, king of, 378, 381

Arabians (Arbâa), 329, 333, 388, 391; help Sennacherib, 382

“Arabic” dynasty, the, 169

Arabs, 347

Araḫtu, the canal, 70

Aramaic dialects, 140; papyri, 539 ff.

Arame, king, 334

Aramean tribes, 347, 356

Arameans, 371

Aram-naharaim, 207

Arandaš, Hittite king, 537

Ararat (Urarṭu), 127, 336, 347, 351, 367, 368

Arareh, 293

Ararma (Larsa), 218

Araske (Nisroch, the god Assur), 378

Arazias, land of, 341

Arbaces, the Scythian, 393

Arbela, 412

Archevites, the, 391

Arganâ, city, 329

Argob, 313

Ari, the land of the Amorites in Sumerian, 312

Arioch, 164; identified with Eri-Aku, 209

Arioch, the king’s captain, 403

Ark (ship), command to build the, given by Aê (Ea, Aa), 102, 117; description of the, 103; entered by Pir-napištim, his family, etc., 103; given into the hands of a pilot, 104; stopped by the mountain of Niṣir, 105; Bel’s anger on seeing it, 106; its building and provisionment, 103, 115

Armenia, 311, 344, 373; Sennacherib’s sons take refuge there, 378

Armenians (Mannâa), 387

Arnon, 313

Arpachshad, possible etymologies of, 143, 144 _n._

Arpad, 340, 345, 347

Arqania, city, 484

Arrapha (Arrapachitis), 345, 346

Arsakā (Arsaces), departs to Arqania, 484

Arsâm (Arsames), 539, 542

Art of the Hittites, 323

Artaxerxes, friendly to the Jews, 428; his death, 429

Artificers of the ark saved in the vessel, 103, 115, 117

Aruada (Arvad), 386, 390

Aruru, the goddess of Sippar-Aruru, 43, 44; aids Merodach to create the seed of mankind, 40; creates Ea-banî, 93; her names, 546

Arvad, city, 272, 322, 328, 386, 390

Arvadites (Arudâa), 329, 374

Arzauya of Ruhizzu, 289

Arzawa, 298

Ašaridu, letter of, 210

Asari-lu-duga (Merodach), 54, 155

Asaru or Asari (Merodach), 54, 143

Asdudimma, city, 369

Asenath, the name, 258; legend concerning her, 259

Ashdod, 322, 369, 370, 376, 386

Ashdodites (Asdudâa), 374

Asherah, the, 278, 314

Ashtoreth, Ashtaroth, 156, 157, 278, 313

Askelon, 277, 297; conquered by Meneptah II., 306, 374, 386

Asnapper (Assur-banî-âpli), 391; letter apparently addressed to him, 210

Aspāsinē (Hyspasines), Kharacenian king, 482, 483

Assarachoddas (Esarhaddon), 378

Asshur, builder of the cities of Assyria, 118

Asshur (Aššur), city, creation or foundation of, 28, 38, 374, 422; earliest mention of, 490; revolts, 345, 346; land of, 340

Assignment for loan, 498

Aššur, the national god of the Assyrians, 202, 329, 340; Delitzsch’s etymology of, 66

Aššurâaitu, queen, 392

Aššur-âḫâ-iddina (Esarhaddon), 392

Aššur-banî-âpli, 129; letters to, 201, 410; restores the temple of Nusku at Haran, 202; see also 251; refers to Sennacherib, 382; his reign, 388-392; his palace discovered, 394

Aššur-dan, king, 344; wars in Babylonia, etc., 345

Aššur-êtil-îlāni-ukînni, 392

Aššur-mulik (Aššur-munik), 385

Aššur-nadin-šum, son of Sennacherib, made king of Babylon, 379; his deposition, 380

Aššur-naṣir, eponym, 410

Aššur-naṣir-apli, I., 327

Aššur-naṣir-âpli II., 327; attacks Carchemish, 321; marches to the Mediterranean, 328

Aššur-nirari II. marches to Hatarika, Arpad, 345; and Namri, 346

Aššur-uballiṭ to Amenophis III., 282

Aššur-uttir-aṣbat = Pitru, 329

Assyria, Assyrians, 122, 123; spoke the same language as the Babylonians, 126; their origin, 126; character, rulers, artistic skill, 128; invasion by, 331; revolt of, 345, 374; downfall of, 391 ff., 395; Christians of, 485

Assyro-Babylonian language, the, widely known, 140, 275

Astamaku, city, 334

Aštarte (Istar) and the Asherah, 314

Astyages captured by Cyrus, 411

Ašur-nadin-âḫi of Assyria, 283

’Atar-’ata (’Atar-ghata), Tar-’ata, Atargatis, or Derketo, 203

Atargatis, goddess of Haran, 203

Aten, the sun’s disc, its suggested etymology, 303

Athribis, 389

Atra-ḫasis (Gk. Xisuthrus), a name of Pir-napištim, 107, 117; the coming of the Flood revealed to him in a dream, 107

Augury from entrails, 240

Avaris, the Hyksos shut up in, 252; the centre of their rule, 254; taken by the Egyptians, 270

Avitus of Vienne, Bishop, 47

Ay, pharaoh, 303

Azariah, 338, 348

Aziru, 279, 293, 313, 315

Azor (Azuru), 375

Azriau or Izriau (Azariah), 348, 349

Azuri of Ashdod, 369

Azzati (Gaza), 285

Ba’ali, city, 340

Ba’ali-ra’asi, 337

Ba’al(u) of Tyre, 386

Baal-zephon (Ba’ali-ṣapuna), 349; (Ba’il-ṣapuna), 369

Ba’asa (Baasha), 333

Baba (Beby), 261; his inscription, 262

Babel = Babylon, 118, 135

Babel, Tower of, supposed, 44, 132-141, 398

Bâbîa, name, 456

Babylon, founded by Merodach, 40; principal centre, 124; Dynasty of Babylon, 142, 152, 153; city destroyed by Sennacherib, 380, 381; Jehoiachin carried to, 399; the gods of Akkad enter, 415; at the time of the Captivity, 471-473; the proposed new capital under Alexander the Great, 476; its walls dismantled under the Seleucidæ, 418; as revealed by the German excavations, 560; the Church at, 485; tablets dated at, 432, 440-444, 448, 449, 459, 460, 464, 466, 478

“Babylon and the Bible,” 525, ff.

Babylonia (Sumer and Akkad, Shinar), 118, 119; majority of inscriptions Semitic, 119; federated under Ḫammurabi, 149; change in its rule, 152; under Assyrian rule, 327, 356, 357, 371, 379, 380, 386, 391; under Cyrus, 419 ff.; Darius and his successors, 424 ff.; the Greeks, 475 ff.; Kharacenians, 481; Parthians, 484

Babylonia at the time of Abraham, 171, 347

Babylonian, Babylonians, character, 150; dress, 171; manners, 172, 391; racial characteristics, 119, 120; downfall of their empire, 415; fought in the army of Cambyses, 467; their religion, 49 ff., 159 ff.; gods worshipped at a late date, 479

Babylonian Chronicle, the, 361, 383, 385

Bactrian slave-girl, the, 471

Bāgā-asā, brother of Hyspasines, 483

Baghdad, the Christians of, 126

Bagohi (Bagoas, Bagoses), 539 ff.

Baḫiani, 322

Balawat, gates of, 405

Ball, the Rev. C. J., 54; compares Akkadian with Chinese, 121

Barbers and slave-marking, 511

Bardes (Barzia), 424

Baruḫi-îlu (? Baruchiel), 458

Bashan, the plain of, 277

Bashmurites, origin of the, 266

“Battle,” the, 530

Behistun (rock), 426

Bêl, “the lord,” a name given to Merodach, 32, l. 116, 54; = Baal, Beecl, etc., 55; as god of lordship and dominion, 58; his dislike for Pir-napištim, 102; his anger at the escape of the patriarch and his people from the Flood, 107. _See_ Anu-Bêl

Bêl, “the lord” = Ellila (Illil) = Illinos, 17; called “the father,” 32, l. 116

Bel and the Dragon, story of (= the Semitic Babylonian story of the Creation), 20

Bêl-âbla-iddina, captain of Babylon, 469

Bêl-âḫê-iddina, one of Neriglissar’s captains, 444

Bêl-bulliṭ-su (a scribe), 478

Bêl-êṭiranni, major-domo of Neriglissar, 438

Bêl-ibnî (Belibus), 379

Belichus (river), 328

Bel-Merodach, 18

Belos (Bel-Merodach), 17, 18; his temple, 471, 472, 552

Bêl-rêṣuā, Belshazzar’s servant, 447

Bêl-šarra-bulliṭ, agent of Nabonidus and Belshazzar, 450

Bêl-šarra-uṣur, chief of a Median province, 367

Bel-shamin worshipped at Haran, 203

Belshazzar (Bêl-šarra-uṣur), son of Nabonidus, 414; was he descendant of Nebuchadnezzar? 339, 407; as crown prince, 412, 447 ff.; in Akkad, 412, 449; his position, 414; though heir to the throne, 447; never mentioned as king, 419; a sale of clothes, 449; his appointment of Daniel, 419; a letter apparently from, 538; his death, 417-419

Bêl-šum-iškun, father of Neriglissar, 409, 438

Bêl-tarṣi-îli-ma, of Calah, 343

Belteshazzar (Daniel), explanation of the name, 402

Beltis, goddess, 415

Bêl-ušallim, the enchanter, tablet of, 155

Bêl-Yau, “Bel is Jah,” name, 59

Bêl-zēr-lîšir, copy of an old lamentation made for, 447, 478

Bene-berak (Banâa-barqa), 375

Ben-Hadad II. (son of Ben-Hadad I.), 330; restores cities, 331; besieges Samaria, 333; meets Shalmaneser, 335; see also 329, 337, 338, 342; Ben-Hadad (god), 317

_Bennu_, the bird of Râ or Rê, 265

Berechiah, 471

Bêri, the Ḫašabite, to the king of Egypt, 288

Berlin Museum, 372

Berosus, the Babylonian author, 63, 378, 379 (siege of Jerusalem), 384, 385 (death of Sennacherib), 406, 408, 409, 410, 418, 422

Bertin, George, his suggestion with regard to the “sons of god,” 86

Beth-Ammon, 322, 386, 389

Beth-Ammonites, the, 374

Beth-arbel, 361

Beth-Dagon (Bît-Daganna), 375

Bethel (_bêt-îli_), the, at Haran, 201; division of property declared in the, 180

Beth-Ninip, the city, 235, 299

Bethuel, the name, 245

Beyrout, 293

Biamites, origin of the, 266

Bigamy, 503

Bilingual Creation story, 38-41

Bin-Addu, 317

Bin-Addu-’idri, 329. _See_ Ben-Hadad

Birch, Dr. S., 253

Birds, sending forth of the, 106, 116

Birejik, 207

Birs-Nimroud (Tower of Nimrod), services in, 485. _See_ E-zida

Bît-Amukkāni (Chaldean tribe), 356

Bît-Baḫiani, 322

Bît Ḫumrî, Bît Ḫumrîa (Israel), 332, 352, etc.

Bît Ninip in the province of Jerusalem, 2, 235, 299

Bît-Yakin, 371

Black Obelisk, 332, 337

Blessed, the abode of the, at the mouths of the rivers, 73

Blessing of Aaron, Delitzsch’s parallel to, 526

Boatmen’s wages and penalties, 511-512

Boats and ships, hire of, 514, 515; boats of skins, 319

Body, the, of Joseph not taken at once to Canaan, 266, 267

Boghaz Keui (Köi), 205, 317, 537, 538

Bond and free, marriages between, 506, 507, 525

Borrowers, liabilities and rights of, 495, 496

Borsippa, the temple tower at, 137; tablets dated at, 461, 462. _See_ Birs-Nimroud, E-zida

Bosanquet (Mr.), 345

Bow of Merodach, 28

Branding of animals, 457

Breasted, Prof., 552

Brick in Babylonia, 135

Brigandage, 493

Brugsch, Prof., 253, 304, 305; his translation of the inscription of Baba, 262

Bubastis, 263

Budu-îlu of Beth-Ammon, 374, 386

Builders, their pay and liabilities, 511; Babylonian kings as, 398

Building of the ship or ark, 102, 103, 117

Bull, divine, sent against Gilgameš and his friend, 97; killed and mutilated by the latter, 97, 98

Buntaḫtun-ila, king, 54 _n._, 154

Burial of Seqnen-Rê, 269

Burra-buriaš (Burna-burias), king, 276, 293; speaks of Canaan, 205; his letter to Amenophis III., 281

Bûr-Sin, king, 124, 164; meaning of his name, 217, 218

Buzu, city, 182

Buzur-Kurgala, the pilot or boatman of the ship (ark), 104

Caedmon, 47

Cain and Abel, parallel to the story of, 82-84

Calah (Nimroud), built by Asshur, 118, 126, 341; statues at, 343; revolt in, 346

Calne, 348

Calneh, one of the cities of Nimrod’s kingdom, 118; identified with Niffer, 126, 135

Camarina (Urie), 146; its probable etymology, 147, 197

Cambyses (Kambuzîa), performs ceremonies, 416; becomes king, 424; tablet of his reign, 466; his campaign in Egypt, 467

Canaan, 204, 205; mentioned by the Pharaoh, 301, 304, 306; “a domain of Babylonian culture,” 526

Canaanites, Rameses II. and the, 305

Canals, the Babylonian, 159

Canon, the Babylonian, agrees with that of Ptolemy in naming Pûlu or Poros, 357, 358

Canon of Ptolemy, 358, 398

Canons, the eponym, 352, 353, 358

Cappadocia, 318

Captives asked for, 301, 302

Caravans, attacks on, 281, 285, 286

Carchemish, 272, 304, 319, 321, 329-334, 339, 367

Carchemishites, 350

Carmania, Nabonidus exiled to, 418

Carmel, Thothmes III. at, 271

“Cedar, beloved of the great gods,” the, 76

Carrier’s responsibility, 499

Cart, oxen and driver, hire of, 514

Chaboras (Habor), river, 364

Chaldean, Chaldeans, the tribes, 341, 347, 356; not liked by the Babylonians, 371; Esarhaddon and the, 388; Nabopolassar supposed to be a, 396

Chaldean Christians, the, 394

Characters, Assyrian, 312; Babylonian, 122

Changelings, 509

Chariots of the Hittites, 319

Chedor-, 209. _See_ Kudur-

Chedorlaomer, 209, 215; at first identified with Kudur-mabuk, 222; probably the Kudur-laḫmal, or Kudur-laḫgumal of the inscriptions, 223, 232

Chemosh, the god of the Moabites, 557, 559 ff.

Cherub, cherubim, 80-82, 533, 547

Chiefs of Takhsi made captive, 273

Chinzeros (Ukîn-zēr), 356, 357

Chnub, Chnum, priests of, plot against Jews, 539, 542, 543

Choosing the inheritance, 180

Christians, of Mossoul and its neighbourhood, 394; of Baghdad and Irak, 485

Chronological trade-document, a 398

Cilicia (Kefto), 274, 368; places near, conquered by Sennacherib, 379

Cilicians, the, 390

Cities, creation of, in Babylonia, 28; their growth, 171; invoked as deities, 181; those benefited by Ḫammurabi, 489, 491

Cities, etc., of the western states, before the Hebrews, 277

Cittaeans, 360

Civilization in Babylonia, antiquity of, 170

Clay, Prof. A. T., 555

Cleopatra’s Needle, 265

Coast-lands, Mediterranean, pay tribute to Aššur-banî-âpli, 388

Code of Ḫammurabi, 491-515; notes upon, 519, ff., 545, 546; illustrations of, 166, 168, 173 ff., 176, ff., 179, ff.

Collisions at sea, 512

Colophon-dates, 178-182, 184, 185, 187, 188, 211-214

Combat with the Dragon, 18 ff.

Commagene, 319, 329, 372

Commissariat, letter concerning the, 287

Commissioner and agent, relations between, 498, 499

Compensation for slaves, 458, 459, 513, 523

Conciliation, Elamite policy of, 233

Concubines, 502, 503, 508

Confusion of tongues, the, 132, 133, 139, 140, 170

Congregation, the, of, E-saggil, 126 B.C., 482

Constellations, Merodach sets the, 27

Consulting the teraphim, 247

Contempt for gods, 553, (480)

Cossaeans (Kaššû), 373, 537

Costume of the people in Babylonia 2000 B.C., 171

Countries known to the Babylonians and Assyrians, list of, 206

Courts of Justice in the temples and at the gates of cities, 163

Creation, the Hebrew story of, 11 ff.; how it grew, 9 ff.; differences between it and the Babylonian accounts, 34 ff., 48-49

Creation-legend, the Semitic, an heroic poem, 10; extracts from, 18, 19, 21-23, 35, 36; remarks upon, 20, 33-38

Creation-legend, the bilingual, 38-45; why compiled, 39

Creation-legends, though differing, contain similar ideas, 10

Creation-tablet, the first, 16; Damascius’ version, 16; remarks thereon, 20; the second, 20, 21; third, 22; fourth, 22-26; fifth, 26-28; sixth, 28, 29; last, 29-33

Cruelty of the Egyptians to captives, 273

Cultivation, tablet referring to, 456, 457

Cure of Gilgameš, the, 108, 109

Cush, the father of Nimrod, 118, 204

Cuthah, the temple-tower at, 136; tribute from, 341; its site found by Rassam, 394

Cylinder-seal with supposed representation of Adam’s fall, 79

Cyprus (Yatnana or Ya(w)anana), 128, 304, 373; its kings, 386, 387; tributary to Egypt, 272; aids Aššur-banî-âpli, 389

Cyrus, his operations against Astyages, 411; crosses the Tigris, 412; subjugates Babylonia and enters the capital, 415; helped by the Jews, 416; his treatment of Nabonidus, 418; master of Babylonia, 419; his inscription, 420 ff.; champion of the Babylonian gods, 422; restores exiles to their homes, 423; his death, 424

Daché and Dachos, miswritten for Laché and Lachos, 17

Dagon (Dagunu), 59; (Dagan), 142, 279

_Daily Telegraph_ expedition, the, 90; finds a fragment of a second story of the Flood, 117

Damage by herdsmen, 514

Damascius, his version of the Babylonian Creation-story, 16, 17, 63

Damascus, the city (Dimasqu, Dimasqa), Israelites build streets there, 331; Mari’u, the king besieged there, 341; “land of,” 353; Ahaz goes there, 356, 363

Damascus, the country (Ša-imēri-šu, Imēri-su), 329, 334, 336-338; Mari’u, king of, 341; subdued by Assyria, 348 (353); Rezon of, 354

Damu, goddess, “the great enchanter,” 16

Daniel, 402, 417

Daos, the shepherd of Pantibiblon, his long reign, 63

Dapur (Tabor), 305

Darius Hystaspis, mounts the throne of Babylon, 424; the contract-tablets of his reign, 425, 468-471; his monotheism, 426, 427; the extent of his dominions, 427

Darius II., 539, 542

Dark head, people of the, 420

“Dark vine,” the, of the Babylonian Paradise, Eridu, 71, 75

Dâ-šartî, a captive, 302

Date, probable, of the Hyksos invasion, 265; of the Exodus, 306

“Daughter for daughter,” 510, 522

Daughter (? adopted), sale of a, 185

Dauké (= Damkina), 17, 18; consort of Aa or Ea, 64

Day, the evil, 528

Days of creation, no reference to, 49; days of the month, 526, ff.

Dead slave, the, 458, 459

Death of Shalmaneser II., 339; IV., 361; Sargon, 372; Sennacherib, 383; Esarhaddon, 388; the last king of Assyria, 393; Belshazzar, 419

Death-penalty for adultery, 501, 521

Debt, working off of, 500, 521; responsibility of husband and wife for, 503, 504

De Clercq collection, the, 560

Decoration, Babylonian, 551 (405), 552 (471-472)

Defamation, 501

Dehavites, the, 391

Deified kings, 164

Deities as witnesses, 187

Deities of Mitanni, 277, 278

Deities of west Asian origin, 156

Deities probably foreign, 157

Delaiah, son of Sanballat, 541

Delitzsch, Prof., Friedrich, 14, 15, 36, 78; restorations by, 122, 361; his etymology of _sadû_, 248; _Babel und Bibel_, etc., 525, ff., 546, 559

Deposit, goods on, 499, 500, 501, 521

Derketo (Atargatis), goddess, 203

Dêru, Babylonian city, 363

Desertion, 502

Devotees, recluses, priestesses, and public women, 161, 499, 507, 508

“Dibbara Legend,” the, 122

Digging of canals, dating by the, 159

Dimasqa, Dimasqu (Damascus), 336, 341, 353, 363

Dinaites, the, 391

Diodorus Siculus upon the taking of Nineveh, 393

Disaster, the Assyrian, at the siege of Jerusalem, 378

Disowning of a son, 176, 177, 505

Distraint, 500; a parallel to the case of the Egyptian farmers, 525

Divination, 247

“Divine Daughters,” the, 160

Divine honours paid to Egyptian rulers, 270

Division of property, 178-181

Divorce, 181, 502

Double-formed and bull-like monsters, Ea and his attendants, 63, 64

Dove, swallow, and raven sent forth from the ship (ark), 106

Dower, return of, 502, 504

Dowers and gifts to virgins, priestesses, etc., 508

Downfall of Assyria, the, 392, 393; Nabopolassar upon the, 550

Dragon of Chaos, the, 18; dragon and the serpent-tempter, 529 ff.

Dreams, royal, 390, 411

Dress of the scribes in early Babylonia, 171, 172

Driver, Prof., 260 _n._

Du-azaga, “the holy seat,” 405

Dûdu, name, 315

Dudḫalia, 537

“Due of the Sun-god,” the, 167

Dū-maḫa, a sacred place, 228

Dumuzi-Abzu, “Tammuz of the Abyss,” 43, 63

Dungi, Babylonian king, 124, 152, 164

Dunip (Tenneb), city, 277; resists the enemies of Egypt, 294

Dunnaitess, lamentation of the, 477

Dura, plain of, 403, 404

Dûr-Ammi-zaduga, city, 172

Dûr-Dungi, 325

Dûr-îlitess, lamentation of the, 478

Dûr-Kuri-galzu, 347

Dûr-Ladinna, 371

Dûr-maḫ-îlāni, son of Eri-Eaku, 223, 224, 226, 227, 231, 233

Dûr-Sargina (Khorsabad), the temple-tower there, 137, 369

Dusratta, king of Mitanni, 276, 278, 304, 316

Dynasty of Babylon, 142, 152, 153; Babylonia at the period of the, 169 ff.

Ea, the god, 17, 26, 56, etc. _See_ Aa

Eaašarri, 278 _n._

Ea-banî (Aê-banî, Aa-banî), the man of the wilds, 92; his creation and appearance, 93; is seen by a hunter, enticed, and induced to go to Erech, 94; he accompanies Gilgameš against Ḫumbaba, 94, 95; kills a divine bull, 97, 98; his dreams and death, 98; his resurrection, 110 (Ea-du, Enki-du)

Ea-du or Enki-du, 92 _n._, 548

E-ana, E-anna, the temple at Ecrech, 39, 229; its sanctuary, 91

Early life of a Syrian prince, 285

E-babbara (the temple at Sippar), 160, 434; expenditure of, 446; (the temple at Larsa), 218

E-bara. _See_ E-babbara

Ebed-tob (Abdi-ṭâba), 291

Ebers, Prof., his translation of the inscription of Ameni, 261; upon Apophis, 263

Ebisum (Abēšu’), king, 153, 155

Eden, Garden of 13, 69; the native land of the Babylonians, 14; Sippar of Eden, 70, 72; Eden not referred to as the earthly paradise in the Babylonian inscriptions, 72

Edina, “the plain” (Eden), 43, 72

Edom (Udumu), 322, 341, 370, 374, 386

Edrei, 313

Egypt (Musuru, Musru, Musur, Miṣir), 249-309; the Hyksos invasion, 251; gradually loses Palestine, 290; governors still faithful to, 293; invaded by Sennacherib, 381; an Assyrian province; see also 363, 365, 375

Egypt, the brook (? river) of, 388

Egypt Exploration Fund, the, 305

Egyptian civilization, 250

Egyptian king, the, to the prince of the Amorites, 300

Egyptian loan-words, 143, 144

Egyptian slave, sale of an, 466, 551; testifies to Cambyses’ campaign in Egypt, 467

Egyptians (Muṣurâa), 375; their decision with regard to the Israelites, reason of, 268

E-ḫulḫul, the temple of Sin or Nannara at Haran, 202

Ejectment before the end of the term, 498

E-kidur-kani, temple at Babylon, 433

Ekron (Amqarruna), 375, 376, 377, 386

E-kua, sanctuary of Merodach, 472

Elah, 355

Elam, a mountainous country, 206; firstborn of Shem, 549; its power, 209; conquered by Sargon, 362 (363); Merodach-baladan in, 373; ravaged by Sennacherib, 380; conquered by Aššur-banî-âpli, 391; acknowledges the sway of Darius, 427

Elamite, Elamites: Ḫumbaba, 94, 95; Chedorlaomer, 209, 215, 222, 224, 227; Kudur-mabuk, Kudur-laḫ(gu)mal, etc., 222-225, 230, 232; hostile to Assyria, 372, 379, 380, 391; their incursions near the Tigris, 483; see also 122, 140, 170, 229

Elath, 353

Elders, rule of, 280

Elephantine, the Aramaic papyri from, 539 ff.

Elephants killed by Tiglath-pileser I. in the land of Haran, 200; and in Lebanon, 201; elephants in the district of Niy, 273

Elephants’ tusks, 321

El-Kâb, 261

Ellasar, city, 124

Ellila (v. Bel)

Ellipu, country of, 341, 372

Elmesum, princess, marriage-contract of, 166

Elmešum’s letter to his father, 172

Eltekah (Altaqû), 375

Elulaeus of Tyre, 360

E-maḫ (temple), 161

Embankment of the Sun-god, the 213

E-melam-anna, the temple of Nusku at Haran, 202

Emutbālu or Yamutbālu, conquered by Ḫammurabi, 211, 212, 213, 216, 217, 219, 220

Enchantments, Istar’s, 97

Endowment of an adopted daughter, 173

Engur, mother of Aa or Ea, 64

Enki-du, the friend of Gilgameš, 92 _n._, 540

En-nu-gi and the Flood, 101

Ennun-dagalla, 228

Enoch, 84

Enšara and Ninšara, 67

Enweduranki (Euedoreschos), 63, 77, 538, 539

Ephron, 315

Eponym dates in the reign of Shalmaneser IV., 358

Erech non-existent at the beginning, 39; built by Merodach, 41; called “Erech the walled,” and ruled over by Gilgameš, 91; besieged, 91; other references to the city, 92, 93, 94; rejoicing there on the death of the divine bull, 98; Gilgameš returns thither after seeing Pir-napištim, 110; one of the cities of Nimrod’s kingdom, 118, 124, 135; its temple-tower, 136; the city delivered to Rîm-Sin, 221; lamentation over its misfortunes, 477, 478; tablet dated at, 456

Ereš-ki-gala (Persephone), 279

Eri-Aku (Eri-Sin), 216, 217, 218, 233; inscription of, 219

Eridu, the Babylonian Paradise, 71, 72, 73; non-existent at first, 39, 42; made, 40; not the earthly city of that name, 43; a type of Paradise, 43; the incantation of, 44; one of the principal cities of Babylonia, 124

Esâ (? = Esau), 157, 245

E-saggil, 223, 224. _See_ E-sagila

E-sagila (E-saggil, E-sangil), completed by Merodach, 40, 43; meaning of the name, 43, 139; the temple of Belus, 137, 246, 472; restored by Samsu-iluna, 161; restoration attempted under Alexander and Philip, 476; offerings at, 412, 480; its congregation, 482; see also 409, 415

E-sagila, the temple “within the Abyss,” founded by Lugal-du-azaga, 40, 73

E-sagila-râmat and her father-in-law’s slave, 465, 466

Esarhaddon (Aššur-âḫâ-iddina), 383, 384-388; apparently crowned at Haran, 201-202; in Ḫanigalbat, 384, 385; in Babylonia and the Mediterranean states, 386, 387; in Armenia, and on the east of Assyria, 388; in Egypt, 251, 388; he restores the temple of Belos, 560; mentions his brothers, 558, and his father’s campaign against the Arabs, 382; his death, 388

E-šarra, the heavens, 26

E-šarra, an Assyrian temple, 328, 340

E-ša-turra, a temple at Su-anna, 433

Esau, the name, 157, 245

Escaped slaves, 493

Esdraelon, defeat of Syrians at, 271

Ešnunna(k) (Umliaš), soldiers of, defeated by Ḫammurabi, 213; destroyed by a flood, 214; its gods restored by Cyrus, 422

Etakama (Edagama), of Kinza and Kadesh, 279; pretending to be faithful to Egypt, attacks Amki, 288, 289; hostile to Egypt, 293

E-temen-ana(-kia), the tower of Babylon, 136, 138, 139, 406, 559; and shrine of E-sagila, 398, 560

E-temena-ursag, temple, 213

Etham, 304

Ethobaal (Tu-ba’alu), 374

E-tur-kalama, a Babylonian temple, 214, 415

Euedoreschos, 63, 546, 547

E-ur-imina-ana(-kia), the tower of Borsippa, 136, 138

Euphrates, creation of, 40; mentioned, 329, 334, 335, 336, 339, 341, 344, 471, etc.

Eupolemus concerning Abraham, 146, 196

Eusebius, 396

Eve, a Babylonian type of, 532

Events chosen to date by, 159

Evetts, Mr. B. T. A., 408

Evil-Merodach (Awel-Maruduk), 408; murdered, 409; tablets dated in his reign, 440, 441

Evil spirit, the, driven from the temple, 530

Evolution in the Babylonian story of the Creation, 33, 34

Exodus, date of the, 306; pharaoh of the, 309

Expulsion of Eve, a parallel to, 83

Expulsion of the Egyptians from Palestine, 302

“Eye for an eye,” 509, 522

E-zida, the temple-tower at Borsippa, restored by Nebuchadnezzar, 138, 139, 406; Evil-Merodach, 409; its people resist Kudur-laḫgu(mal), 229, 230; its bronze doorstep, 405; incantation concerning, 41; see also 412, 415, 485

Ezra, Sir H. Howorth upon, 427, 429

“Fair son,” the, his carrying off, 83

Faithlessness, 503

Fall? did the Babylonians possess the legend of the, 79, 531, 532

False witness, 491

Family of the hero of the Flood saved with him, 103, 115, 117

Famines in Egypt, 260, 261

Father’s lawsuit, a, 182

Fear of God, lines upon, 50

Female rule, 280

Fifteenth day = Sabbath, 527

Fire, penalty of death by, 480

Flood, the Biblical story, 87 ff.; the Babylonian story, 100 ff.; introduction to, 89, ff.; first read by G. Smith, 90; a chapter of the Legend of Gilgameš, 90; related to him by Pir-napištim, 101; decided upon by the gods, 101, 102; its approach, arrival, and effect, 104, 105; duration and subsidence, 105, 106; due to the god Bel, 106; why sent, 107, 112; Pir-napištim dreads its coming, 104, 116; the second Babylonian story of the, 117; was it a “Sin Flood”? 529; description of the tablets recording, 100, 101

Followers of Tiamtu, the, 530

Food, incantation in which it is used, 540

Foster-children and their disowning, 176, 177, 505

Four kings against five, the, 208

Fraudulent practices, 513

Furious cattle, laws concerning, 512, 523

Furniture, lists of, 189

Future life, 111

Gad, the name, 246 (Gadu-ṭâbu)

Gadlat, goddess of Haran, 203

Gadu-ṭâbu, name, 547

Gala-Aruru = Istar the star = the planet Venus, 44

Galilee, attacked by Tiglath-pileser, 353

Galilee, South, invaded by Amenophis II., 273

Garden of Eden, 69

Garizim, temple at, re-dedicated to Jupiter, 481

Garment, the vanishing, 23

Garu, Petrie’s identification of, 292

Gate of Istar at Babylon, 551, 552

Gates of city, judgment in the, 163

Gath (Gimti), 299

Gath-Carmel, 296

Gauzanitis, 304

Gaza (Ḫazitu), 277, 376 386, 411; Thothmes III. at, 271; Yabitiri guards, 285; Hanon of, 352, 363, 365, 366

Gazzāni (a ruler), 224, 325, 556

Gebal (Gublu), 278, 293, 313, 317, 322, 339, 386

Gebalite, whose brother drove him from the gate, 300

Gebalites (Gublâa), 350, 374

Gedaliah, governor of Jerusalem, put to death, 400

Gemariah, 471

Gergesa, 324

Gezer, 297, 299, 306

Giammu, prince, 328

Gift to a son, 505

Gigîtum, Neriglissar’s daughter, 442

Gihon, river, 69, 70

Gilead, 353

Gilgameš, ancient hero, king of Erech, 73, 91; the legend concerning him, 90 ff.; and his friend Ea-banî, 92; who consents to go to him, 94; he seeks the place of Ḫumbaba, 94; who is killed, 95; Ištar makes love to him, 95, 96; he reproaches her, 96, 97; and she sends a divine bull against them, 97; dreams concerning him, 98; he mourns for Ea-banî and sets out on his great journey, 98; he meets Ur-Sanabi, the pilot, and Pir-napištim, 99; who tells him the story of the Flood, 101 ff.; he is restored to health, 108, 109; finds the magic plant, 109; loses it, and reaches Erech, 110; sees the spirit of Ea-banî, 111; the new version of the legend referring to him, 547 ff.

Gilgameš-series, the getting together of the, 90

Gilu-ḫêpa, wife of Amenophis II., 276

Gimil-Sin, king, 124, 164

Gimmirrâa, the, 390

Gimti (Gath), 299

Gimtu (Gath?), 369

Gindibu’u, an Arabian tribe, 333

Girgashites, the, 310, 324-326

Gišdubar, Gišṭubar, Gisdhubar. _See_ Gilgameš

Glosses in the Tel-el-Amarna tablets, 234 _n._

Gobryas (Gubaru, Ugbaru) of Gutium, enters Babylon, and appoints governors there, 415, 417, 418, 419; (goes) against ..., 416, 417; receives the kingdom for Cyrus, 419

“God,” names for, in the chief tongues of the ancient East, 170, _n._

Gods and their seats, 160, 415; tithe granted to, 448; processions of, 526; they fear the Flood, 105; those who joined Tiamtu, 20, 25; their punishment, 25

Gods, figures of, found under the pavement of palaces, 247

Gods identified with Merodach, 58

Gods of On (Heliopolis), 264

Gods of the west of Asia, 277

Gog, 391

“Gold, much gold,” 277, 283

Gomer, people of, 390

“Good wishes,” the tablet of, 81

Goshen, 268

Government of states, 279

Gozan, 345, 364

Greek words in Babylonia, 480

Greetings, Babylonian, 172, 452, 453, 454

Gublu (Gebal), 313

Guites, 329; (= Goim?), 332, 333

Gula, goddess of healing, 86, 472

Gutians, Gutites, 158, 170, 552

Guti-kirmil, 296

Gutû or Gutium, 206, 207, 415

Gyges’ son, the dream of, 390

_Ḫabati_, the, 292, 299

_Ḫabbatu_, 291. _See_ Habati

_Ḫabiri_, the, 269, 291, 295, 296, 297, 538; they possess the land, 299

Ḫaburu, city in Babylonia, 446

Hadad, 160, 277, 330; of Aleppo, 329. _See_ Addu

Ḫādara, Rezon’s birthplace, 354

Hades, “the land of no-return,” 65

Hagar, her position, 186; parallels (with differences) to the case of, 174, 175, 185, 236, 524

Ḫâi, 315

Halah (Ḫalaḫḫa), 364

Ḫalman, 325

Hamah (Hamath), 317

Ḫamanu (Amanus), mountains, 328, 334, 336, 349

Hamath (Amatte), Hamathites (Amatâa), Irhulêni of, 329, 334; districts of, 349; Yau-bi’idi (Ilu-bi’idi) of, 322, 363; see also 348

Ḫammatites (? = Hamathites), Eni-îlu of the, 350

Ḫammurabi (Amraphel), changes during his reign, 125; its length, 153; tablets dated therein 182, 183, 184, 185, 186, 187; references to his conquest of “Mair and Malgia,” 187; other references to him, 209-215, 238; his code of laws, 491-515; his image on the stele, 487; the benefits he had conferred on the cities of Babylonia, 488-491; his opinions of his reign, 515, 516; his curse upon any destroying or changing his record, 517-519

Ḫammurabi-ḫêgalla, canal, 211

Ḫammurabi-nuḫuš-niši, canal, 212

Ḫammurabi-Samši, name, 164, 187

Ḫana-galbat, Ḫani-galbat, king of, 283; the caravans of, 286; Esarhaddon fights (? against his brothers) there, 384, 385

Ḫanni, messenger of Egypt, 301

Hanon of Gaza, 352

Ḫanû, land of, 206

Haran born at Ur of the Chaldees, 144

Haran (city, the Bab. Ḫarran), a centre of lunar worship, 147, 195; Terah and his family migrate thither, 192, 195; its probable origin, 199, 200; its ruins, 200; elephants in the neighbourhood in early times, 200, 201; its gods and temples, 201, 202, 534; Esarhaddon (?) crowned there, 201, 202; Nabonidus restores the temple of Sin, 202; its renown in later days, 202, 203; the city besieged, 411; deities restored, 414

Ḫarḫar, called by the Assyrians Kar-Sarru-ukîn, 367, 368

Ḫarri-si’isi, 325

Ḫatānu, servant of Neriglissar, 439

Ḫatarika, Ḫatarikka, 344, 345, 349

Hatred of Bel for the hero of the Flood, 102, 113

Hatshepsut, queen regent, 271

Ḫatta, 288. _See_ Hatti

Ḫatti, Ḫattî (Hittites, Kheta, people of Heth), 205, 288, 319, 341; their depredations, 317; ships of, used by Sennacherib, 379; Syria and the Holy Land, 386. _See_ Heth, Hittites

Ḫattu, city, 205

Ḫattu-šil, (Kheta-sir), 320, 537

Haupt, Prof. Paul, upon the description of the ship or ark, 114

Hauran, the (Ḫauranu), 336

Ḫâya, a messenger, 286

Ḫaza, 340

Hazael of Arabia, 382

Hazael of (Ša-)Iamēri-šu (Damascus), 337, 338, 342

Ḫaza-îlu, 336, etc. _See_ Hazael

Hazor, 277, 353

Heathen images, the, of Jacob’s household, 247, 248

Heavens, Merodach arranges the, 27

Hebrews, their ancestor and his language, 204; in Egypt, 268; did not leave with the Hyksos, 267; their commonwealth, 327; were they the _Ḫabiri_? 538

Heliopolis, 258

Helios (Samas), 203

Hellenizing influence, the, of Antiochus Epiphanes, 480

Helpers of Rahab, the, 530

Hephaistos (Sethos), 381, 382

Herdsmen, their duties and liabilities, 213, 214, 524

Hereditary chiefs, 279

Herodotus upon the Temple of Belus, 137, 405; Sennacherib’s expedition to Egypt, 381, 382; Nitocris’ architectural works, 407; see also 342, 443

Heth, 368, 369; the sons of, 315. _See_ Ḫatti, Hittites

Hezekiah (Ḫazaqiau), 375, 376, 377, 395

Hiddekel, the Tigris, Babylonian form of the name, 84

Hiding heathen images, 248

Hieroglyphic inscriptions of the Hittites, 317

Hilprecht, Prof. H. V., 124

Hire of animals for agricultural work, 514; field labourers and herdsmen, 513; fields, 495; of a ship (by Belshazzar), 450; (by Sirku), 470

Hired “from himself,” 188

Hired men, their responsibilities, 513

Hiring of slaves and freemen, for money, 187, 188; for produce, 188; risks of the hirer, 191

Hirom (Ḫirummu) of Tyre, 350

Hittite, Hittites, 140, 205, 274, 277, 315-323, 341; attack Tuneb, 316; tributary, 272, 316, 320; their architecture borrowed by the Assyrians, 323; inscriptions, where found, 317; their language, 537

Hittite, a, the mother of Jerusalem, 316

Holy Land, 340; its state before the entry of the Israelites, 277

Home, the, of the Hittites, 318

Hommel, Prof., 14, 54; suggests a connection of Ea, Aê, or Aa, with Ya’u (Jah), 113; his early etymology of Arpachshad, 143; his work upon Egyptian culture 144 _n._; the Hittite inscriptions, 318; Gilgameš, 547; Shinar, 549; early names, etc., 555, 557

Hophra encourages Zedekiah against Nebuchadnezzar, 399; marches to support him, 400; deposed, 401

Hor-em-heb, 303

Horner, Rev. J., 331

Horse, glorious in war, loved by Istar, 96

Horus, 264

Hosea, Hoshea (Ausi’a), king, 354, 355, 359; the prophet, 361

House of Belshazzar, its situation, 447

Household goods, 189; gods, 247

Housebreaking, 493, 521

Houses and cities, built by Merodach, 40

Houses, private, 188, 189

Howorth, Sir H., 427, 429

Hui, his tomb at Thebes, 303

Ḫulḫutḫulitess, lamentations of the 477

Ḫumbaba, apparently an Elamite, 94; Gilgameš and Ea-banî seek his domain, 94, 95; his end, 95

Ḫursag-kalama, Babylonian city, 415

Ḫursag-kalamitess, lamentations of the, 477

Husband, causing death of, 504

Ḫuṣṣiti-ša-Mušallim-Marduk, tablet dated at, 436

Hyksos, or shepherd-kings, legends concerning, 252; their fear of an Assyrian (Babylonian) invasion, 251; their policy in time of famine, 260; quit Egypt, 252, 270; at Tanis, 264; those who remained reduced to subjection, 270; their descendants, 266

Hyspasines, 481. _See_ Aspāsinē

Ian-Ra (Ra-ian), was he the pharaoh of Joseph? 263

Iāwa, the ending of names, 470, 471. _See_ -yāwa

Ibi-Sân sells his daughter, 185

Ibi-Sin, king, 124, 152, 164

Ibi-Tutu, king (?), 230, 231

Ibscher, Herr, 544

Idalium, 386

Idigna, Akkado-Babylonian form of the name of the Tigris, 84

Igigi, address to Merodach by the, 29-33; his title among them, 32

Ijon, 353

Ikausu of Ekron, 386

Ili-milki (Elimelech), 295

Ili-rabiḫ, 288, 289

Illegitimate children, acknowledgement of, 505, 506

Illinos (Illil, the god Bel), 17

Iltani, princess, hires a field, 167

Iltani, princess, sun-devotee, hires a reaper, 168

Ilu-bi’idi (Yau-bi’idi) of Hamath, 322, 363, 366

Ilu-dâya, the Hazite, writes to the king of Egypt, 288

Imgur-Bêl, wall of Babylon, 405

Immerum, king, 154

Immortality, the Chaldean Noah attains, 101, 108

“Impure,” the name given by the Egyptians to the Hyksos, 254

Inaction of the Egyptian king, 296, etc.

Ina-E-sagila-rêmat, daughter of Nabonidus, 450

Ina-êši-êṭir, Nebuchadnezzar’s agent, 432

Incantation for E-zida (the Birs-Nimroud), 41; against “sickness of the head,” 55; to purify, 86

Incest, 504, 521, 522

India-House Inscription, extract from the, 138, 139; references to Babylon, 405, 406

Inheritance, 178-181, 503-507; of virgins, priestesses, etc., 508

Injuries, penalties for, to slaves, 509, 522; to a woman, 510, 522; in a quarrel, 509, 510, 522

Inscriptions, the Hittite, 317, 318

_’Ir_, the Hebrew for “city,” and _uru_, 241

Irḫulēni of Hamath, 329; = Urhi-lēni, 332; resists the Assyrian king, 334, 335

Irnini, a god, 95

Irqata, rule of, 280

Isaac, Jacob, and Joseph, 242

Išḫara, goddess, invoked, 433

Isidore of Charax, 192

Isin, Isinna (Karrak), city, 124, 211

Isis, 264

Isis-Hathor (Venus Urania), 264

Isqal(l)una (Askelon), 374, 386

Israel, 351, 352, 355; on the monolith of Meneptah, 306

Israel, the name, probable Assyro-Babylonian forms, 157, 245

Israelites, allied with Ben-Hadad, 329-333, 337; subject to Hazael, 342

_Iššaku_, “chief” (= _patesi_), 127

Ištar, 55; her search for Tammuz in Hades, 65; makes love to Gilgameš, 96; her cruelty to her lovers, 96, 97; sends a divine bull against Gilgameš and Ea-banî, 97; which they kill, 98; her grief on account of the Flood, 105, 116; worshipped at Erech, 160; her spouse Tammuz, 279; Ištar’s gate, at Babylon, 405, 559, 560

Ištar and the _asherah_, 278

Ištar of Babylon, 212; Haran, 203; Nineveh, 278, 491, 551

Ištara, goddess, 156

Išullanu, Ištar’s treatment of, 97

Itu’u, on the Euphrates, 344

Iyyar, the month of Ea (Aa, Aê), 65

Izdubar. _See_ Gilgameš

Jabesh, 293

Jacob, Jacob-el, 157, 183, 243, 244, 547

Jaffa, Yabitiri guards, 285

Jah, 113, 535

Jahweh (Jehovah), 535

Janoah, 353

Jebus (Jerusalem), 323

Jebusites, 312, 323, 324

Jehoahaz, 342

Jehoiachin, captive in Babylon, 399; released by Evil-Merodach, 408

Jehoiakim, 399

Jehoram, 338, 339

Jehu, “son of Omri,” 332, 337-339

Jensen, Prof., 140, 318, 546, 548

Jerabis (Carchemish), 317

Jerusalem (Uru-salim, Ursalimmu), 234, 277, 280, 375, 376, 377, 378, 379; legend attributing its foundation to the Hyksos, 252; Ahaz besieged there, 353; invested twice by the Babylonians, 399, 400; Temple destroyed, 400; Temple polluted, 481

Jesus, brother of Johanan, murdered, 542

Jews (Yaudâa), 375; at Damascus, 331; last vestiges of their rule, 400; Cyrus helped by, 416; probably thought him a monotheist, 419; names of Jews at Babylon, 470, 471; why did they remain in the cities of their exile? 474 ff.

Jezreel, 338

Jilting, 504

Joash, king of Israel, 340, 342

Johns, the Rev. C. H. W., 551, 552

Joppa (Yappû). _See_ Jaffa, Yapu

Joseph, the name, 243; its probable meaning, 244

Joseph in Egypt, 255 ff.; as viceroy, 260; no native record of his administration, 253; his death, 266, 267

Josephus, 359, 382, 408-410; upon the Hyksos, 251; the period of Joseph, 262; the Amorites, 313; the siege of Jerusalem, 377, 378; the murder of the high-priest’s brother, 542

Jotham, 355

Judah, 353; one of the states regarded by the Assyrians as Hittite, 322, 386 (Yaudu)

Judeans (Yaudâa), 375. _See_ Jews

Justin upon Abraham, 147

Kadašman-ḫarbe or Kadašman-Murus, 123; transports the Sutites, 291

Kadesh, 279; (Kidša), 300; conquered by Seti I., 304; (Kidiš), 401

Ka-dumu-nuna, the gate of E-saggil, 484

Kaldu (the Chaldean tribes in Babylonia), 341

Kalisch, 266

Kallima-Sin (now read Kadašman-ḫarbe), king, 276

Kames, king of Egypt, 269

Kamid-el-Lauz, 293

Kammusu-nadbi of Moab, 374

Kan’ana (Canaan), 304

Karanatum, her adoption, 177; her name and that of Ashteroth Karnaim, 157

Kar-Adad (fortress of Hadad), 349

Kar-Duniaš, Kara-Dunias, Karu-Dunias (Babylonia), 120 _n._; ruled by Kudur-laḫgumal, 225; _see also_ 281, 286

Kar-Nebo, maternal grandfather of Abram, 146

Kar-Shaimaneser (-Shalmanu-aša-rid), city, 339

Kar-Sippar, 167

Kaši (= Kašši), 297, 298 (_see_ Kassite)

Kassite, Kassites, 122, 140, 170, 537

Kedesh, 272, 353

Kefto, identification of, 274

Keilah, 299

Kemi (Egypt), 271

Kêš, a Babylonian city, 124

Kêšitess, lamentations of the, 477

Kheta (Hittites), 274; their treaty with Egypt, 304; Meneptah’s reference to, 306

Kheta-sir = Ḫattu-šil, 320, 537

Khorsabad (Dûr-Sargina), 137, 369

Kidnapping, 492, 493, 520

Kidiš (Kadesh), 401

Kili(gug ?), Neriglissar’s servant, 438

Kili-Tešub son of Kali-Tešub, 319

Killing and mutilating hired animals, 512, 523

Kinaḫḫi (Canaan), 281, 301

King, Mr. L. W., 28, 545, 546

King, the, 164-168

Kingi or Kengi (a part of Babylonia), 134, 351

Kingi-Ura or Kengi-Ura = Sumer and Akkad (Babylonia), 206

Kingu, Tiamtu’s husband, exalted, receives the Tablets of Fate, 19; is overcome by Merodach and deprived of them, 25; bound, 36

Kirbiš Tiamtu, 24, 31

Kirkišâti, 324, 325

_Kirubu_ = Heb, _kerûb_, “cherub”; _kirub nismû_, _kirub šarri_, 81

Kiš, a Babylonian city, 415

Kišar, “host of earth,” 16

Kišara-gala, 66

Kisi, Aramean leader, 349

Kiškanū-tree in Eridu, 75; its fruit, 76

Kissaré and Assoros (Kišar and Anšar), 17

Kizirtum, princess, 166

Knudtzon, Prof., 556

Ktesias, 203

Kudma-bani, district, 179, 180

Kudur in Elamite names, 209, 222

Kudur-laḫgumal, 230, 231

Kudur-mabuk, inscription of, 219; his sons Eri-Aku and Rîm-Sin, 216

Kûites, the, 350

Kullanû, city, 348

Kulummite(s), 372

Kummuhi (Commagene), 319, 320, 329

Kundaspu of Commagene, 329

Kurium, 387

Laban, the name, 245

Labaya, father of Mut-zu’u, 286; his sons, 293, 297, 298

Laborosoarchod (Labāši-Marduk), son of Neriglissar, 410; lends money, 443, 444

Labynetus, Cyrus marches against, 407. _See_ Nabonidus

Lachish, 277, 297, 377

Lachish epigraph, the, 382

Lagamal (Lagamar, Lagamaru), 222

Lagaš, a Babylonian city, 124

Laḫamu, consort of Laḫmu, 16

Laḫamu, creatures produced by Tiamtu, 19

Laḫmu and Laḫamu, production of, 16; these names in Damascius, 17

“Lake of Abraham the Beloved,” 192, 193

“Lament of the Daughter of Sin,” 83

Lamentations, Babylonian, 194, 195, 477, 478

“Land of the city of Jerusalem,” 297

Landed property acquired by Neriglissar, 440-442

Lands, etc., created by Merodach, 40

Language of Canaan, 204

Larancha, lamentation of, 477, 478

Larsa (Ellasar), 124; the temple-tower at, 137; a centre of sun-worship, 160

Laws, Sumero-Akkadian, 190, 191, 550; Ḫammurabi’s, 491-515, 553, 554

Lawsuit of Bunanitu, the, 462-464

Lawsuits, 182, 184

Layard, Sir A. H., discoverer of the palaces of Nineveh and Calah; and Rassam, his helper and successor, 394

Laz (goddess), 211

Leasehold system, the, 190

Lebanon, elephants in, 201; Saniru (Shenir) before, 336; _see also_ 387

Legal precedents, 190, 191

Legend of Asenath, 259

Legend of Chedorlaomer, 227-230

Legend of Râ-’Apop’i, 254

Lenormant, inscription published by, 216

Letter concerning an inscription of Ammurapi (Hammurabi), 210

Letters from Abdi-ṭâba (Ebed-ḫiba, Ebed-ṭâba, Ebed-tob), 294-299; Ammi-ṭitana, 165; Akizzi of Qatna, 289; Ašur-uballiṭ, 382; Bêri, 288; Burra-buriaš, 281; Ilu-dayan, 289; Mut-zu’u, 286; Yabitiri, 284; Yidia, 286, 287; the king of Egypt, 300; the king’s daughter to Queen Aššu-râaitu, 392

Leviathan, 530

Leviticus xviii. 18, the tablet illustrating, 545

_Lex talionis_, 509, 522

Lêya, a captive, 302

Libation, the, of the Babylonian Noah, 106

Lieblein upon the pharaohs of the Oppression and the Exodus, 269

Life at Tanis in Egypt, 264

_Lingua franca_, the, of Western Asia, 140

Lion (divine), loved by Ištar, 96

Liver, the, in divination, 247

Loan to make up purchase-money and its repayment by instalments, 460, 461, 464, 465

“Lord and Lady, my,” 479

Lud, 391

Ludlul the Sage, lines by, 50

Lugal-zag-gi-si, early Akkadian king, 123, 124

Luli of Sidon, 373

Lullubite, Lullubites, 123, 325

Lulubū (Lullubū), country, 206, 208

Lulumu (Lulubū), 207, 351

_Luluppu_-tree, the legend of the, 76

_Lumaši_-constellation, 545

Luxor, 326

Lydia (Luddu), 390, 391

Machpelah, differences between Babylonian contracts and that referring to, 236-238, 524

Mad bull or vicious ox, death or injury from, 512, 513

Maër (and Suḫi), principality, 548

Magdala, 293

Maḫ, Babylonian goddess, 105, 106, 116

Mahler, Dr. Edouard, upon the stele of Meneptah II. and the Exodus, 306

Mair, city, 213, 214

Majesty, plural of, in addressing the king, 284; (in the Chedor-laomer-legend it refers to the god)

Malgia, city, 211, 213, 214

Malik (Moloch), 156; Maliku, 170 _n._

Mamre, 315

Mamun, khalif, 266

Man, creation of, 28, 40, 45, 47

Manamaltel, king, 154, 155

Manasseh (Minsê, Minasê), 340; pays tribute to Esarhaddon, 386; to Assur-banî-âpli, 389

Manda barbarians, Medes, 420

Manê, a messenger, 276

Manetho, 251, 274

Mankind, destruction of, in the Flood, 105; in future other means to be used, 107, 112, 116

Man’s duties, 45

Marad, city, 415; its patron-deity, 542

Marduk (Merodach), 33, etc.

Marduk-âbla-iddina (Merodach-baladan) of Babylonia, 379

Marduk-îriba, one of Belshazzar’s neighbours, 447

Marduk-nadin-aḫi, son of Nebuchadnezzar, 435

Marduk-našṣi-abli. _See_ Sirku

Marduk-šum-uṣur, son of Nebuchadnezzar, 434

Marduk-zakir-šumi of Babylonia, 379

Maritime nation, Babylonia a, 115, 116

Mari’u of Ša-îmēri-šu, 341, 342

Marking of slaves, 469

Marriage, 173-175, 186

Marriage-contracts, 173, 174; of Princess Elmešu, 166; of Neriglissar’s daughter, 442; indispensable, 501

Martu = Amurrû, 312

Mašitess, lamentation of the, 477

Maspero, Prof., 253; upon the Sallier Papyrus, 255 _n._

Matan-ba’al of Arvad, 386

Mattaniah (Zedekiah), 399

Max Müller, Prof. W., 274

Medes, the (Madâa, Umman-manda), in alliance against Assyria, 392; at Haran, 411, 414; _see also_ 341, 351, 364, 388

Media, 206, 346, 351, 368

Mediation, 53

Mediterranean, the, 340, 341; states of, 365

Megasthenes, 401

Megiddo, 274; Thothmes III. at, 271

Meissner, Dr., 547

Melakiyin, the, 266

Melchizedek, 324; in Heb. vii. 3, 234

Meluḫḫa, 370, 375, 480, 481

Memphis, 263; captured by Esarhaddon, 388, 389 _n._

Menahem (Meniḫimme, Minḫimmu), 350, 351, 374

Menander, 360

Menanu of Elam, 380

Menant, M. J., 560

Menasê (Manasseh), 386

Meneptah II. (Merenptah), the pharaoh of the Exodus, 269, 305

Mentiu (Bedouin), 270

Mer, Merri, a name of Hadad or Rimmon, 207, 212

Merchants of Babylonia killed, 281

Merodach, the god, his parentage, 33, 63; the same as Nimrod, 126; the gods’ champion against Tiamtu, 21, 22; installed as king, 23 (163); prepares for the fight, 23, 24; attacks and conquers Tiamtu, 25, 537; takes the Tablets of Fate, 25; cuts Tiamtu asunder, 26; orders the universe anew, 26 ff.; receives new names, etc., 29-33; his “incantation,” 41; founds Babylon, Niffer, and Erech, 40, 41, 42, 126; creator of the gods, 43; his titles, 44; explanations of some of his names, 45, 54, 56; identified with other gods, 47, 58; glorified above them all, 49; prayer to be delivered into his gracious hands, 51; the other deities mediators with him, and his manifestations, 53, 58; heavenly bodies, identified with him, 55; the benefactor of mankind, 56, 57; the begetter of the gods, 533, 534; his description, 529; his weapons, 550; names compounded with his, 57; which in the end was almost = _îlu_, 58, 61; he was the “great hunter,” 131; worshipped especially at Babylon, 160, 407; his yearly procession, 405; his vengeance, 392; his merciful nature, 486; replaced in the end by Anu-Bel, 483

Merodach in West Asia, 279

Merodach-baladan, king of Babylon, 357, 361, 364, 370, 371, 373, 379, 380, 395

Merom, 305

Merwân II., khalif, 266

Mesech, 230

Mesha of Moab, 338

Mesopotamia, 204, 207, 336, 351

Messengers dying abroad, concerning, 283, 284

Mesu, the land of, 341

Methusael, 84

Middle class, the, 171

“Mighty king,” the, 234, 280

Milki-asapa of Gebal, 386

Milki-idiri, governor of Kedesh, 401

Milki-îli, Milkîli, 293, 297, 298, 299

Milku (Melech, Moloch), 279

Milton, 47

Minsê (Manasseh), 389

Mitâ of Musku (Mesech), 367

Mitanni (Naharain, Naharaim), 276, 277, 304; its language not Semitic, 275; vassal state, 537

Mitinti of Ashdod, 374, 376

Mitinti of Askelon, 355, 386

Mitunu, the eponyme of, Sennacherib’s campaign against Hezekiah, 378

Mnevis, the bull, 265

Moab (Ma’ab, Ma’abi), 322, 338, 370, 386

Moabites, the, 326, 374; driven out, 313

Moloch, 279

Mond, Mr., his papyri, 539

Monotheism and polytheism in Babylonia, 47, 198, 533

Monotheistic names, 534; systems, 541

Monster, the, 530

Monsters, produced by Tiamtu, 18 ff.

Month, Egyptian god, 262

Months and stars, 27

Moon, purpose of the, 27, 37

Moph or Noph (Men-nofr, Memphis), 264

Mordecai (Mardecai), 61, 436, 471

Moses, notes upon his date, 306; was he saved by Teie’s daughter? 307

Mosque of Abraham at Urfa (Orfa or Edessa), 192

“Mother of Sin,” the, 532

Moumis (= Mummu), son of Tauthé and Apason, 17

Mouths of the rivers, a sacred place, 71, 108

Mugallu of Tubal, 290

Mugheir, regarded as Ur of the Chaldees, 147, 193; but not altogether certain, 197

Müller, Prof. W. Max, 557

Mummu Tiamtu, the first producer. _See_ Tiamtu

Muršil, Hittite king, 537

Muru, a centre of the worship of Hadad, 490

Muṣaṣir, 127

Mušêzib-Marduk of Babylonia, 380

Mushtah, 293

_Muškinu_, 536

Musku (Mesech), 371

Muṣrites, 329; (Muṣrâa), 333

Muṣru, the land of, 354

Muṣur’i of Moab, 386

Muṣuru, Muṣur, Miṣraim (Egypt), 366, 370

Mut-Addu to Yanhama, 292

Mutallu, Hittite king, 537

Mut-îli = Methusael, 84, 245

Mut-zu’u, 279; letter from, 286

Nabonassar, 347; his death, 356

Nabonidus, “who is over the city,” witness to a contract, 436; described on one copy as the son of the king, 436 _n._, 437

Nabonidus, king, his parentage, 410; expeditions, and reference to Cyrus, 411; said to have neglected the gods, 412; and brought strange deities, 413; his antiquarian researches, 413; his son Belshazzar, 414, 447 ff.; his daughters, 450, 451; his flight before the army of Cyrus, and capture, 415; sent to Carmania, 418; his record of the downfall of Assyria, 392; of the death of Sennacherib, 537 ff.; other inscriptions, 411, 414; tablets dated in his reign, 444-451; his pious works, 445, 446; Berosus upon his reign, 410

Nabopolassar, king, supposed to have been a Chaldean, 396; his alliance with the Medes, 392, 397; marches against Nineveh, 392, 393, 397; his connection with Syria, 397; he builds the two great walls of Babylon, 410; his guardian-god, 533; frees Akkad from Assyrian yoke, 558

Nabû-balaṭ-su-iqbî, the father or ancestor of Nabonidus, 410, 437

Nabû-bêl-uṣur, governor, 346

Nabû-kain-âḫi, secretary of Belshazzar, 447, 448

Nabû-nadin-zēri, 356

Nabû-ṣabit-qâtâ, servant of Neriglissar, 438; Laborosoarchod, 443; and Belshazzar, 448 ff.

Nabû-šarra-uṣur, one of Nebuchadnezzar’s captains, 434; a secretary of Nabonidus, 445

Nabû-šum-iddina, secretary of Neriglissar, 440

Nabû-šum-ukîn, Babylonian king, 356; a priest of Nebo, 442

Nagitu, the three cities called, 373, 380

Naharaina, Naharaim (Upper Mesopotamia), 270, 271, 272, 274, 288, 296, 304. _See_ Nahrima, Narima, Na’iru

Naḫarâu and Nahor, 551

Nahor, the city of, 204

Nahor, 551; traditions concerning, 146

Nahrima (Naharaim), 296. _See_ Naharaina

Nahr-Malka, 158; referred to by Mr. Rassam, 159

Nahum upon the fall of Nineveh, 393

Na’iru (Mesopotamia), 341, 351

Nal mountains, 351

Names given to Merodach, 30-32

Names of captives, 302

Nammu, a river-god, 43

Namri, 336, 346, 347

Namyawaza, an Egyptian vassal, 290, 293

Nannar(a), worshipped at Ur and Haran (Ḫarran), 147, 160, 219 ff.; hymns referring to him, 194, 195

Naphtali, 353

Napḫu’ruria, Napḫuri (Amenophis IV.), 281, 282

Naram-Sin conquers Elam, 124

Narima (Naharaim), 288

Navigation, Babylonian, 470, 512

Naville, Prof. E., 253, 305; upon the stele of Meneptah II., 306

Nebo identified with Merodach, 58; takes part at the coming of the Flood, 104; worshipped at Borsippa, 160, 409, 415; named also Lag-gi, 370; his titles, 343

Neb-mut-Râ (Amenophis III.), 276

Nebuchadnezzar (Nebuchadrezzar), son of Nabopolassar, 392; marries Amytis, sent against the army of Egypt, 397; aids, with his brother, in the restoration of the temple E-sagila, 398; mounts the throne, 398, 399; affairs in Palestine, Syria, Egypt, etc., 399-402; his dreams and the golden image, 403, 404; his buildings, 405-407; his sons, 408; was Nabonidus his son-in-law? 407, 437, 438; tablets dated in his reign, 432-440; his offerings, 433; his use of divination, 247; his name, 558

Nebuzaradan, 400, 558 ff.

Necho of Memphis and Sais, 389 _n._

Nefer-titi, the Egyptian name of Tâdu-ḫêpa, 276

Negeb, the, 272

Negligence, loss or damage from, 496, 513

Nemitti-Bêl, wall of Babylon, 405

Nephayan, commander-in-chief at Syene, 539 ff.

Nergal, Nerigal, god of war, etc., 279, 330; identified with Merodach, 58; worshipped at Cuthah, 160; and in Alašia, 278

Nergal-sharezer, 408, 409

Nergal-ušêzib of Babylonia, 380

Neriglissar (Nergal-šarra-uṣur), son of Bêl-šum-iškun, 409, 438; cattle-owner, 339; trader, 440; banker, 441; mounts the throne, 408, 409; his daughter’s marriage, 442; tablets dated in his reign, 441-444; his death, 410

Net, Merodach’s, wherewith he catches Tiamtu, 24, 131, 550

Nibhaz, god of the Avvites, 129

Nîbiru, planet Jupiter, 27

Nicolas of Damascus upon Abraham, 147

Niffer (Calneh), non-existent at the beginning, 39; built by Merodach, 41; called Nippur (Niffer), 124; its temple-tower, 136; its streets and houses, 188, 189; the daughter of Niffer laments, 477, 478

Nimmalḫê, an Amorite captive, 302

Nimmuaria (Neb-mut-Râ, Amenophis III.), 276

Nimrod, son of Cush, his power and kingdom, 118, 119; the same as Merodach, 126, 127, 129, 130; “the mighty hunter,” 131; his land, 126; how his name assumed this form, 129, 550; Arabic Nimrud, 551

Nina, goddess, 64

Nin-aḫa-kudu, goddess, 41

Nin-edina, 77

Nineveh (Ninua), 376, 378, 387; probably named after Nina, daughter of Ea or Aa, 64; built by Asshur, 118, 126, 127; earliest mention of, 491; its destruction, 393

Nineveh-road, the, 384, 385

Nina-gala, goddess of Haran, 546

Nin-igi-azaga (Aa or Ea), 114

Ninip identified with Merodach, 58; his names, 235, 236, 555; worshipped near or at Jerusalem and in the west, 235, 278; in the Flood-story, 101, 104, 107

Ninšaḫ inscription dedicated to, 220

Nin-Urmuru (?), 280; possible reading _Bêlit-nêši_, 548

Nippuru, 28, 37. _See_ Calneh, Niffer

Nisaba, the legend of, 76

Niṣir, the mountain on which the “ship” rested, 90, 106

Nisroch, the god Asshur, 129

Nitocris, queen, 407

Niy, city, 271; elephant-hunting near, 273

Non-existent things at the beginning, 16, 39

Nudimmud (= Aa, Aê, or Ea), 18; asked to subdue the Dragon, fails, 21; an abode made for him, 26

Nuḫašše, 317; an Assyrian district, 280

Nûr-îli-šu, builds and dedicates a temple, 162

Nûr-Rammāni (Nûr-Addi), king of Larsa, 218

Nusku, one of the gods of Haran, 202

Obelisk, the, emblematic, 265

Offerings, royal, to the gods, 433, 444-446

Officials’ rights, duties, and responsibilities, 493, 494

Offord, Mr. J., his cylinder, pl. vi. and p. 548; his tablet, 559

Og of Bashan, 313

Omri (Ḫumrî), the “house of Omri,” 332; “son of Omri,” 337, 339; “land of Omri,” 341

On (Heliopolis), 258, 264; the shrine of, 265

Opis on the Tigris, the battle of, 415, 416; tablets dated at, 439, 450, 459

Oppert, Prof., 14; his suggested Babylonian etymology of Abel, 82, 83; dates from Hebrew sources, 332

Oppolzer upon the Sothis period, 307

Oracles (for Esarhaddon), 385; (concerning Nineveh), 393

Osah (Ušû), 374

Osiris, Merodach identified with, 54; worshipped at On, 264

Ostâu (Ostanes), 540, 543 ff.

Oxen, the hire of, 512

Padî of Ekron, 375, 376, 377

Palace, house bought for a, 441; theft from a, 491, 492, 525

Palaces of Nebuchadnezzar at Babylon, 552

Palastu (Philistia), 341 (_see_ Pilišta)

Palestine, Egyptian successes in, 270; Assyrian do., 329, 336, etc. (Amurrū, Ḫattî)

Pallukatu (the Pallacopas), 70

Pâlûma, a captive, 302

Panbesa, letter of, 305

Pantibiblon, supposed to be Sippar, 63

Paphos, 387

Pap-sukal, the god, 433

Papyri of Elephantine, the, 539-544

Paradise, the Babylonian, description of, 71, 72; its inaccessibility, 72

Pariktum (canal), 167

Partnership, 183

Party-walls or fences, 190

Pasturing, 496, 497

_Patesi_ (priest-kings or viceroys), 126

Patinians, Kalparundu of the, 334

Patriarchs before Abraham, 141 ff.

Paura (Pauru, Puuru), the king’s commissioner, 297, 298

Peek, Sir Cuthbert, 179

Pekah, 352-355

Pekod, 458

Pekodites, the, 347

Peleg, 145, 552 " 544 (note to p. 145)

Pelusium besieged, 378, 381

Penalties, for changing the words of a contract, 174; for divorcing a wife, or denying a husband, and denying sisterhood (by adoption), 175; for denying an adopted son, an adopted father, 176, 177; for denying a mistress (by a female slave), 185; _see also_ 190, 191

Peniel or Penuel, 547

Pen-nekheb, officer of Thothmes I., 270

Pentaur, Egyptian poet, 304

People, the, in early Babylonia, 169-191

Persian rule in Babylonia, 423 ff.

Pethor (Pitru), 329

Petrie, Prof. Flinders, 250, 253, 274, 275, 292, 293, 297, 303, 312, 313; upon the revival of native Egyptian power, 269; on Amenophis II., 273; monolith found by, 305

Pharaoh not drowned in the Red Sea, 307

Philistia (Pilišta, Palastu), 341, 352, 353, 361, 370

Phœnicia, 272, 360

Phœnix, the, 265

Physicians’ fees and liabilities, 510, 511

Pi-Beseth (Pi-Bast, Bubastis), 263

Piercing of Rahab, the, 530

Pilinussu, general of Hyspasines, 483

Pilišta (Philistia), 352, 353, 361

Pilot or boatman (of Gilgameš), 99; (of the ship or ark), 104, 116

_Pirke di Rabbi Eliezer_, 307

Pir-napištim, the Babylonian Noah, 73; Gilgameš sees him afar off, 99; they converse, 100; tells Gilgameš the story of the Flood, 101-108; directs his wife to cure Gilgameš, 108; tells him of a wonderful plant, 109; he was a worshipper of Ea (Aê, Aa), 113, 114; and was called also Atra-ḫasis, 107, 112, 117; his faithfulness to the old deity Aê, 114; his name probably Ut-napištim, 547

Pir’u of Musuri or Musri, 366, 370; one of the kings of the sea-coast and the desert, 368

Pishon, river, 69, 70

Pisiris of Carchemish, 350, 367

Pithom, 305

Pittit, an Elamite, 483

Place of fate, the, 472

Plague of darkness, the, 309

Plantation, concerning a, 456, 457

Planting and plantations, 497

Plant making the old young, the, 75

Plants, Merodach creates, 40

Pliny, his reference to king Horus, 124

Polyhistor, 393

Polytheism, the difficulty of escaping it, 246

Potiphar, 255; the name, 258

Poti-phera, meaning of, 258

Prayer to be freed from sin, 50-52

Presents, interchange of, 276

Priestesses and votaries, privileges of, 507, 508, 546 (180)

Priest of Nebo marries the daughter of Neriglissar, 442

Priests of On, the, 265

Primæval Ocean, the, 16

Principal cities, the, of Babylonia, 124

Procession-street at Babylon, the, 552

Profaning herself, of a temple-devotee, 499, 521

Property of officials, 493-495

Prostitution probably not compulsory, 443

Protection of caravans, the, 282

Prove purchase and gift, contracts to, 438, 439, 458

Ptolemy, 357, 358

Pul (= Pûlu, Poros), 357, 358

Pulug, Pulukku, or Peleg, 544

Pura-nunu (the Euphrates), 158

Purattu (Phuraththu), the Euphrates, 158

Purchase of a house, 460

Qarqara, royal city, 329, 330, 363; the battle there, 556 ff.

Qatna, 290, 317

Qauš-gabri of Edom, 386

Quê, 371

Qutite, Qutites, 123, 170

Qutû, the land of, 420, 422; old lamentation referring to the, 477. _See_ Qutite

Râ or Rê, the Egyptian Sun-god, 254, 264

Râ-’Apop’i and the king of the south, 254

Rabbātum, land of, 224

Rabi-mur of Gebal, 288

Rab-mag (? = Rab-mugi), 408

Races, many, in Babylonia, 119, 169, 170, 541, 542

Rahab, 68, 530

Râ-Harmachis, 264

“Raian ibn el-Walid,” pharaoh, 263

Raising the spirit of Ea-banî, 110

Rameses I., 303

Rameses II., the pharaoh of the Oppression, 269, 304, 305, 307, 537

Rammānu (Rimmon), 160, 277

Ramoth-Gilead, 338

Ranke, Dr. Hermann, 148, 154 _n._

Raphia (Rapiḫu), 363

Râ-seqenen (Seqenen-Rê) III., 261

Rassam, Mr. Hormuzd, 38; finds the gates of Balawat, 405, 556; his reference to the Nahr-Malka, 159; finds bas-relief and inscription of Ḫammurabi, 215; cylinder of Cyrus, 411, 419; his family in the East, 394

Raven, sending forth of the, 106

Rawlinson, Sir Henry, recognizes Eridu as a type of Paradise, 71; his identification of Ur (Mugheir), 193; and Kudur-mabuk, 222

Reaper, hire of a, 168

Receiver, liabilities of a, 492, 520

Rehoboth, Rehoboth-Ir, built by Asshur, 118, 127

Reisner, Dr. G. A., 156

Religion of the Western states, 277-279

Religious element, the, 159 ff.

Rent, 448

Reproaching the Amorite, 300

Repudiation of master by slave, 515 (law 282)

Resen, its origin, 126, 127

Respect for parents, 509, 522

Retaliation, the law of, 509, 510

Rezin, Rezon (Rasunnu), 350, 353, 355

Ria (the Egyptian Râ or Rê), 254

Rianappa, the representative of Egypt, 287

Rib-Addi of Gebal, etc., 293, 313

Rieu, Dr., 263

Right of way, tablet concerning, 459

Rim-Anu, king, 217

Rimmon (or Hadad), god of the atmosphere, identified with Merodach, 58; in the Flood-story, 104, 277 (Addu, Rammānu)

Rîm-Sin, 164; connection of this name with Eri-Aku, 216, 217; capture of, 213, 214, 217; inscription of, 220, 221

Rivers, the mouths of [which are on] both sides, 73; the place of the Babylonian Paradise, 71, 72

Rost, Dr. P., 347, 348, 352

Royal family, the, among the people, 166-168

Royal letters, 165

Rubenstein, Dr. Otto, 544

Rubute, city, 299

Rûkipti of Askelon, 355, 356

Rutennu (Syrians), 303; the Upper, 274; Upper and Lower, 304; conquered by Thothmes I., 270

Sabbath, the Babylonian, 27, 527, 528, pl. ii.

Sabeans, the, 203, 363

Sachau, Prof. E., 539 ff., 542

Sacrifice, the, on coming out of the ship (ark), 106

Sacrilegious theft, the punishment of, 553

Sadi-Tesub, son of Hattu-šar, 320

_Šadû_, _Šaddu_, “mountain,” “lord,” “commander,” 248

SA-GAS = _ḫabatu_, _ḫabbatu_, 291, 292, 538

Ša-imērišu, Imērisu (Syria of Damascus), 329, 334, 336, 337, 341, 354, 356

Sajur (river), 329

Šala, consort of Rimmon or Hadad, 212

Salatis, Hyksos king, 251

Salem, 239-241

Sale of a son by his parents, 435, 436

Sales of land, 237, 238; slaves, 466, 559 ff.

_Šalim_, _šalimmu_, _Šulmanu_ (_Salmanu_), _Šalmanu nunu_, _šalāmu_, 239-241

Salmayātu, worshipped at Tyre, 278

Salvation, Babylonian desire for, 52

Samaria, 322; Ben-Hadad’s attempts upon, 330, 333, 338; Pekah’s flight from, 354, 355; revolts, 363; Menahem of, 350

Samarians, city of the, 350

Šamaš, the Sun-god, 77; identified with Merodach, 58; monsters guard him, 98; appoints the time for the coming of the Flood, 103, 104, 115; in Mitanni, 278

Šamaš-šum-ukîn, king of Babylon, 388

Sammu-ramat (Semiramis), 342, 343

Samsê, Samsi, queen of Arabia, 354, 363

Samsi-Adad III., king, 339

Samsimuruna, city, 386

Samsimurunâa, Menahem, the, 374

Samsu-iluna (king), 142; length of his reign, 153; tablets dated therein, 179, 180, 187, 188

Samsu-ṭitana, king, 153

Sân (deity), 156

Sân (Zoan), 263; the inhabitants said to be of a different type from those of other places in Egypt, 266

Sanaballat (Sinuballiṭ), governor of Samaria, 541, 543

Sanacharib (Sennacherib), 378, 381

Sangara of Carchemish, 329, 334; called king of the Hattê, 321

Šaniāwa, name, 458

Saniru (Shenir), 336

Saosduchinos (Samaš-šum-ukîn), 388; refuses to acknowledge his brother’s suzerainty, 391

Sapîa, city, 357

Saracos (Sin-šarra-iškun), 392, 396

Sarah, 148

Sarasar (Shareser), 378

Sardurri of Ararat, 347

Šargani (Sargon of Agadé), 124

Sargon of Agadé, 124, 313; ruler of Amurrū, 215; period and extent of his rule, 150; _see also_ 549 ff.

Sargon (Sargina) the later, the Arkeanos of Ptolemy, 362; his annals, 367; his conquests, 322, 363-372; his death, 372

Sarḫa (Zorah), 280

Sar-îli, name, 157, 245

Šarru and Šullat, foundation of a temple to, 162

Šarru, a captive, 302

Sarru-dûri, one of Darius’s captains, 456

Šarru-îlûa, servant of Neriglissar, 439

Šarru-lû-dâri of Askelon, 374

Šarru-lû-dâri of Zoan, 389 _n._

Sauê mountains, 349

Sayce, Prof., 14; identifies the Babylonian story of Paradise, 71; 124; researches in Hittite, 140, 318; upon the Amorites and Tidalum, 311, 312; his analysis of a Hittite name, 321; see also 283 _n._, 332, 539 _n._

Scape-goat, Babylonian parallel to the, 53

Scheil, the Rev. V., 117, 487 ff., 536, 549, 558

Schrader, Prof. Eberhard, 143; identifies Amraphel with Ḫammurabi, 209; _see also_ 341, 342

Sea, the, personified by Tiamtu, 16, 67; the abode of the god of knowledge, 62

Sea-coast, kings of the, 334, 335, 340

Seir, 296

Seizing the person for debt, 500, 521

Seleucia upon the Tigris, 476, 483, 484

Seleucus and the Babylonians, 476; Seleucus and Antiochus, tablet dated in the reign of, 477, 478

Sellas river. _See_ Ṣilḫu

Semiramis, 342, 344

Semitic names replace the Akkadian, 125; Semitic inscriptions more numerous, 119

Sennacherib, 129, 372, 373-384; in Armenia, against Merodach-baladan, the Cosseans and Yasubigalleans, Ḫatti (Sidon, Ekron, Hezekiah, etc.), 373-376; before Lachish, 377, 382; in Babylonia, 379; Elam, 380; against Egypt, 381; his treatment of the Babylonians, 396; his death, 383, 384, 550

Seqnen-Rê, the death of, 255 _n._

Šêri (Seir), 296

Serpent and magic plant, 109; serpent-god and the abode of life, 532; serpent-tempter, the 531

Serû-êṭirat, princess, 392

Sethos and Hephaistos, 549 (381)

Seti I., Meneptah, 304

“Seven” a round number, 263

Seven kings of Cyprus send tribute, 372

Seventh day, the Flood stops on the, 105; the birds sent forth seven days later, 106; duties of the, 528 (_see_ Sabbath)

Shaaraim, 297

Shaddai, a possible etymology of, 248

Shalam (Salamis), 305

Shalman, 239

Shalmaneser II., his accession, 328; refers to Ahab and Ben-Hadad, 331 ff.; Jehu son of Omri, 332, 337-339; his death, 339

Shalmaneser III., his accession and expeditions, 344

Shalmaneser IV., his accession and expeditions, 357, 358-362

Share of the cultivator, the, 495, 525

Shareser, Sarasar, 378, 384, 385

Shasu Bedouin, the, 271, 304

Shaving the head in Egypt and Western Asia, 257

Sheep, the, of Neriglissar’s servant, 438

Shelemiah, son of Sauballaṭ, 541

Shem, 141

Shepherd kings, the, in Egypt, 251, 252 ff.

Shepherd loved by Ištar, her treatment of him, 96, 97

Sheshonq of Busiris, 389 _n._

Shinar (Babylonia), 118; regarded as equivalent to Sumer, 119, 134; its etymology, 548 ff.

Ship, Gilgameš and Ur-Šanabi embark in a, 99; Gilgameš lies down in its “enclosure,” 108

Ship, Pir-napištim commanded to build one to escape the Flood, 102, 113; its building and provisionment, 103, 114; the embarkation, 103, 104, 115; the pilot, 104, 116; the god Uragala, 104; Pir-napištim looks forth, 105; the mountain of Niṣir, and the sending of the birds, 105; Ellila’s anger and Aê’s kindness, 106, 107

Shrine of Râ at On, 265

Shrines of the gods at Babylon, 472

Shuhites, 319

_Shulchan Aroch_, the, 306

Sibitti-bi’ili of Gebal, 350

Sickness of the head, incantation against, 55, 56

Sidon in the Tel-el-Amarna tablets, 277, 300; its tribute to Shalmaneser II. (337), 338, 339; conquered by Adad-nirari, 341; Tiglate-pileser III., 360; Sennacherib, 373; Esarhaddon, 386; Great and Little Sidon, 374

Sidonians (Ṣidunâa), 328, 337, 374

Ṣidqâ of Askelon, 374

Siduri, goddess, consulted by Gilgameš, 99

Sihon, 313

Ṣilḫu, river (the Sellas ?), 484, 561

Ṣili-Ištar and Iribam-Sin, their dissolution of partnership and the lawsuit following, 183-185

Silili, mother of the horse beloved of Ištar, 96

Ṣilli-bêl of Gaza, 376, 386

Siluna, country of, 340

Similes, Babylonian, 52

Ṣimirra (Simyra), 348, 351

Simti-Šilhak, king, 219

Simyra (Ṣimirra, Ṣumuru), 277, 293, 313, 348, 351, 363

Sin, the Moon-god, identified with Merodach, 58; worshipped at Ur and Sippar, 160, 194, 195; also at Haran, 201, 202, 411

Sin-idinnam of Larsa, 165, 169, 218

Sinjar, 304

Sin-mâr-šarri-uṣur, servant of one of Nebuchadnezzar’s sons, 435

Sin-mubaliṭ, king, 153; tablets of his reign, 178, 179, 180, 181

Sin-šarra-iškun (Saracos), the last king of Assyria, 392, 396

Sippar or Sippara (now Abu-Habbah), discovered by H. Rassam, 394; its four names, 70; supposed to be Sepharvaim, 158; dated tablets from, 211; captured by Tiglath-pileser, 347; by Cyrus, 415, 416; its gods, 415; _see also_ 38, 63, 484

Sippara of Eden, 70

Sippar-Amnanu(m), 161, 552 ff.

Sippar-Ya’ruru (Aruru), 161, 165, 553

Sirara, forests of, 387

Sir’ilites (Sir’ilâa, Israelites), 329, 330, 332, 335, 337

Sirku, a Babylonian magnate, 454, 467 ff.

Širru, land of, 206, 207

Sirû, land of, 206, 207

Sisters, the, of Belshazzar, 450, 451

Slander, 504 (law 161)

Slavery, 182, 185-187, 515

Small Hittite states, 322

Smerdis, 424

Smith, George, publishes the Babylonian Creation-story, 14; the original of Berosus’ Canon, 84; the Gilgameš-series, 90; conducts the _Daily Telegraph_ expedition, 90; and finds a fragment of the second Flood-story, 117; arranges the series, 91, 93, 95; identifies Arioch, 209; concerning Shalmaneser IV., 359, 362

Smiting a father, 509 (law 195)

So, king of Egypt, 359, 365, 366

“Son of his God,” the, 86

“Sons of God,” the, 85

Sons of Syrian chiefs educated in Egypt, 274

Sons, the, of Yakinlû of Arvad, 390

Sothis period, 307

Spells, 491 (laws 1 and 2)

Sphinxes, Hyksos, 264

Spiegelberg upon the stele of Meneptah II., 306

Spirit of Ea-banî, the raising of, 110

Spirits of heaven and earth, invocation of, 56

Spirits of the departed, their lot, 111

Stars, creation of, 27

States regarded by the Assyrians as Hittite, 322

Steindorff’s translation of Zaphnath-paaneah, 257

Stele of Meneptah II., extract from the, 306

Stephen, Saint, 192

Storage and deposit, 500 (laws 120 ff.)

Storm at the coming of the Flood, description of the, 104, 105

Streets of Babylonian cities, 188, 189

Šu-anna (Su-ana), a part of Babylon, foreign gods taken thither, 414, 420; Cyrus enters and receives tribute there, 420, 422; _see also_ 433

Šu-ardatum, 299

Ṣuba’ or Ṣuma’, city of the land of, tablet dated at, 457

Subarte, 318

Šubbiluliuma, Hittite king, 537

Sūḫu and Maër, states, 319, 556

Šulmanu-ašarid (Shalmaneser), 239

Ṣuma’, land of. _See_ Ṣuba’

Šum-Addu (Šamu-Addu) of Šam-ḫuna, 279

Suma-îlu, king, 162, 163

Šumer (= Kengi), Sumerian, 119, 134; texts (incantations), 39 ff., 55, 86, 120, 121

Šumer and Akkad, 541; mentioned by Cyrus, 420; in titles, 347, 421

Sumero-Akkadian, its nature, 120, 121; early period, 552

Sumu, apparently a deity, 142; names compounded with his, 142

Sumu-âbi, king, 153, 154

Sumu-Dagan, name, 142

Sumu-la-îli (king), his name, 142, 153, 154; tablet dated in his reign, 173, 174; (Sumulel), 181

Sumulel (= Sumu-la-îli), 181

Šumu-libšî, a witness, 167

Sun, a title of the kings of Egypt, 284, 286, 287, 289, 295

Sun, the city of the, 446

Sun the indicator of the seasons, 115

Sun-devotees, Babylonian, 161, 168

Sun-god, the, 58, 77, 92, 103, 115; (_see_ Šamaš), worshipped at Sippar and Larsa, 160; the centre of his worship in Egypt, 258

Sûqâain, tablet dated at, 457

Surgeons’ fees and penalties, 510

Surippak, where the gods decided to make a flood, 101; the native place of Pir-napištim, 102

Suri or North Syria, the king of, 347

Sur-Šanabi (Ur-Šanabi), 540

Suru, land of, 206, 207

Susa, city of, 422

Susanchites, the, 391

Šûta, royal commissioner, 296

Šutadna of Akka (Accho), 281

Sutekh, the god of the Hyksos, 254

Sutî (Sutite, Sutites), 123, 158, 170, 291, 292, 368; brigands, 283

Šûzubu (Nergal-usêzib), 380

Swallow, the, sent forth, 106

Swearing by the gods and the king, 162, 163, 174 ff.

Syncellus, 393

Syria, Egyptian successes in, 270, 271; (Rameses II.), 304; Syria in the time of Amenophis III., 274; on the stele of Meneptah, 306; Shalmaneser II. there, 336 ff.; Adad-nirari, 341; Shalmaneser III., 344; Tiglath-pileser, 347, 351; Sargon, 367; Sennacherib, 373 ff.

Syrian campaigns, Thothmes I., 270

Tabal (Tubal), 367

Tablet of Good Wishes, the, 81

Tablets of Fate given to Kingu, 19; taken by Merodach, who presses his seal upon them, 25

Tablets referring to Chedorlaomer, Tidal, and Arioch, 223 ff.

Tâdu-hêpa, princess of Mitanni, asked in marriage (? for Amenophis IV.), 276

Takhsi, near Aleppo, 273

Takrēta_in_ (?), tablet dated at, 439

Talents, parable of the, 525

Talmud, the, 195 _n._, 203

Tamessus, 387

Tamar, the case of, 525

Tammuz, in Akk. Dumu-zi or Du-mu-zida, 72, 82; his names, 539; possible parallel to the story of Cain and Abel, 83; his wife, Ištar, causes him grief, 96; his temple-tower at Agadé (Akkad), 136; worshipped also at Eridu, 160; in the west, 279; early date of his worship, 555; _see also_ 547

Tammuz of the Abyss, 43, 63, 65

Tâmtu, the coast-land, 122, 123

Tanis (Zoan), 264. _See_ Sân

Taribu, queen, 173

Tarpelites, the, 391

Tašmêtum, spouse of Nebo, 213

Tauthé (= Tiamtu), 16, 67

Taylor Cylinder, 373

Teie (Teyi), the first wife of Amenophis III., 275, 276

Tel-Aššur (Til-Ašurri), 388

Tel-Basta (Bubastis), 264

Tel-el-Amarna tablets, 249, 275-302

Tel-Sifr ruin-mound, 176, 211, 214

Temâ, Babylonian city, 412

Temeni, land of, 343

Temple, gift of a, 162

Temple (Jewish) at Elephantine, 539 ff.; destroyed, 540

Temple of Belus, the, 552

Temple of the Sun-god, declaration made in the, 184

Temples restored by the early kings, 161, 162; benefited by Ḫammurabi, 489-491

Temple-towers, Babylonian, 136 ff.

Tenneb (Tunep, Dunip), 277; its government, 280

Terah, traditions concerning, 146; stated to have been an idolater, 147, 195; his journey from Ur to Haran, 192, 195, 196; his name compared, 544

Teraphim, the, 246, 524

Tešupa or Tešub, Hadad of Mitanni, 277

Teuwatti of Lapana, 289

Thargal, for Thadgal = Tidal, 232. _See_ Tudḫula

Thebais, kings of, 252

Thebes and the Thebans, their aid in expelling the Hyksos, 269, 270; the birthplace of Thothmes III., 271; stronghold of Tirhakah, 389

Theft (death-penalty for), 491, 492; by an _employé_, 513; of things deposited, 501, 521; _see also_ 520, 561

Thompson, Prof. Campbell, 559

Thoth, 264

Thothmes I., 270

Thothmes II., 271

Thothmes III., 271, 316

Thothmes IV., 274, 316

“Throne-bearers” of the gods, 82

Thureau-Daugin, Morsiem F., 218

Tiamat, 67. _See_ Tiamtu

Tiamtu or Tiawthu (= Tauthé), 16, 17, 33; being joined by certain gods, prepares to fight, 18 ff.; her husband Kingu, 19, 20; terrifies the gods Anu and Nudimmud, 21; caught by Merodach, 24, 131; conquered, 25; cut asunder, 26; her head pierced, 31; meaning of her name, 33, 67; why applied, 68; her desire to be the creator or producer, 34, 35; how typified in the O. T., 68

Tiamtu, the sea-coast, 230

Tidal, 222. _See_ Tudḫula

Tidalum = Tidnu = Amurrū, 312

Tidnu, the Akkadian name of Amurrū (the land of the Amorites), 206, 208, 312; ideograph for, 312

Tiglath-pileser I., 129; kills elephants in Mesopotamia and Lebanon, 200, 201; attacks the Hittites, 318

Tiglath-pileser III., 346; “king of Sumer and Akkad,” 347; captures Arpad, 347; Kullanû, etc., 348; tribute from Syria, 350; marches to Madâa, Nal, and Ararat, 351; takes Gaza, 352; marches to Damascus, helps Ahaz, 353; describes the flight of the Syrian king, 354; his conquests, 355, 356; submission of Chaldean tribes, entry into Babylon, death, 357; = Pul, 357, 358

Tigris and Euphrates, creation of, 40; mentioned in Gen. i., 69; rivers of the district of Sippar, 158; and of Babylon, 471

Tigris, the, flows close to Nineveh, 393; Cyrus and the districts of, 422; Elamite incursions thither, 483. _See_ Seleucia

Ti’imūṭusu, son of Aspāsinē, 483

Til-barsip, 328

Til-garimme (Togarmah), 271, 368

Tilla (= Ararat), 122, 208

Timašgi (regarded as Dimaški = Damascus), 290

Timnah (Tamnâ), 375

Tindir (Babylon), 420, 421

el-Tireh, 293

Tirhakah, 383, 388, 389

Tithes, payments of, 434

Title of the Gilgameš legend, 91

Togarmah (Tilgarimme), 271, 368

“Tooth for tooth,” 509

Topography of Babylon, 552

Tower of Babel, the Mohammedan legend of the, 551

Transcription of lines referring to Antiochus’s rule in Babylonia, 553

Tree-felling, 497 (law 59)

Towns in the ancient East, 188

Trade between Canaan and Babylonia, 281

Translation of the hero of the Flood, 108, 116

Translation, Semitic, inserted in the divided Akkadian lines, 38

“Tree of the drink of life” = the vine, 75

“Tree of knowledge,” 73; the Babylonian parallel of the, 77

“Tree of life,” 73; a Babylonian parallel of the, 75

Trees, sacred, of the Babylonians and Assyrians, 74-77, pl. III.

Tribes classed as Amorites, 311

Tribute of Carchemish of the Hittites, 321

Tubal, 367, 390

Tuckwell, the Rev. J., 551

Tudḫula, the probable Babylonian form of Tidal, 222, 223, 224, 227, 231, 232, 537, 554

Tukulti-Ninip I. annexes Babylonia, 327, 371

Tum or Tmu, 264

Tunep, Syrian town, 272; its resistance, 305 (Dunip, Tenneb)

Ṭpašu, canal, 468

Turbazu killed, 296

Tušamilki of Muṣur, 390

Tutamû, king of Unqu, 348

Tutu, a name of Merodach, 30; the explanation given, 45

Tûya, a captive, 302

Two wives, marriage-contracts for, 174, 175

Ty, Ay’s queen, 303

Tyre (Ṣurru), 277, 338, 339, 360, 373, 386, 400; blockaded by Nebuchadnezzar, 490; Ṣûru =? Tyre, 401; contract dated at, 401

Tyre, the land of, conquered by Adad-nirari, 341

Tyre, Old (Palaetyrus), 360

Tyrians, the land of the, pays tribute, 328, 337, 350; resists Shalmaneser IV., 360

Ube, Syria of Damascus, 290

Udumu, 310; (Edom), 322, 341, 370, 374, 386

Ugga, the god of Death, 36

Ukabu’šama, daughter of Nabonidus, 451

Ukîn-zēr (Chinzeros), 356, 357

Ukka, 127

Ukus, patesi, 124

Ul-Šamaš, city, 213

Umbara-Tutu, father of Pir-napištim, 102

Ummanaldas of Elam, 391

Umman-manda, the, 230, 392

Ummu Ḫubur, a designation of Tiamtu, 18

Unknown tongue, an, 140

Unlawful pasturing, 496, 521

Unqu, 348

Unskilful surgical treatment, penalties for, 510, 511

Unug, Akkadian form of the name of Erech, 84

Upaḫḫir-bêlu, eponymy of, 372

Upê, Upia (Opis), 439, 458, 459

Upê-rabi, “Opis is great,” name, 182

Upšukenaku, the place of assembly of the gods, 21

Ur (of the Chaldees), 124; its temple-tower, 136, 193-195; = Urie or Camarina, 146, 147, 196, 197; identified with Mugheir, 193; possibly really Uri or Ura (Akkad), 197; rebels against Assyria, 386; Nabonidus’s inscriptions at, 414, 415; name of its wall or fortification, 220

Ura, god of pestilence, 107; legend of Ura, 122; “Ura the unsparing,” 228; invoked by Evil-Merodach, 409

Ura-gala and the ship (ark), 104

Urarṭu (Ararat), 127. _See_ Urtū

Uraš, god of Dailem, 279; the great gate of, 468

Urbi, the, 376, 557

Urdamanê, son of Sabaco, 389

Urfa (Orfa), the traditional Ur of the Chaldees, 192, 193

Uri or Ura = Akkad, 122, 134

Urie (Ur of the Chaldees), 146; a centre of lunar worship, 147

Urikku of the Kûites, 350

Uriwa, the Akkadian form of Ur (Mugheir), 193 ff.

Ur-kasdim (Ur of the Chaldees), 193. _See_ Ur of the Chaldees

Urraḫinaš, Hittite city, 320

Ursalimmu (Jerusalem), 375, 376

Ur-Šanabi, the pilot or boatman, accompanies Gilgameš to see Pir-napištim, 99; takes the hero to be cleansed, 109; returns with him to Erech, 109, 110; Sur-Šanabi, 548

Urṭū (apparently short for Urarṭu), Ararat, 122, 208

Uru (in Uru-salim), probably from the Akkadian, 241

Uru-gala, the image of, 480, 561

_Uruk supuri_, “Erech the walled,” 91

Uru-ku, the dynasty of, 154

Urumaians (Hittites), 318

Uru-milki of Gebal, 374

Uru-salim (Jerusalem), 234, 239

Uruwuš (king), 124

Usertesen I., 261

Uštan(n)u (Ostanes), 543 ff.

Ut-napištim, 548

Van, 127, 367

Vannites, 391

Venus, 203. _See_ Istar

Veterinary surgeons’ fees and penalties, 511

Vicious cattle, laws concerning, 512, 523

Village settlements, growth of, 171

Vine, the, 75

Vine of the Babylonian Paradise, 71

Violation, penalty for, 501, 521

Virgins, priestesses, and hierodules, 508

Vowel-changes in the Akkadian dialects, 241

Waidrang, governor of Elephantine, 539

Wall built at Ur (Uriwa) by Eri-Aku, 220

Ward, Dr. W. Hayes, conductor of the Wolfe expedition, 70

“Warehouse of the king’s gifts,” the, 445

Water, concerning the king’s, etc., 446

“Waters of death,” the, 99

Way, the Rev. Dr. J. P., 155

Weissbach, Dr., 556, 558

Wedding-gift, the bridegroom’s, 553

West called Amurrū (Amoria, the land of the Amorites), 205

West-land, no record of an expedition to, in the reign of Ḫammurabi, 214, 215; his claim to this tract, 215

West-Semitic deities, 156; names, 157

Whitehouse, Mr. F. Cope, 263

Wiedemann, Prof., 253

Wife of Pir-napištim prepares the magic food, 108, 109

Wife-seeking, Abraham’s, for his son, parallels to, 524

Wild animals damage by, 512, 523

Winckler, Dr. Hugo, 235, 297, 537, 538

Wine-women, 499 (laws 108 ff.)

Wišyari, a captive, 302

Witnesses necessary, 500, 501; names of, 162, 237, 238, etc.

Working an ox unlawfully, 512, 523

Working-off debt, 500 (law 117)

Workmen, hire of, 188, 514

Worship, lines upon, 49

Xenophon, 422

Xerxes, forms of his name, 428

Yaana or Yawani, a Hittite, 369, 370

Yaanana. _See_ Yatnana.

Yâ, Ya’u, Au, Aa, names containing, 59

Yâ-abî-ni, name, 60

Yabitiri, governor of Gaza and Jaffa, 279; to the king of Egypt, 284

Yabušu, name, 324

Ya-Dagunu, name, 59

Ya’enḫamu (Yanḫamu), 298

Yahu (Jah, Jehovah), temple of, at Elephantine, 539 ff., 544

Yahwah, 342. _See_ -yāwa

Yakinlû of Arvad, 389; sends his sons to Assur-banî-âpli, 390

_Yakubu_, _Yakubi_, _Yakub-îlu_, _Ya’kubi-îlu_ (Jacob, Jacob-el), and other similarly-formed names, 157, 183, 243-245, 554

Yamutbālu, Emutbālu, conquered by Ḫammurabi, 211, 212, 214, 216

Yanḫamu, an Egyptian official, 285, 295, 298

Yanzû, king of Na’iri or Mesopotamia, 367

Yapa-Addu, 293

Yapti’-Addu killed, 296

Yapu, Yappu (Jaffa), 285, 375

Yaraqu traversed by Shalmaneser, 334, 349

Yasubigalleans, 373

_Yašupum_, _Yašup-îlu_ (Joseph, Joseph-el), and other similarly-formed names, 157, 243

Yatnana (Yaanana), Cyprus, 387

Ya’u, Yaum, etc., 535, 536; suggested etymology of, 113; supposed to have been identified with Aa or Ea, 18

Yaua (Jehu), 337, 339

Yau-bi’idi (= Ilu-bi’idi) of Hamath, 322, 363, 366

Yaudu, Yaudi (Judah), 370, 386, 389

Yaum-îlu, name, meaning “Jah is God” (Joel), 199 _n._

Ya’wa, Yâwa, 535

-yāwa, names ending in, 458, 465, 470, 471

Ya(’)we-îlu, name, 535

Yeb (Elephantine), 539 ff.; meaning of the name, 544

Yedoniah of Elephantine, 539 ff.

Yehohanan (Johanan or John), 540, 542

Yidia of Askelon to the king of Egypt, 286, 287

Yoke of Assyria thrown off by Nabopolassar, 550

Young, plant to make the old, 109

Zabibé, queen of Arabia, 350

Zabû, Zabium (king), 153; tablets dated in his reign, 174, 183, 237

Zagaga, god of battle, identified with Merodach, 58; temple of, at Kiš, 213, 214, 415, 489

Zahi (Phœnicia), 270

Zaphnath-paaneah, Steindorff’s translation of, 257

Zarephath (Sareptu), 374

Zedekiah, captured, 400. _See_ Mattaniah

Zelah, 297

Zēru-kênu-lîsir, son of Merodach-baladan, 386

Zēr-panitum, consort of Merodach, 160, 212; swearing by, 433; invocation of, 466; _see also_ 472, 479

Zērû-Bâbîli (Zerubbabel, better Zeru-Babel), a frequent name, 425, 441, 559

Zeus (Belos), 137

_Zikurat Babili_, 139

Zilû city, 296

Zimmern, Prof. H., 68, 536, 546

Zimrêda of Sidon, hostile to Egypt, 293; Zimrêda of Lachish, threatened, 296; another Z., 556

Ziri-Bašani (field of Bashan), 277

Zoan, supposed place where Joseph met Pharaoh, 253

Zubuduru, messenger of Nebuchadnezzar’s son, 434

FOOTNOTES

1 Written on the edge of the tablet in the Assyrian copy.

2 Cf. the royal names, Anman-ila, Buntaḫtun-ila, etc., in the so-called Arabic Dynasty of Babylon. (P. 154.)

3 Literally “he who feareth not his god.”

4 The Akkadian line has “the sickness (disease) of the head.”

_ 5 Cuneiform Inscriptions and the O.T._, 2nd edit. vol. i. p. 28.

6 A later explanation by Prof. Sayce is, that Enoch may be Ḫana, “on the east side of Babylonia,” with the determinative suffix _ki_ (making Ḫanaki) added. See _Expository Times_, Jan. 1902, p. 179.

7 In this description of the contents of the 12 tablets referring to Gilgameš, the common reading of the name of his friend and companion has been retained, partly to keep a form which was more or less familiar, and partly because the reading is doubtful. From the new text discovered by Meissner, however, the name would seem not to be Êa-bani, but Êa-du or Enki-du. Future discoveries may ultimately give us the true reading.

8 Variant, “with loud voice.”

9 Variant, “Maḫ.”

10 Compare the story of Aesculapius, who, when in the house of Glaucus, killed a serpent, upon which another of these reptiles came with a herb in its mouth, wherewith it restored its dead companion to life. Aesculapius was to all appearance luckier than Gilgameš, for it was with this herb that he restored the sick and dead, whereas the Babylonian hero seems to have lost the precious plant.

11 Apparently meaning the same as if the word “artificers” only had been used. Compare the expression “a son of Babylon” for “a Babylonian.”

12 Marshall Brothers, Paternoster Row.

13 The Assyrians, when referring to Babylonia, generally call it “Akkad,” which ought rather, therefore, to be the district nearest to them—that is, the northern part of the country, immediately south of their own borders. They also called this part Karduniaš, one of the names by which it was known in Babylonia.

14 See p. 122.

15 Other possible instances of the occurrence of this element in names of this time are Zumu-rame, Šumu-ḫammu (apparently for Sumu-ḫammu), Sumu-ḫala, Samu-abum, Samukim, Sumu-entel (so probably to be read instead of Sumu-ente-al), Sumu-ni-Ea, “Our Shem is Ea,” and in all probability many others could be found. (See Hommel, _Ancient Hebrew Tradition_.)

16 For further information upon Babylonia and Egypt, compare Prof. F. Hommel’s “Der babylonische Ursprung der ägyptischen Kultur,” München, G. Franz, 1892. A new etymology of Arpachshad, very similar to that of Prof. Schrader, has, however, lately been suggested by Prof. Sayce, and afterwards by Prof. Hommel, who has apparently abandoned that given above.

17 See the tablet translated on pp. 182-183, and compare the documents quoted on pp. 174, 178 ff., 180, 184, 185, 186-7.

18 In consequence of variations in the lists, there is doubt as to the total of the reigns of the above kings. The shorter indications have been given above, as far as the reign of Samsu-iluna. A small tablet from Babylon (Rassam excavations) gives Sumu-abi 15, Sumu-la-ila 35, Zabû 14, Abil-Sin 18, Sin-mubaliṭ 30, Ḫammurabi 55, and Samsu-iluna 35—total, with the others, 304 years instead of 285. Perhaps there were usurpers, whose reigns have not been included. There seems to have been an interregnum after the reign of Samu-abi (_Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archæology_, 1899, p. 161).

19 Or _Buntaḫtun-ila_, in an inscription published by Hermann Ranke (_Pennsylvania Expedition_, vol. VI., part 1, 1906).

20 The name really seems, however, to be Sumuenteal, probably a scribe’s error.

21 Or “heroic son”—_dumu ursa[ga?]_.

22 The Ebišum of the chronological lists.

23 Yosephia and Habe-Ibraheem.

24 See the _Quarterly Statement_ of the Palestine Exploration Fund, July 1900, pp. 262, 263.

25 An interesting commentary on this is furnished by the British Museum tablet K, 2100, which informs us that the god Rimmon or Hadad was called _Addu_ or _Dadu_ in Amorite, _Tešsub_ in the language of _Su_ (Mesopotamia), _Maliku_ in the language of _Suḫ_, (the Shuites), _Kunzibami_ in Elamite, and _Buriaš_ in Kassite. The same inscription also states that the word for “God” was _ene_ in _Su_, _nab_ in Elamite, _malaḫum_ in Amorite, _kiurum_ in Lulubite, _mašḫu_ in Kassite, and gives the additional synonyms (? in Babylonian) _qadmu_, “he who was first,” _digirū_ (from the Akkadian _dingir_, “god”), and also, seemingly, _ḫilibu._

26 To all appearance letters were originally read out to the person addressed by a professional reader.

27 This often happens, the most interesting case being the tablets referring to Bunanitum, four in number, acquired in 1876, 1877, and a year or two later. Another of the series is in New York. Cf. pp. 459-465.

28 I have purposely given the translation of the inner tablet, that of the envelope being less simply worded, and therefore not quite so easy to understand. The list of witnesses, however, is from the envelope, this being much more satisfactory in that it gives the father’s name and the title of the person in some cases.

29 The envelope here adds: “At no future time shall he make a claim.”

30 This is apparently an expression taken from the contracts referring to the purchase of houses, in which the same set phrases were used.

31 In the list of household goods inscribed on the tablet Bu. 91-5-9, 337, are enumerated 1 bed, 1 couch, 2 tables, other objects, mostly of wood, to the number of 42; 7 pots, 1 chair, 4 _ušratum_ (probably vessels containing the tenth part of some measure), 5 _hamsatum_ (probably vessels containing the fifth part of a measure), 31 _qa_ of sesame, and a few other things.

32 Generally read Ê-giš-šir-gal.

33 Probably the first line of the next tablet.

34 The Talmud says that Terah worshipped twelve divinities, one for each month of the year.

35 There was a temple of the sun and the moon at a town at no great distance from Ur [Mugheir], now represented by the mounds of Tel-Sifr, where a number of tablets with envelopes were found.

36 One of the most interesting names found in the texts of this period is that of Yaum-îlu, “Jah is God,” occurring in a letter. Yau (Jah) was one of the Babylonian words indicating the Supreme God, only used, however, in special cases. (Cf. pp. 58 ff.)

37 See the inscription translated on p. 155.

38 In inscriptions referring to Haran the Moon-god bears this name.

39 Apparently the god Sin, through the priest, his representative. For Esarhaddon’s successes in Egypt, see p. 388.

40 The _ayin_ of the second element must have been pronounced like the Arabic _ghain_, making ’Atar-ghata, which would probably be a better transcription.

41 A corrupt form of the same name.

42 This is probably not the land of Ḫana referred to on p. 84, note, which was apparently a Babylonian principality, and retained its independence to a comparatively late date. It was a district which had especially skilful stone- and metal-workers.

43 A doubtful rendering.

44 Or “Year of the images of the 7 gods.”

45 Or “Year of (the temple) Ê-namḫe.”

46 It may just be mentioned that date 30, “Year of the army of Elam,” if correctly rendered, may refer to the Elamite expedition to the West, but it seems more likely that it records a disaster to the Elamite arms, which enabled Ḫammurabi to overthrow Rîm-Sin of Emutbālu next year.

47 A deity, probably the god of destruction.

48 Further details will be found in the paper, _Certain Inscriptions and Records_, etc. in the _Journal of the Victoria Institute_, 1895-96, pp. 43-90. Published also separately.

49 The word _ḳâtu_, “hand,” in Semitic Babylonian, means also “power,” and as an explanatory gloss, the scribe has introduced the Hebrew זרוע or עורז, _zuruḫ_ in Assyrian transcription, meaning “arm,” or, here, “power.” Apparently he was afraid that _ḳâtu_ would not be understood.

50 In this connection Maspero’s remarks upon this fragment (_Records of the Past_, 2nd series, vol. ii. p. 43) are worth repeating. He points out that there were three Pharaohs named Soqnun-rî (= Seqnen-Rê), and he implies that it was in all probability the last of these which is referred to. He perished by a violent death, perhaps in battle against the Hyksos themselves. “He had shaved his head the morning before, ‘arraying himself for the combat like the god Montu,’ as the Egyptian scribes would say. His courage led him to penetrate too far into the ranks of the enemy; he was surrounded and slain before his companions could rescue him. The blow of an axe removed part of his left cheek and laid bare the teeth, striking the jaw and felling him stunned to the ground; a second blow entered far within the skull, a dagger or short lance splitting the forehead on the right side a little above the eye. The Egyptians recovered the body and embalmed it in haste, when already partly decomposed, before sending it to Thebes and the tomb of his ancestors.... The author of the legend may probably have continued the story down to the tragic end of his hero. The scribe to whom we owe the papyrus on which it is inscribed must certainly have intended to complete the tale; he had recopied the last lines on the reverse of one of the pages, and was preparing to continue it when some accident intervened to prevent his doing so.... It is probable, however, that it went on to describe how Soqnun-rî, after long hesitation, succeeded in escaping from the embarrassing dilemma in which his powerful rival had attempted to place him. His answer must have been as odd and extraordinary as the message of ’Apôpi, but we have no means even of conjecturing what it was.”

51 Compare the name of the well near which Hagar the Egyptian woman fell down exhausted when fleeing from Sarai, Abraham’s wife: “The well of _the living one_ who seeth me.”

52 Driver, in Hastings’s _Dictionary of the Bible_, under Joseph.

53 Or “to each hungry person.”

54 This and other transcriptions of the name into cuneiform character suggests that it was generally pronounced Neb-mu’a-Re’a.

55 Another god of Mitanni seems to have been Eaašarri, probably from the Babylonian _Êa šarru_, “Êa (Aê) the king.” Other Mitannian deities are Šimîgi and Sušbi.

56 Compare the Arabic _eshāra_, “sign.”

57 Nin-urmuru (?) is only a provisional transcription, being at least partly Akkadian. Her name in all probability began with _Bêlit_, “lady of” = _Bâalat_. As the name ends with the plural sign, the question naturally arises whether it may not be practically a title—“Lady of the Urmuru” (?), or something of the kind.

_ 58 I.e._ to king Amenophis, to whom he was writing.

59 In all probability this is metaphorically spoken, and means simply that he captured him. The feet of those vanquished in battle were sometimes cut off, but it is hardly likely that a man would survive this without medical treatment.

60 Lit. “stood before him.”

61 Lit. “a servant of faithfulness.”

62 Lit. “I look thus, and I look thus.”

63 It is doubtful whether the full form of the name is preserved, the tablet being broken at this point.

64 Ḫani-galbat is identified with northern Mesopotamia (Aram-Naharaim), and was the land ruled over by Dušratta, king of Mitanni, a synonym of which, at least in part, the district known as Ḫani-galbat was. Ḫana-galbat is apparently a variant spelling.

65 Or “the keeper of thy horses.” The dual sign before the word “horses” suggests that “attendant,” “guardian,” or “driver” of the two horses of the king’s chariot is meant. The expression is apparently intended merely to indicate the writer’s position as vassal.

66 Lit. “to whose head,” apparently meaning “to whose self” = “to whom.”

67 Thus in the original—apparently Abdi-ṭâba thought that “they backbite” (_îkalu karsi_) might not be understood.

68 The name is lost.

69 The number is lost.

70 This number is incomplete.

71 Lit. “taken hostility against me.”

72 Lit. “there is alliance to all the governors.”

73 The scribe has left out a wedge in the middle character, making the name _Kapasi_.

74 Apparently meaning that Milki-îli, pretending to be faithful to the king of Egypt, intended to ask him, later on, for the territory governed by Lab’aya and Arzawa, in order to give it back to them, they having forfeited it by their rebellion.

75 So Naville and others.

76 Sothis rose heliacally on the 9th of Epiphi of the 9th year (1545 B.C.) of Amenophis I. Amosis, his predecessor, ruled twenty-two years, so that his first year must be 1575 B.C. Subtract 240 years, the period of oppression, from 1575, and we obtain 1335 as the date of the Exodus.

77 Mahler suggests that it was one of the sons of Rameses II. who met with his death in the Red Sea when pursuing the departing Israelites.

78 Also Abdi-Aširta, Abdi-Ašratum.

79 Lit. “chariots of the harness of their yoke.”

80 Prof. Sayce translates “like moon-stone I laid low.”

81 Or “fear which dreaded.”

82 These words _(ša mât Ḫat-ta-a-a_) are inserted in this place in squeeze 84.

83 See the list, p. 374 (with 373 and 378). Amurrū (Amoria, p. 374) appears as in Ḫatti (p. 373), or synonymous with it.

84 Lit. “of his decision.”

85 See p. 224.

86 The land of the Amorites.

87 Or Šizanians.

88 Only eleven are mentioned.

89 The god of death and battle.

90 Thus in the inscription, but translators generally read _Gilzanu_.

_ 91 Guide to the Nimroud Central Saloon_, p. 31. This rendering is based on a careful comparison of the inscription with the bas-relief.

92 “Son of Ê-saggil” means that he was one of the deities worshipped in the temple bearing that name. The god Ninip is called “son of E-sarra,” for the same reason. Nebo was especially worshipped, however, at Ê-zida.

93 “The broad (land of) ... li,” however, occurs, and, as Professor Hommel actually suggests, may be a reference to _Nap-ta-li_ or Naphtali.

_ 94 I.e._ like the ruins of cities which had been swept away by a flood. In both Assyria and Babylonia floods were common things, and the devastation they caused naturally gave rise to the simile.

95 According to Fried. Delitzsch, this is incorrectly given for Sewe, the Sib’e of the Assyrian inscriptions.

96 If it be Sargon, then it was naturally he who carried Israel captive to Assyria, placing them in Halah, Habor, and the cities of the Medes.

_ 97 I.e._ those of the island of Tyre, which still held out.

98 Lit. “I smote their overthrow.”

99 See the chapter upon the Tel-el-Amarna letters (p. 281 ff.).

100 It is noteworthy, however, that Sabaco is elsewhere called Sabaku (see below, p. 389).

101 “The two borders,” see Sayce. The Assyrian form is singular, as is also the Babylonian Miṣir, which has _i_ for _u_ in both syllables. The Arabic form is Miṣr. Muṣur(u), Misir(u), Miṣraim, and Misr are all forms of the same name.

102 Compare p. 366, where the earlier payment of tribute is referred to.

103 See pp. 283, 291, 292.

104 The land of Heth, Syria in general.

105 Lit. “wrought anew.”

106 Or Ya(w)anana. (This is added from the bull-inscription.)

107 Or _Ṣidqaa_ (for _Ṣidqaia = Zedekiah_).

108 Unknown objects—perhaps gold bangles or similar things.

109 Lit. “whatever its name.”

110 Or “I.”

111 Elibus in Alexander Polyhistor, as quoted by Eusebius, _Armenian Chronicle_, 42.

112 It is impossible, with our present knowledge, to determine the date of Merodach-baladan’s envoy to Hezekiah (2 Kings xx. 12), but if at the late period indicated, he must have been in hiding, and waiting for the chance to mount the throne again.

113 This, together with Nagitu, and Nagitu-di’ibina, are apparently different from the Nagite-raqqi or Nagitu-raqqu mentioned above. Apparently Merodach-baladan had fled from the Nagitu “within the sea” to the mainland.

114 The Babylonian Chronicle claims victory for the allies, and Sennacherib for the Assyrians. The sequel implies that the latter is the more trustworthy.

_ 115 I.e._ Mer-en-Ptah, Seti I. As, however, this king reigned as early as 1350 B.C., Herodotus must have been misinformed. Tirhakah, “king of Ethiopia,” was Sennacherib’s opponent at the period of the siege of Jerusalem (2 Kings xix. 9).

116 Tel-Assar (Isaiah xxxvii. 12)—Assar probably = Asari (p. 54).

117 There were twenty provinces in all, including those of Nikû, king of Mempi and Sâa (Necho of Memphis and Sais); Šarru-lû-dâri (an Assyrian name), king of Ṣi’anu (Zoan or Tanis), Susinqu (Sheshonq), king of Buširu (Busiris), and many others.

118 “To the long chariot, the vehicle of my royalty.”

119 As pointed out by Commander Jones in 1852, the river responsible for the disaster was not the Tigris, but must have been the Khosr, which flows through Nineveh from the N.E., and runs into the Tigris W.S.W. of the village of Armushieh.

120 Apparently Duwair, S.S.E. of Babylon. This, however, is probably not a real place-name, the word really meaning “mound.”

121 A part of Babylon.

122 Lit. “like as a corpse.”

123 Lit. “went round” or “about.”

124 Probably meaning Asiatics, in contradistinction to the fair inhabitants of Europe.

125 The old name of Babylon as “the seat of life” = old Babylon.

126 Lit. “their number cannot be announced.”

127 Lit. “of the land of Amoria.”

128 The old capital of Assyria.

129 An addition by the scribe of the first tablet (the more correct copy), seemingly partly erased.

130 The second copy (the less correct) has, instead of “who is over the city,” the words “the son of the king ...,” which (judging from the word for “man” before “king”) the scribe must have read into the traces which he saw.

131 This must be another Marduka—it is most unlikely that it is the son of Adi’îlu and Ḫulîtu, concerning whom the document was written.

132 Variant, Adi’îlu, possibly the seller of Marduka, and if so, Ukîn-zēra must have been the brother of the man sold.

133 See above, p. 445, where the husbandmen are referred to.

134 Probably = “under.”

135 Apparently from the root _par_, “to be bright.” These stones were probably sacred to the Sun-god.

136 Or “the woollen stuffs.”

137 Lit. “thou (art) in thy house, in thy heart (there is) good to thee.”

138 It seems to have been sometimes the custom for a man to be known by more than one name.

139 Lit. “gardenership.”

140 This may mean “the Egyptian,” but as there were more than one Miṣir, this is doubtful.

141 Nabonidus.

142 Or, perhaps, “(in) the plantation-territory.”

143 Or, perhaps, “the territory of the great farther side.”

144 As the Babylonians had no means of indicating the sound of _o_, characters containing _u_ had to be used in such words as these. The Babylonian pronunciation of the Greek πολίτης was, therefore, _poliṭē_. Another form of this plural word, namely, _puliṭannu (poliṭānu)_, also occurs.

145 In 1890, when this inscription was copied, it was in the possession of Mr. Lucas, who kindly gave me permission to publish it. I do not know who possesses the tablet at present. The seal-impression at the end is exceedingly indistinct.

146 The spirits of the earth.

147 The Sungod was the god of justice, hence this comparison.

148 The inhabitants of the land.

149 The temple-tower of Niffur.

150 The temple of Bel at Niffur.

151 The temple of Eridu.

152 The temple of Bel at Babylon.

153 See p. 193.

154 The temple of Ur—see p. 194 ff.

155 The moon-goddess of Sippar.

156 The temple of the sun at Sippar.

157 Ellasar.

158 The temple of the sun at Larsa (Ellasar).

159 The god and goddess of Ê-anna, the temple of Erech.

160 The temple of Isin or Nisin.

161 The temple of Kiš.

162 Apparently a conflict had taken place here, and the success of the Babylonian arms was attributed to the god of the place.

163 The temple of Cuthah.

164 Merodach—see p. 30 ff.

165 The temple of Borsippa.

166 The modern Dailem.

167 The god of Dilmu.

168 The temple at Lagas.

169 Goddess of Ḫallabu.

170 Lit.: “the raising of the hand.”

171 Hadad.

172 Or, with Scheil: who has rectified the course of the Tigris. As, however, the sign for “river” is wanting, the meaning “family,” “race,” which this word has, is to be preferred.

173 The temple of Ištar of Nineveh, later called E-masmas.

174 Lit.: “to the river-god,” and so throughout the clause.

175 A matter of life and death.

176 Lit.: “which is in that judgment.”

177 Cf. 126, 131.

178 Lit.: “a period to the sixth month.”

179 Lit.: “in the sixth month.”

180 Lit.: “shall call upon the spirit of God.”

181 Lit.: “In the house of a man fire has been kindled.”

182 Lit.: “a man of substitution.”

183 The officer, etc.

184 Lit.: “for opening.”

185 Lit.: “the god Hadad.”

186 Or, “did not cover the cost.”

187 Lit.: “the god Hadad.”

188 Lit.: “the lord of the interest.”

189 Lit.: “profit.”

190 Or, “its interest.”

191 Lit.: “sons,” or “children.”

_ 192 I.e._ in the same proportion.

193 Lit.: “in days not full.”

194 In the British Museum fragment 80-11-12, 1235, found by Mr. Rassam in Babylonia, 100 and 101 form a single section, the last one of the 5th tablet.

195 Lit.: “invoke the spirit of God.”

196 In other words, “he shall take a receipt for the amount.”

197 Probably = “shall not be placed to his credit.”

198 Lit.: “dwells on the road.”

199 Lit.: “the possessions of his hand.”

200 Lit.: “and to whatever its name, as much as he gave, he shall renounce.”

201 Lit.: “the distraint.”

202 Apparently the agent who lent him the money, and who is called “the distrainer” in the foregoing lines.

203 Has not made a contract for her.

204 Lit.: “If the wife of a man her husband accuse her.”

205 Lit.: “she shall invoke the spirit of God.”

206 The original text adds “before him,” probably meaning “before he left.”

207 Or “may.”

208 Lit.: “after him.”

209 Or “need.”

210 Lit.: “she may take the husband of her heart.”

211 Lit.: “take.”

212 Or “a chain.”

213 Lit.: “her after (property).”

214 Lit.: “a lord of interest.”

215 Lit.: “set her upon a stake.”

216 There is a mistake in the text here, the most probable reading being “cast _him_ into the water.”

217 Lit.: “movable(s),” French _du meuble_.

218 Perhaps “shall add to it an equal amount,” as a kind of compensation. Scheil has “il égalera.”

219 That is, to the man himself.

220 In all probability it is an adopted son who is meant—it is doubtful whether a man could do more than disinherit his own child.

_ 221 I.e._ decide to marry again.

222 Lit.: “her sonhood, of her brothers it is.”

223 The same word is used as in the case of a marriage-gift.

224 The same word is used as in the case of a marriage-gift.

225 That is, she must content herself with the marriage-gift.

226 Lit.: “taken to childship.”

227 Or “in his name.”

228 These were in the position of orphans, having no proper home.

229 Lit.: “the son of a worker.”

230 Or “as a foster-child.”

231 Here the term would seem to be equivalent to “apprentice.”

232 Evidently such a denial on the child’s part was regarded as the height of ingratitude (see the footnote to § 187).

233 In the original “his eye.”

234 Lit.: “price.”

235 Or “skull,” Scheil: “cerveau.” Peiser’s rendering, “cheek” (Backe), seems to be the best. (This applies to laws 203-205 as well.)

236 According to Winckler, this expression (“son of a man”) means “a free-born man.”

237 Lit.: “slave like slave.”

238 Lit.: “the silver of half his price.”

239 Lit.: “lord of the injury.”

240 This was regarded as a fraud, and punished as such.

241 Or “the boatman shall repair that vessel, and strengthen (it) with his own capital, and give the strengthened vessel (back) to the owner of the vessel.”

242 Lit.: “price.”

243 Lit.: “ox like ox.”

244 Such is the general translation. An injury of this kind would render the animal useless, as it would be unable to bear the yoke, hence this enactment.

245 Or “slit.”

246 Lit.: “shall invoke the spirit of God.”

247 As the dog his first bite, so the bull was allowed his first toss free.

248 Or “failing,” “defect.”

249 Or “weakened,” “starved.”

250 Lit.: “given.”

251 Lit.: “it is good to his heart.”

252 Lit.: “the fate,” _i.e._, divine decree concerning them.

253 Lit.: “of.”

254 The character used is the same as that for grain (wheat, etc.), but the weight is unknown.

255 Winckler: “potter.”

256 Lit.: “man of linen.” Scheil, Winckler, and Johns translate “tailor.”

257 A part only of the word is preserved.

258 Lit.: “he has had a claim.”

259 Lit.: “shall answer the claim.”

260 Lit.: “he shall make their freedom without silver.” This law seems to indicate that neither owner was regarded as having a right to them.

261 Lit.: “silver.”

262 The people.

263 The Ninevite duplicate has a different reading.

264 Probably = “north and south,” or “in mountain and valley.”

265 Winckler: “put an end to battles.”

266 Lit.: “proclaimed.”

267 Apparently meaning the head of the stone bearing this inscription.

268 The Nineveh duplicate has: “by the command of Šamaš and Hadad, judges of justice, deciders of decisions, may justice have power.”

269 Lit.: “a word.”

270 Lit.: “good flesh.”

271 Lit.: “thoughts.”

272 Lit.: “the going forth.”

273 Lit.: “his dark of head.”

274 Scheil: “given rectitude.”

275 The future king.

276 Lit.: “cause another to take (this responsibility).”

277 Lit.: “whose name has been proclaimed.”

_ 278 I.e._, his throne.

279 Lit.: “honourable.”

280 Lit.: “go before.”

281 Lit.: “ear.”

282 Or “oblivion.”

283 Or “visions.”

284 Lit.: “spirits” (_utukke_). Perhaps the “soul” and “spirit” are meant, the plural being indicated by writing the character twice, though nothing certain can be deduced from this.

285 Scheil and Winckler: “sickle” (= crescent), but this seems to be a different word.

286 Scheil: “is in conflict.”

287 Mounds of an inundation, such as the great Flood was supposed to have produced.

288 Probably repeated by an error of the stone-cutter.

289 The Nineveh duplicate has: “whose battle has no equal.”

290 Or “bind.”

291 Or “strength,” apparently meaning the imperfectness of that quality.

292 Generally referred to under the fuller form Anunnaki.

293 Or “temple,” either that of Merodach at Babylon, or Ê-babbara.

294 The temple of the Sun at Sippar or at Larsa—probably the former.

295 In Ex. xxi. 8 it is presumed that the master of the girl betrothed her to himself, as in the case of Šamaš-nûri (p. 185), who, however, could be sold as a slave if she denied her mistress.

296 The old Sumerian law referring to injuries to slaves (p. 191) inflicts a fine on the _hirer_, not on the owner.

297 Isaiah xlv. 20: “They have no knowledge that carry the wood of their graven images.” R. V.

298 Num. vi. 26: “The Lord lift up his countenance upon thee,” equivalent to “to raise the eyes” in Assyro-Babylonian.

299 Lit.: “shall not bring his hand to the sick.”

300 Lit.: “the raising of his hands.”

301 This form is due to a false etymology, but it is used by Delitzsch as a very convenient compound word.

302 The word may also be translated “inhabiting,” but this does not seem to be so good.

303 Lit.: “ill.”

304 For parallels to the Babylonian legend of Tiamtu in the Talmud and Midrash, see S. Daiches in the _Zeitschrift für Assyriologie_, xvii. (1903), pp. 394-399.

305 Similar figures are shown on the slabs in the British Museum (Nimroud Gallery) standing before the sacred tree.

_ 306 The Religious Ideas of the Babylonians_, in the Journal of the Transactions of the Victoria Institute, 1895.

307 P. 181.

308 P. 183, where the reading is Ibsina-ili.

309 P. 184.

310 For a list of these, see “Observations sur la Religion des Babyloniens 2000 ans avant Jésus-Christ,” by Th. G. Pinches, in the _Revue de l’Histoire des Religions_, 1901.

311 See Hugo Winckler, _Die im Sommer 1906 in Kleinasien ausgeführten Ausgrabungen_, Orientalische Literatur-Zeitung, Dec. 15, 1906; _Vorläufige Nachrichten über die Ausgrabungen in Boghaz-Köi im Sommer 1907_, Mitteilungen der Deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft, Dec. 1907 (No. 35).

312 See pp. 297, 298, where Cassites (_Kâsi_) are referred to. The Kassites east of Babylonia were the Cosssæans of the Greeks. (Cf. pp. 122, 140, 170.)

313 See pp. 275 ff.

314 See pp. 222 ff.

315 It will be noticed that the Hittite-Babylonian transcription is of considerable value for the pronunciation of Egyptian.

316 See p. 232.

_ 317 Aramaic Papyri discovered at Assuan_, edited by A. H. Sayce and A. E. Cowley. London, 1906.

318 Lit.: “they shall remove.”

319 Sachau suggests that this may be gentilic, and mean “the Lachite.”

320 Possibly “companions” (Sachau).

321 Variant: “the 7 great doors.”

_ 322 QYMu_, a word of doubtful meaning.

323 Or “bronze.”

324 Sachau suggests that this may be the name of Waidrang’s tribe—that of Caleb, or the like.

325 Possibly signs of dignity or wealth, made of some precious metal.

326 In the original _Ostan âḫûhi zi ’Anani_, a construction which reminds us of the Babylonian _âbli-šu ša_, “son of.” May we, therefore, read “Ostanes, brother of ’Anani?”

327 That is, the receivers of Bagohi’s benefits.

328 As such a reward would be much too small, Sachau suggests that the _kinkar_ (? talent) was much below the value of an ordinary talent.

329 See page 539.

330 Chnub, the Greek _Chnubis_, _Knuphis_, or _Kneph_.

331 If this be the case, _Waidareng_ is also a possible reading.

332 Sanballat in Nehemiah. The transcription here used is that of the Septuagint, but the vocalization is in both cases incorrect—it should be Sin-uballiṭ. This name, which is Babylonian, means “the moon-god has given life.” He is called a Horonite in Neh. ii. 10, 19.

333 Lit.: “going.”

334 See the Author’s _Religion of Babylonia and Assyria_ (A. Constable & Co., 1906), pp. 43-44.

_ 335 Mitteilungen der Vorderasiatischen Gesellschaft_, 1902, I.: _Ein Altbabylonisches Fragment des Gilgamosepos_, von Bruno Meissner. Berlin, Wolf Peiser Verlag.

336 Oriental Translation Fund, New Series, I. _The Rauzat-us-Safa; or Garden of Purity_, by Mirkhond. Translated by E. Rehatsek. Royal Asiatic Society, 1891.

_ 337 The Babylonian Excavations and Early Bible History_, by Prof. Kittel, translated by Edmund McClure, M.A., with a preface by Henry Wace, D.D. Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, 1903.

_ 338 Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western Asia_, vol. v., pl. 2, l. 40, and _Cuneiform Texts from Babylonian Tablets_, part xii., pl. 6. Cf. p. 144.

339 Probably illustrating the Sumerian Laws.

340 Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, 1897.

_ 341 The Bronze Ornaments of the Palace Gates of Balawat_, with an introduction by Walter de Gray Birch, and descriptions and translations by Theophilus G. Pinches. Published at the Offices of the Society of Biblical Archæology, Bloomsbury, W.C.

342 Or “images.”

343 Assyria.

344 See p. 207, upper part.

345 That is, Babylonia.

_ 346 Collection de Clercq. Catalogue méthodique et raisonné_, par M. de Clercq, avec la collaboration de M. J. Menant. Paris, Leroux, 1885, etc.