CHAPTER XII. LIFE AT BABYLON DURING THE CAPTIVITY, WITH SOME REFERENCE TO

THE JEWS.

The reign of Nebuchadnezzar—The earliest mention of Nabonidus—Neriglissar and his relations with his fellow-citizens before his accession—He marries his daughter Gigîtum to the director of Ê-zida—Prince Laborosoarchod—Nabonidus and the temples at Sippar—Prince Belshazzar’s transactions—His offerings at Sippar—His sister’s gift to her god (or goddess)—Princess Ukabu’sama’s transaction—The Jews at Babylon—Babylonian business and other letters—Širku’s slave—A loan at Erech—Work upon a plantation—Sale of an ass—Jews and Babylonians—The dead slave—A right of way—The story of Abil-Addu-nathānu and Bunanitum—The outcast slave—The Egyptian slave and her infant—Širku’s transactions—Babylon as the Jewish captives saw it.

I.

If trade-activity be a test of prosperity, then the Babylonians of the period extending from the end of the reign of Nabopolassar to the end of that of Darius could have had but little to complain of on the whole, notwithstanding the changes of dynasty which took place. Over three thousand inscriptions covering this period have been published, and there is every reason to believe that, if all the texts in the various museums were made known, twice this number might be reached. There is, therefore, an abundance of material with which to reconstruct the life of that period. Naturally, many of this enormous number of inscriptions are comparatively uninteresting, and some of the texts are of little or no value, even to specialists. This being the case, it will easily be understood that, as they are mostly of the nature of contracts, with a certain number of legal documents, the information which many of them give is comparatively meagre, and there is a great deal of repetition. That some of them, notwithstanding these disadvantages, are sufficiently interesting, will be seen from the examples which this chapter contains.

Among all these documents we find repeated, with some differences which the course of centuries had brought about, the same transactions, and the same daily life as has already been treated of in the fifth chapter, pp. 159-191. There are purchases and sales of land, property, and slaves, loans at interest and without interest, and all the various kinds of contracts which the daily needs of a large population call forth. Marriage-contracts and contracts of apprenticeship are also not uncommon, wills and divisions of property—generally in greater detail than of old—are also to be found. To these must be added the leasing and hire of houses, the purchase and hire of ships, divisions of property, inventories of the same, receipts of different kinds, etc. etc.

For the most part, the people who pass before us are slaves, servants, money-lenders, merchants, and other of the common folk, with a sprinkling of scribes, priests, both of the higher and the lower classes (generally the latter), palace officials, now and then a judge, or a governor, or one of the subordinate officials. Did we know them all, perhaps we should think more of them, and estimate them at their true worth; but in the appearance and reappearance of their names we see only the plaintiff or the defendant, the buyer or the seller, and it is but rarely that we can recognize them as men of note, though in many cases it is to be conjectured that they were so. It is only seldom that the crown prince or one of his brothers, appears, or a relative of the ruling king comes within our range—as for the king himself, except in the date of a document, his name is rare in the extreme, and when he appears actively, it is in the character of patron of the temples, or something of a similar nature.

Naturally the king was hedged about with a considerable amount of reverence, which must have manifested itself in many ways which we shall probably never know. This consideration for the name of the king would lead to his being represented by an agent, doing away with the necessity of his appearing in person, when dealing with his subjects. Though he prudently keeps out of sight, it is hardly a dignified thing that the great Nebuchadnezzar should appear as a moneylender, even by proxy, as he seems to do in the following document. But we do not know the whole history of the transaction, so must not hastily accuse him of an unkingly action—his appearance may be unauthorized, or the loan may be capable of a perfectly natural explanation.

“Ten shekels (in) ingots (?), the silver of Ina-êši-êṭir, son of Nadin, the king’s agent. The king’s silver, which was given for gold (? = as capital) to Ina-êši-êṭir, (is) due from Nabû-êṭir, son of Šulâ, descendant of the mead-dealer. At the end of the month Tisri he will give (it) back. His property, as much as there is, (is) the security, until Ina-êši-êṭir receives the king’s silver. Witnesses: Nadin, son of Marduk, descendant of Irani; Nergal-iddina, son of Nabû-kaṣir, descendant of Êpeš-îli; and the scribe, Ana-Bêl-upâqu, son of Bêl-šum-iškun, descendant of the mead-dealer. Babylon, month Tammuz, day 28th, year 21st, Nabû-kudurri-uṣur, king of Babylon.”

Though security is referred to, there is no mention of interest, but Ina-êši-êṭir probably expected something of the kind. The question also arises, whether the sum may not have been advanced without the authority of his royal master. The original of the expression translated “ingots” suggests that the pieces may have been in the form of a sword-blade.

Among the tablets referring to Nebuchadnezzar’s offerings, 84-2-11, 23, and its duplicate 270 of the same collection, are probably the most interesting. This inscription is to the effect that Izkur-Marduk had given up with willingness the office of _naš-paṭrūtu_ to Nabû-balaṭ-su-iqbî. His duty was to perform the king’s sacrifices every year before the goddess Išḫara, “dwelling in Ê-ša-turra, which is within Šu-anna,” and before Pap-sukal, of “the temple Ê-kidur-kani, the house of the Lady of heaven, of the bank of the water-channel of _âlu-eššu_ (the new city) which is within Babylon.” The animals sacrificed were oxen and sheep, and the parts offered before the two deities are fully specified. The contract ends with a longer curse than usual in tablets of this class: “Whoever the words and this gift changes, as much as has been conferred (?) on Nabû-balaṭ-su-iqbî, may Merodach, Zēr-panitum, Išḫara, and Pap-sukal bespeak his destruction; may Nebo, the scribe of Ê-sagila, shorten his long days. The spirit of Marduk, Zēr-panitum, (and) his gods, and Nabû-kudurri-uṣur, the king their lord, they have invoked.” The names of three witnesses and the scribe follow this, after which is the date, 29th day of Tammuz, 32nd year of Nebuchadnezzar. A portion of the sacrifices were to be made on the 8th day of Nisan, _i.e._ at the beginning of the second week of the new year.

As stated in his long inscriptions referring to the restoration of the temples at Babylon, Nebuchadnezzar looked upon that city as the one whose temples he especially delighted to honour, and this text referring to his offerings seems to bear out that statement. As, however, his inscribed cylinders from other places show that he did not neglect the shrines of his provincial capitals altogether, so certain inscriptions referring to his offerings elsewhere show that he did not withhold what was considered as due from him to the other shrines of his realm. Thus, in his thirty-fifth year he is recorded to have made a gift or offering of an object, made or set with some kind of stone, to the goddess of Sippar, Aa, the consort of the Sun-god, and another object of gold to the god himself. In all probability, the text referred to is only one of a number of inscriptions referring to the king’s offerings, for even this great and popular ruler would hardly have dared to risk the hostility of the priests merely to gratify his desire to enrich and embellish his capital city. In addition to the king, the officials of his court sometimes made offerings at Sippar, as is indicated by the following short inscription—

“One ass, tithe which Nabû-šarra-uṣur, the king’s captain, has given to the temple Ê-babbara. Month Iyyar, day 20 less 1, year 42nd, Nabû-kudurri-uṣur, king of Babylon.”

To all appearance, Nabû-šarra-uṣur was a man sufficiently well off, if, as may well be supposed, he possessed nine other asses besides the one which he was giving as tithe. From the nature of the offering, this could not have been made on account of the king, though he must from time to time have commissioned others to act on his behalf, as the following inscriptions inform us that his sons did—

“..., tithe of (Marduk)-šum-uṣur, the son of the king, Zubuduru, messenger of Marduk-šum-uṣur, the son of the king, has given to Ê-babbara. The sheep (is) in the cattle-house in the care of Šamaš-êreš. Month Adar, day 17th, year 40th, (Nabû-kud)urri-uṣur, (king of Babylon).”

The word to be restored at the beginning is probably “1 sheep,” this being the number implied farther on. If so, it cannot be said that he was by any means a large owner of these animals. The following refers to tithe in silver paid by the same prince—

“1/3 and 5 shekels (= 25 shekels) of silver (is) the tithe which Marduk-šum-uṣur, son of the king, has given by the hands of Šamaš-kain-âḫi and Aqabi-îlu to Ê-babbara. Month Iyyar, day 14th, year 42nd, Nabû-kudurri-uṣur, king of Babylon.”

Another inscription, dated in the forty-first year of Nebuchadnezzar, refers to another son, named Marduk-nadin-aḫi, whose servant, Sin-mâr-šarri-uṣur, had paid half a mana for fruit (dates). The name of the servant, which means “Moon-god, protect the son of the king,” is interesting, and testifies to the devotion of the family of its owner to the royal house.

These references to the sons of Nebuchadnezzar naturally raise the question of the parentage of Nabonidus, whose son, Belshazzar, is called, in Daniel, the son—_i.e._ descendant—of Nebuchadnezzar. As this is a historical point of some importance, even the most uncertain light, when thrown upon it, may turn out to be of considerable value. In all probability, therefore, this is the most appropriate place to introduce what may be called

The Earliest Mention Of Nabonidus.

This document is preserved on two tablets, the most correct being very much crowded in one part, and the other very neatly and clearly, but at the same time very incorrectly, written. Both are, therefore, in all probability, copies, made at dates some time after the original document was drawn up.

Though the more clearly-written copy is rather incorrect, it furnishes in some cases interesting variants, which will be noticed in their place. The value of the text as a historical document depends, in part, as will easily be recognized, upon the trustworthiness of a statement which the incorrect copyist has read into it.

Both these documents belong to the collection obtained by the late George Smith on his last ill-fated journey to the East. They are numbered S +, 769 and 734.

“Adi’îlu, son of Nabû-zēr-iddina, and Ḫulîti, his wife (the divine Ḫulîtum!(129)) have sold Marduka (Mordecai), their son, for the price agreed upon, to Šulâ, son of Zēr-ukîn. The liability to defeasor (?) and pre-emptor (?), which is upon Marduka, Adi’îlu and Akkadu respond for.”

“Witnesses: Nabû-na’id (Nabonidus), who is over the city(130); Agar’u; Mušêzib-Bêl, son of Marduka(131); Zērîa, son of Bâbîlâa; Ukîn-zēra, son of Yadi’-îlu(132); Rêmut, son of Marduka; and the scribe Nabû-zēr-ikîša, son of Marduk- ... Ḫuṣṣiti-ša-Mušallim-Marduk, month Sebat, day 16th, year 8th, Nabû-kudurrî-uṣur, king of Babylon.”

It will probably seem strange to most readers that Babylonian parents, who were as a rule fond of children, should sell their son; but it is impossible to pronounce judgment against them without knowing more, so as to be able to take into consideration the circumstances in which the thing was done. Though the document resembles those recording the sale of slaves, certain phrases are left out (compare the inscriptions referred to on pp. 465 ff.).

The exclamatory addition of the scribe in one case, where he writes the name of the mother, Ḫulîtum, with the prefix for divinity, shows that he regarded her as being with the gods—to all appearance she had, at the time of making the copy, departed this life. It may be taken as implying respect, reverence, and something more.

Naturally there is no suggestion that the Nabonidus who is given as the first witness, with the title “he who is over the city,” was the son of Nabû-balaṭ-su-iqbî, afterwards king of Babylon. The scribe of the second tablet calls him “the son of the king,” but there is no indication, from Babylonian sources, that he was one of the sons of Nebuchadnezzar. It is true that, in Daniel, Belshazzar is spoken of as if Nebuchadnezzar was his father (or, better, grandfather), but this is the first indication that the Babylonians ever thought of Nabonidus, his father, as one of the sons of the great Nebuchadnezzar. The question is, whether the scribe who made the second and more incorrect copy would have read into the doubtful characters which his original evidently contained, a statement which he must have known to be untrue, incorrect, or impossible. In view of the fact that the copy in question must have been made sufficiently near to the time of Nabonidus for the facts to be still known, a wilful error is to all appearance excluded, though, on the other hand, the incorrectness of other parts of the tablet obliges us to take the statement for what it is worth. The traces of a character after the words “son of the king” are doubtful—they look like the remains of three horizontal wedges, the two lower ones being fairly clear. As the topmost wedge is the most doubtful, it is possible that the traces which remain are really part of the sign for “city,” in which case the scribe wrote “son of the king of the city,” placing the determinative prefix for “man” before the character for “king”—a most unusual way of writing the word. It enables us to surmise, however, that the reading of his original was really _ša muḫḫi âli_, instead of _ša êli âli_ (both phrases have the same meaning), that he regarded _ša_ as _a_, that he thought _muḫ-ḫi_ to be the characters for “man” and “king,” and that he read the last of the phrase, the character for “city,” correctly.

They are a couple of as interesting, but, at the same time, as unsatisfactory, tablets, as could well be imagined.

It is to be noted that the name of Nabonidus is not altogether uncommon in the inscriptions. In most cases, however, we know that it is either not the well-known king of that name, or that his identity with him is doubtful. That the person here referred to was a man of some consequence is indicated by his title, “he who is over the city,” and it often happens in that case (as here) that the name of his father and other remoter ancestor is omitted. This is sometimes the case with Neriglissar, who is very often named in the contract-tablets of Babylonia, and his name is then either given without any indication of his parentage, or else with the simple addition “son of Bêl-šum-iškun.”

Another figure which appears at this time is that same Neriglissar who was to play so important a part in the affairs of Babylonia at a later date. In the case of this prince (unlike the Nabonidus of the inscription translated above) we are not tormented by any doubts whatever. It is really and truly Neriglissar, and none other. He first appears in Nebuchadnezzar’s thirty-fourth year, in the following legal document—

“100 sheep of Kili(gug?), servant of Nergal-šarra-uṣur, concerning which Abî-nadib, son of Ya-ḫata, said to Nergal-šarra-uṣur, son of Bêl-šum-iškun, thus—

“ ‘Nabû-ṣabit-qâtâ, servant of Nergal-šarra-uṣur, brought them by my hand.’

“If Abî-nadib (and) Nabû-ṣabit-qâtâ prove (this), Abî-nadib is free; if he prove it (not), Abî-nadib will give to Nergal-šarra-uṣur 100 sheep, (with) wool (?) and young (?).

“Witnesses: Ṣilli-Bêl, son of Abî-yadiša; Kabtia, son of Marduk-zēr-ibnî, descendant of the potter; Nabû-naṣir, son of Zillâ; and the scribe, (Nabû)-âḫê-iddina, son of Šulâ, descendant of Êgibi. Takrētain (?), month Elul, day 2nd, year 34th, Nabû-kudurri-uṣur, king of Babylon.”

Neriglissar must therefore have been an extensive cattle-owner, and had many servants, some of whom at least must have been men of substance, like Abî-nadib, who engages to restore to his master the 100 sheep, if it could be proved that they had been lost by his fault. Judging from the name, Abî-nadib (= Abinadab) must have come from the west, his Biblical namesakes being Israelites. Nabû-ṣabit-qâtâ elsewhere appears as the major-domo of the crown prince (? Laborosoarchod = Labâši-Marduk) during the reign of Neriglissar, and of Belshazzar during the reign of his father Nabonidus. The reader will meet his name again in the translations which follow.

A similar transaction to the above is one in which two servants of Neriglissar were concerned, but in which the prince himself seems not to have been directly interested. It is as follows—

“(At the end?) of the month Sivan, Šarru-îlûa, servant of Nergal-šarra-uṣur, will bring his witness and will prove to Ḫatānu, servant of Nergal-šarra-uṣur, that Šarru-îlūa gave to Ḫatānu the iron _raqundu_. If he prove it, Ḫatānu will give to Šarru-îlūa a _raqundu_.

“Witnesses: Mušêzib-Bêl, son of Nabû-iltama’, and the scribe, Nabû-âḫê-iddina, descendant of Êgibi. Upia (Opis), month Nisan, day 29th, (year ...)th, Nabû-kudurri-uṣur, king of Babylon.”

During the reign of Nebuchadnezzar, the “chief of the house” or major-domo of Neriglissar was Bêl-êṭiranni, who is mentioned as having borrowed money, whether on his own or his master’s behalf is not known. This took place in the forty-third year of Nebuchadnezzar. The following is an order for the delivery of goods to the prince—

“Cause ... iron implements (and) 80 _kudutum_ to be taken to Nergal-šarra-uṣur by the hands of Nabû-šum-iddina, secretary of Nergal-šarra-uṣur. Month Iyyar, day 12th, year 43rd, Nabû-kudurri-uṣur, king of Babylon.”

To all appearance prince Neriglissar was a very busy man, who sought to add to his worldly goods by every means in his power, and did not disdain to engage in trade in the attainment of wealth. What he had apparently begun in the reign of Nebuchadnezzar, he continued in the time of Evil-Merodach, during whose reign there are several inscriptions referring to his transactions with regard to houses. In the first of these inscriptions he hires a house for 11 mana of silver from Nabû-âbla-iddina, by his agent, Nabû-kain-âbli (first year of Evil-Merodach, month and day lost).

In another contract he acquires 4 canes, 1 cubit, 8 fingers (of land) from Marduk-šakin-šumi, and 2 canes, 6-2/3 cubits from Kurbanni-Marduk, for a total of 4 mana 19 shekels of silver. (Babylon, month Tebet, day 9th, 1st year of Evil-Merodach.)

In the third contract it would seem that the property in land of Nabû-âbla-iddina had been given over to his creditors, of whom Nabû-banî-âḫi was one, the amount due to him being, in all, 53 shekels of silver, due to him from Nabû-âbla-iddina in the name of a third party. By the authority of Neriglissar it would seem that 42-1/3 shekels of silver were paid to Nabû-banî-âḫi, who then gave to Neriglissar a contract for 53 shekels of silver, promising, at the same time, to speak to the king’s scribes, and draw up and deliver to Neriglissar a _sealed_ document. If he did not do this, he was to be liable for the silver and its interest.

By advancing the money to this creditor, Neriglissar became himself a creditor of the estate of Nabû-âbla-iddina (15th of Adar, 1st year of Evil-Merodach), and it seems to have been his intention to get the whole of the land and the houses thereon into his own hands. He therefore acquired further interest in the property a few weeks later (26th of Nisan, 2nd year of Evil-Merodach), and again after a further interval of three months (14th of Tammuz, 2nd year of Evil-Merodach). To all appearance, the amounts advanced by Neriglissar to the creditors of the estate were less than the sums due to them from Nabû-âbla-iddina on account of their claims. He seems, however, to have got them to give him receipts in full, and they had to promise to deliver sealed documents. He must have made a considerable profit out of this species of bill-discounting.

The last tablet referring to the estate of Nabû-âbla-iddina is dated in the accession year of Neriglissar’s own reign (9th of the 2nd Adar), and in this Nabû-âḫê-iddina secures an interest by paying 26-¼ shekels of silver on account of a sum of 52-½ shekels—just half. The land is stated to have been “sold for silver for a palace,” and the money was paid by the intermediary of Nabû-âḫê-iddina, Neriglissar’s representative in such matters before he ascended the throne. The following is a translation of this interesting document—

“52-½ shekels of silver due to Ikîšâ, son of Gilûa, descendant of Sin-šadûnu, which is upon (_i.e._ due from) Nabû-âbla-iddina, son of Balaṭu, descendant of the butler (?), in (part payment) of the price of the house of Nabû-âbla-iddina, which has been sold for silver for the palace. In agreement with the creditors, Ikîša, son of Gilûa, descendant of Sin-šadûnu, has received 26-¼ shekels of silver from the hands of Nabû-âḫê-iddina, son of Šulâ, descendant of Êgibi, and has given the contract for 52-½ shekels of silver, which is upon (_i.e._ due from) Nabû-âbla-iddina, to Nabû-âḫê-iddina.

“Witnesses: Dâanu-šum-iddina, son of Zēru-Bâbîli, descendant of the dagger-bearer; Nabû-nadin-šumi, son of Ablâ, descendant of Sin-nadin-šumi; Bêl-šunu, son of Uššâa, descendant of Âḫi-banî;

“and the scribe, Nabû-balaṭ-su-iqbî, son of Ikîšâ, descendant of Sin-šadûnu. Babylon, month of the later Adar, day 9th, year of the beginning of dominion of Nergal-šarra-uṣur, king of Babylon.”

But Neriglissar was now king, and had no need and but little desire to appear before his subjects as a purchaser of houses, or as a trader in any way (it is probably on this account that his name does not occur in the above document). When he engaged in anything of the kind, it was henceforth through agents. The only exception known is the marriage-contract of his daughter Gigîtum, who espoused the high priest of Nebo at Borsippa. The following is a translation of this document, as far as it is preserved—

“Nabû-šum-ukîn, priest of Nebo, director of Ê-zida, son of Širiktum-Marduk, descendant of Išdē-îlāni-dannu, said to Nergal-šarra-uṣur, king of Babylon: ‘Give Gigîtum, thy virgin daughter, to wifehood, and let her be my wife.’ Nergal-šarra-uṣur (said) to Nabû-šum-ukîn, priest of Nebo, director of Ê-zida....”

(About twenty-eight lines are wanting here, the text becoming again legible at the end of the list of witnesses on the reverse.)

“..., son of Nabû-šum-lišir, ...; ...-ri, son of Nabû-šarra-uṣur, the judge (??);

“Nabû-šum-uṣur, the scribe, son of Aššur ... Babylon, month Nisan, day 1st, year 1st, (Nergal-šarra)-uṣur, king of Babylon. Copy of Ê-zida.”

The mutilation of the record is unfortunate, as the conclusion of the matter cannot be ascertained, but it may be regarded as fairly certain that Neriglissar really did give his daughter Gigîtum in marriage to Nabû-šum-ukîn, for had it been otherwise, there would have been but little need to draw up the document of which the fragment here translated has been preserved to us. The remainder of the tablet was probably taken up with the usual conditions—the penalty Nabû-šum-ukîn would have to pay should he divorce or abandon his wife; the penalty Gigîtum would have to suffer if she disowned or forsook her husband; directions with regard to the amount and disposal of her dowry, etc. This and similar inscriptions seem to suggest that Herodotus was probably wrongly informed with regard to the compulsory nature of the public prostitution of unmarried women which, he says, was practised in Babylonia, the expressions found in these inscriptions often pointing, as in the present case, to a belief, on the part of the bridegroom, in the chastity of the woman chosen by him to be his wife.

The date corresponds with the Babylonian New Year’s Day, 559 B.C.

With this inscription we take leave of Neriglissar except as the ruler whose name the scribes used to date by.

Though, according to Berosus, Laborosoarchod (Labāši-Marduk) was a mere child when he came to the throne, there is no doubt, from the inscription which follows, that he was old enough to have an establishment of his own, and also to carry on the business of money-lender, Nabû-ṣabit-qâtâ (see p. 439) being his representative in the transactions in which he engaged. As it is an inscription typical of its class, it is given here in full—

“12 mana of silver of the son of the king, which (has been advanced through) the hand of Nabû-ṣabit-qâtâ, chief of the house of the son of the king, is upon (_i.e._ due from) Šum-ukîn, son of Mušallim-îlu. In the month Nisan the silver, 12 mana, in its full amount, he will repay. Everything of his, in town and country, all there is, is the security of the king’s son—another creditor shall not have power over it until Nabû-sabit-qâtâ receives the money. Nabû-âḫê-iddina, son of Šulâ, descendant of Êgibi, takes responsibility for the receipt of the money.

“Witnesses: Šamaš-uballiṭ, son of Ikîšâ; Kalbâ, son of Bêl-êreš; the scribe Bêl-âḫê-ikîšâ, son of Bêl-êṭeru. Babylon, month Elul, day 10th, year 2nd, Nergal-šarra-uṣur, king of Babylon.”

What the crown prince did, it goes without saying that all the court officials sought to do. An instance of this is Bêl-âḫê-iddina, the king’s captain, who is recorded as having lent 2/3 of a mana of silver to Ardîa and Šulâ, at an interest of one shekel upon every mana monthly—twenty per cent. yearly—a sufficiently high interest, though it was the usual rate in Babylonia. This inscription is dated at Babylon, 7th day of Kisleu, 2nd year of Neriglissar. It is noteworthy, however, that there is no mention of interest in the document drawn up for Labāši-Marduk’s major-domo.

Interesting is the inscription in which two partners engage to meet two other men, also partners, at the gate of the house of the king’s son to come to an arrangement concerning profits which they had made _ša zallānu u dusê_, _i.e._ with regard to two “lines” of leather goods (9th day of Tammuz, 3rd year of Neriglissar). It also furnishes further testimony to the fact that this prince had a separate establishment.

After Laborosoarchod’s nine months came the reign of Nabonidus, whom, as will be remembered, the Babylonians and Cyrus, his conqueror, accused of neglecting the gods, and sending them forth from their shrines to the cities around. Perhaps his crime consisted in his preference for the gods of other cities than Babylon, the city which Nebuchadnezzar’s lavish favours had somewhat spoilt, and who resented her neglect at the hands of the antiquarian king. However that may be, contemporary records show that he gave to the benefit of Sippar, the city of the Sun-god, not unfrequently. A mutilated inscription refers to full-grown oxen and sheep from the son of the king, for the king’s sacrifices, divided between two temples at Sippar, one of them being that of Anunitu[m] (7th of Adar, 9th year of Nabonidus); and things from the _bît makkur nidinit šarri_ (“warehouse of the king’s gifts”) are often mentioned. Naturally he had to make gifts to many shrines in Babylonia.

Whether the following refers to oxen for sacrifice or not is doubtful—

“20 shekels of silver have been given to Nabû-šarra-uṣur, the sec(retary) of the king, for oxen for the husbandmen who are in the city Ḫa(buru). He has not given the oxen. Month Nisan, day 16th, year 7th, Nabû-na’id, king of Babylon.”

The above inscription comes from Sippar, near which the city referred to must have stood.

Several inscriptions refer to the storehouse into which the king’s gift was delivered. The following is a specimen of these texts—

“Fruit, the amount of the 10th year, Ana-âmat-Bêl-atkal has given into the storehouse of the gift of the king. Month Kisleu, day 14th, year 10th, Nabû-na’id, (king) of Êridu.

“35 _gur_, Šamaš-killi-anni. “12 _gur_ 90 _qa_, Šum-ukîn and Rêmut. “65 _gur_ 144 _qa_, Ikîšâ. “45 _gur_ 72 _qa_, Kinâ. “62 gur, Niqu(du). “17 _gur_ 72 _qa_, ... “Altogether 23(8 _gur_ 18 _qa_).”

This and other inscriptions, especially one referring to 250 _gur_ of grain, shows that Nabonidus was fairly liberal to the temples at Sippar. It is also very probable that he provided for the needful repairs of this and other temples from time to time, one of the inscriptions (dated in his third year) recording a contribution of half a talent and 7 mana of silver for work done on the great temple-tower of Sippar, Ê-babbara, besides 8 mana 20 shekels of silver as tithe, seemingly for grain for the city Ḫaburu, where, it is to be conjectured, an agricultural farm belonging to one of the temples of Sippar was situated.(133)

It is not by any means improbable that Nabonidus had a residence at Sippar, and if so, this would explain the reason of his favouring that city, and at the same time add to the causes of the discontent of the “sons of Babylon.” This is implied by a small tablet apparently inscribed with an account of the receipts and expenditure of the temple Ê-babbara at Sippar, which occupied the position of purveyor of water, and took the place of the water-company of the cities of modern Europe—

“2 mana 13 shekels of silver, the price of the king’s water, which is from Bêl-âbla-iddina, the overseer of(134) Kî-Bêl, the chief man of the king’s water, has been brought by the hands of Šamaš-kain-âbli, son of Balatu.

“From the amount, 2 mana of silver have been given for 80 measures (?) of oil to Nabû-uṣur-šu, son of Dummuq, descendant of Gaḫal, in the presence of Kalbâ, the secretary. 13 shekels of silver are in the treasury.

“Silver, 2 mana, is with Nabû-dûr-pâniâ. Of the amount, 4 shekels of silver have been paid for 2 _parrum_(135)-stones, which were given to Aššur-rîmananni, son of Nabû-balaṭ-su-iqbî.

“Month later Adar, day 27th, year 6th, Nabû-na’id, king of Babylon.”

Another tablet, dated in Nabonidus’s accession year, indicates that the temple supplied water, for a fixed sum, to a part of Sippar called “the city of the Sun.”

From other tablets we obtain also information about the family of Nabonidus. Most of them, as is to be expected, refer to Belshazzar, the heir to the throne, who is conjectured to have been the second ruler in the kingdom, thus explaining how it was that the position of “third ruler in the kingdom” could be offered to the Prophet Daniel. Like the other rulers of Babylonia, Nabonidus had granted to Belshazzar, or at least permitted him to occupy, a separate house, which was situated within Babylon, beside the house of Marduk-îriba, son of Rêmut, descendant of Miṣrâa. From the inscription referring to this which has come down to us, it may be conjectured that Marduk-îriba was a minor, and his sister, Bau-êṭirat, therefore acted for him. Bêl-rêṣūa, servant of Belshazzar, approached her and succeeded in acquiring her brother’s land for 45 shekels of silver, which was duly paid to Marduk-îriba. Though it is not stated, this transaction probably took place on behalf of Belshazzar, who wished to add to his possessions, and as it is dated in the month Adar, in the 1st year of Nabonidus, it would seem that he decided to enlarge the domain he was entitled to as crown prince shortly after he found himself occupying that position.

Another tablet referring to Belshazzar is a contract drawn up for one of his secretaries (on the one hand), by which he obtained the occupation of a house in exchange for a loan of silver—a common arrangement in those days in Babylonia. The following translation will enable the reader to see the terms of this, the type of a numerous series of documents—

“The house of Nabû-âḫê-iddina, son of Šulá, descendant of Êgibi, which is beside the house of Bêl-iddina, son of Rêmut, descendant of the _dikû_, (is granted) for 3 years to Nabû-kain-âḫî, secretary of Bêl-šarra-uṣur, the son of the king, for 1-½ mana of silver. He has let (it) upon (the condition that) ‘there is no rent for the house, and no interest for the money.’ He shall repair the woodwork and renew the dilapidation of the house. After 3 years, the silver, 1-½ mana, Nabû-âḫê-iddina shall (re)pay to Nabû-kain-âḫi, and Nabû-kain-âḫi shall leave the house in the possession of Nabû-âḫê-iddina.”

Here follow the names of three witnesses and the scribe, after which comes the date: “Babylon, month Nisan, day 21st, year 5th, Nabû-na’id, king of Babylon.”

As the 1-½ mana of silver would have brought in 18 shekels at the usual rate of interest, that sum may be taken as representing the rent of the house in question.

Another inscription, dated two years later, shows that Nabû-kain-âḫi, Belshazzar’s secretary, borrowed 35 shekels of silver from Nabû-ṣabit-qâtâ, that prince’s major-domo, to purchase a slave, and that the loan was duly repaid. The curious thing in connection with this transaction is, that the money advanced is stated to be “tithe of Bêl, Nebo, Nergal, and the lady (_i.e._ Ištar) of Erech,” implying that Nabû-ṣabit-qâtâ was entitled to certain sums from this source, or else that he had control of them, and could advance money to others therefrom. Information concerning all the items of income and expenditure of the temples would probably furnish interesting reading, showing, as it should, who were the people who benefited from the funds available, and upon what grounds.

It is noteworthy that, in these inscriptions referring to transactions between the members of Belshazzar’s household, no interest seems to have been charged on the loans granted; and if this was really so, it indicates a considerable amount of loyalty among these men towards each other—indeed, it is doubtful if it could be surpassed at the present day.

Strangest of all these contracts in which Belshazzar is mentioned, is probably that in which the prince himself seems to appear as one of the contracting parties—as a dealer in clothes. As it is the only one referring to him thus, a translation of the inscription in question is here given in full—

“20 mana of silver, the price of the garments(136) (which were) the property of Bêl-šarra-uṣur, the son of the king, which (are due), through Nabû-ṣabit-qâtâ, chief of the house of Bêl-šarra-uṣur, the son of the king, and the secretaries of the son of the king, from Iddina-Marduk, son of Ikîšā, descendant of Nûr-Sin. In the month Adar of the 1(1th) year, the silver, 20 mana, he shall pay. His house, which is beside the (plantation?), his slave, and his property in town and country, all there is, is the security of Bêl-šarra-uṣur, the son of the king, until Bêl-šarra-uṣur receives his money. (For) the silver, as much as (from the sum) is withheld, interest he shall pay.

“Witnesses: Bêl-iddina, son of Rêmut, descendant of the _dikû_; Êtel-pî, son of ..., descendant of ‘the father of the house’; Nadin, son of Narduk-šum-uṣur, descendant of the master-builder; Nergal-ušallim, son of Marduk-..., descendant of Gaḫal; Marduk-naṣir, son of Kur-..., descendant of Dabibu; and the scribe, Bêl-âḫê-ikîša, son of Nabû-balat-su-iqbî. Babylon, month ..., day 20th, year 11th, Nabû-na’id, king of Babylon.”

But Belshazzar did not confine himself to dealing in woollen stuffs or clothes, as many another inscription indicates. This was but an unimportant incident in his life which chance has preserved to us, and how far the transaction may have taken place with (or without) his own knowledge, it is impossible to say. For a considerable time, however, he was with the army in Akkad, and whilst there, he interested himself greatly in the welfare of the temples at Sippar, making donations to them, not only on his own behalf, but also for his father. Thus, on the 11th of Iyyar, in the 9th year of his father’s reign, he gave to the god Šamaš a tongue of gold weighing one mana; and on the 7th of Adar of the same year he gave two full-grown oxen for sacrifice (his father gave one on that occasion), together with fourteen sheep, and in addition other sacrifices were made on his and his father’s behalf in the temple of the goddess Annunitum. The following little inscription, being rather out of the common, is probably above the average in the matter of interest—

“1 shekel and a quarter of silver for the hire of a ship for 3 oxen and 24 sheep, the sacrifices of the king’s son, which went in the month Nisan for Šamaš and the gods of Sippar.

“In the presence of Bêl-šarra-bulliṭ, who has given the offerings of the king to Šamaš-iddina and Dannu-Âddu. He has given 60 _qa_ of fruit as their offerings. Month Nisan, day 9th, year 10th, Nabû-na’id, king of Babylon.”

Seemingly Belshazzar sent the sheep and oxen from his estate to Sippar by water.

Interesting to an equal degree is likewise the inscription recording a gift made by his sister—

“27 shekels of silver is the weight of one cup, tithe of Ina-Ê-sagila-rêmat, the daughter of the king. By the hands of Bêl-šarra-(bulliṭ), as a king’s offering, she has given (it) to the god.... The cup is in the treasure-house.

“Month Ab, day 5th, year 17th, (Nabû-na’id) king of Babylon.”

Though this inscription is defective in places, there is every probability that little or nothing more than the name of the god is wanting. The name of Bêl-šarra-(bulliṭ) shows that the inscription must belong to the time of Nabonidus, and, in fact, the initial wedges of his name are visible.

The name of a second daughter of Nabonidus seems to appear in another inscription from Sippar, though, as it is rather carelessly written, this is doubtful. Notwithstanding the uncertainty attending the name, however, the inscription is worth quoting in full—

“3 _gur_ 75 _qa_ of sesame Ukabu’sama (?), daughter of the king, has sold, through Tattanu, for silver, to Ê-babbara. The silver has not been received.

“Month Ab, day 7th, year 16th, Nabû-na’id, king of Babylon.”

With this we take leave of Nabonidus and his family, as revealed by the contracts and temple accounts from Babylon and Sippar. The picture these and the historical inscriptions give of the Babylonian royal family is not altogether unpleasing, and that this king, with his son, were the last rulers of their race, is greatly to be regretted. But, alas, they had offended the priesthood of Babylon, and all the people accepted, without a murmur, the alien ruler, of a differing faith from theirs, who presented himself, in hostile array, at their doors. It was the beginning of the end of their life as a nation, and who shall say that they did not deserve it? If they had made even a show of resistance, the world could hold them excused, but this was not the case, as their own records show, and whatever Nabonidus’s faults may have been, they do not attain to the culpability of the nation, which, instead of protecting him—if for no other reason, it ought to have done this for his son’s sake—practically betrayed him to the enemy.

II.

So far, in depicting the life which the Jews, during the Captivity, must daily have seen around them, we have given the tablets whereon the court and its officials are referred to, and though these reveal certain phases of life in Babylonia among the people, typical of the time, they can hardly be held to show the life _of_ the people—those engaged in the life-struggle of which every great city is the battlefield, and has been the battlefield since the first gathering of large bodies of men in one place.

Who among us can estimate the misery caused by the tearing away of the slave from the home of the master with whom he had for many years dwelt in content?—it must have far outweighed the few cases in which a slave in those days benefited by such a change. That the loss of his slaves was sometimes also a wrench to the owner is indicated by the fact that he is generally—if not always—made to say, that he parts with them cheerfully. He had to admit this for the satisfaction of the buyer, who naturally feared that the old master would return and ask for the contract to be annulled, saying that it was all a mistake on his part—he did not really wish to get rid of them, and would like to have them back again.

Naturally the tablets do not reveal to us all this, nor the joys and sorrows, the successes and the failures, which those great cities of the ancient East must have contained. But they allow us to guess a great deal. Did the man ever get the money back which he had lent? Did he receive the money for the things he had sold and given credit for? These and other similar questions are always occurring to the student of these documents, which reveal always the grave side of life in that ancient land—never the gay side—even a wedding, being a contract, was a thing much too serious to allow its joyful nature to shine through at any point.

As the documents which best represent the character of the Babylonians are the letters, it has been thought well to begin (as in the case of the chapter upon the earlier Babylonians) with a few specimens of these, and in the forefront the following may be cited as not unworthy of a prominent place—

“Tablet of Nabû-zēr-ibnî to Ugarâ, Balaṭu, Nabû-bêl-šumāti, and Šamaš-udammiq, his brothers.

“Now to Bêl and Nebo for the preservation of the life of my brothers I pray.

“Bêl-epuš, who is along with you, is my brother. Whoever speaks his evil words, as my brothers wish, let him be silent. As for him, from the beginning to the end, brothers of each other are we. As warning to my brothers I send this. Let my brothers do what is right. I should like to see an answer (to this) letter from my brothers.”

Whether we are to substitute “friend” and “friends” for “brother” and “brothers” is uncertain, but is very probable. In any case, the writer would seem to show considerable courage in the course he was taking, as well as confidence in the righteousness of his cause.

The following is apparently the letter of a father in poverty to his more successful son—

“(Letter of) Iddina-âḫâ (to) Rêmūt, his son.

“May (Bêl) and Nebo bespeak peace and life for my son.

“He, my son, knoweth that there is no corn in the house. Let my son cause 2 or 3 _gur_ of corn to be brought by the hands of some one whom thou knowest. Wilt thou not send by the hands of the boatman whom thou indicatedst? As for him, (he is coming?) to me—send a gift, cause it to go forth to (thy) father. To-day I pray Bêl and Nebo for the preservation of the life of my son. Rêmat asks after the peace of Rêmūt, her son.”

The change from the third person to the second is noteworthy, and may have been caused by the necessity of distinguishing between the son and the messenger to whom the writer referred. Rêmat was evidently the writer’s wife.

The following is a letter of a different nature, and leads to speculations as to the state of things—

“Letter of Marduk-zēr-ibnî to Šulâ his brother.

“May Bêl and Nebo bespeak the peace of my brother.

“Why dost thou destroy my house? thou goest before the destruction of thine (own) house. When thou hadst taken the responsibility of holding the field, my field was sold, and the date-palms which I grow have been destroyed. And thou (remainest) contented in thy house!(137) Now (as for) the corn which I have planted in my field, thou (always) takest the whole. I am now sending to my lord: Come, enter my field, and give me my harvests. Behold, the corn which has been got ready thou (always) deliverest: Ikîšā and Nabû-âḫa-iddina, if they wish, can take it. Speak to the judges about it.”

Apparently the writer of the letter was vexed because his friend (and lord) had not fulfilled his undertaking to look after his interests.

Letters of a business nature are not unfrequent, and are generally dry and uninteresting. The character of the inscriptions of this class which least exhibit these defects may be gathered from the following text, which also has an interest because the sender was a slave. The original belongs to the collection of tablets acquired by the late Sir Cuthbert Peek for his father, the late Sir Henry Peek:—

“Letter from Dâan-bêl-uṣur to Širku, my lord. I pray to-day to Bêl and Nebo for the preservation of the life of my lord.

“Concerning the lambs which my lord sent, Bêl and Nebo indeed know that there is a lamb (for them) from thee. I have made the irrigation-channel and the wall. Behold, send thy servant with the sheep and thy servant with the lambs, and a command that they may cause a sheep to be brought up as an offering (?) to Nebo (?), for I have not acquired a single lamb for money. (On) the 20th day I worked for Šamaš; lo, (there were) 56—I caused 20 head to be bought for my lord from his hand. (As for) the garlic for the governor, which my lord bought, the lord of the fields (? the chief overseer), when he came, took possession of (it), and it was sold to the governor of the district of our fields for silver, but enough (?) thereof I have retained (?); and as my lord said thus: ‘Why hast thou not sent the messenger? the ground is suitable (?)—I sent thee a number (?) of (them).’ Let one messenger take thy message (?), and depart.”

Portions of this inscription, especially towards the end, being very obscure, the translation is not so sure as could be wished. Nevertheless, it may be taken as indicating fairly well the drift of the whole, and thus answer the purpose for which it is given, namely, to show what texts of this class generally refer to, and how excellently they reveal to us the conditions of Babylonian life at the time when they were written.

This tablet belongs to the reign of Darius Hystaspis, and is addressed to one of the most prominent men of Babylon at the time, Širku, otherwise “Marduk-naṣir-âblu, son of Iddinā, descendant of Êgibi.”(138) He was an active man, and his business transactions, which begin, as far as we have record of them, in the third year of the king named, consist of the usual loans, exchanges, purchases, sales, agreements, etc., which exist in large numbers during this period. In the third year of Darius he seems to have been in Elam, perhaps upon business of state, the name of a high Babylonian official being mentioned on the tablet which records this fact. Later on, he comes before us as a large owner and dealer in ships, some of which, of small size, he seems to have used for the construction of a bridge of boats. He owned Dâan-bêl-uṣur, the writer of the tablet translated above, Nanaa-bêl-uṣri, his wife, and their six children, who dwelt on his property in the city of Šuppatum. On one occasion, as recorded on a tablet in the Louvre, they formed part of the security for a sum of 45 mana of silver, advanced by Širku to Šarru-dûri, “the king’s captain, son of Idra’.” Further references to both master and slave will be found farther on.

As the tablets referring to life at Babylon are exceedingly numerous, and many of them have special interesting points of their own, a few selected specimens are here translated, and may be regarded as characteristic and typical in their class and subject.

A Loan Granted On Security At Erech.

“One mana of silver of Nabû-banî-âḫi, son of Ablaa, son of the gatekeeper, unto Bâbîa, son of Marduk-êreš, and Ša-Nanaa-šî, his wife. The door of the gatekeepers of the Salimu-gate, and his property, of (both) town and country, all there is, are the security of Nabû-banî-âḫi.

“Witnesses: Bêl-âḫê-iddina, son of Gudadū; Nabû-zēr-ukin, son of Sumâ; Nabû-zēr-ikîša, son of Ginnâ; and the scribe Mušêzib-Bêl, son of Nanaa-têreš. Erech, month Tisri, day 15th, year 21st, Nabû-kudurri-usur, king of Babylon.”

In all probability, the possession of the door carried with it the right of receiving any toll or dues connected therewith. As Nabû-banî-âhi, the lender, belonged to the family or clan of gatekeepers, he would not be regarded altogether as an interloper. The name of one of the borrowers, Bâbîa, “my gate,” is suggestive, and shows the enthusiasm of his parents for their profession.

The Work Upon A Plantation.

“144 _qa_ (is the amount needed for) the seeding of the plantation of Nabû-šum-lîšir, which Nabû-šar-îlāni has taken for cultivation.(139) (During) 4 years, everything, whatever grows on the date-palms and in the earth, belongs to Nabû-šar-îlāni; (during the succeeding 4 ?) years a third, and 4 years (after that) a fourth. Nabû-šum-lîšir with Nabû-šar-îlāni (?) ... 10 years Nabû-šar-îlāni ... gardener of Nabû-šum-lîšir ... everything, whatever (gro)ws in the earth, belongs to Nabû-šar-îlāni.

“(The duty) of doing the work, digging (the irrigation-channels), raising (?) embankments (?), protecting the plantation, restoring what is wanting of the date-palms, raising water, Nabû-šar-îlāni undertakes. (If) he contravene (this contract), he shall compensate (to the extent of) 1 mana of silver.”

Here follow the names of three witnesses and the scribe, the date being—

“City of Sûqâain, month Elul, day 26th, year 11th, Nabû-kudurri-uṣur, king of Babylon.”

Sale Of An Ass.

“The ass of Ârad-Meme, son of Gimillu, descendant of Êpeš-ili, he (the owner) has sold to Šubabu-sara’, son of Temišâa, for half a mana six and a half shekels of silver. Êtillu, son of Rêmut, descendant of Dabibi (and) Nergal-iddina, son of Dâanu-Marduk, descendant of Lugal-arazū, guarantee the serviceableness of the ass. It is a branded ass, upon whose front is a mark.”

Here come the names of three witnesses and the scribe, followed by the date—

“City of the land of Ṣuma’, (or Ṣuba’), month Tammuz, day 16th, year 40th, Nabû-kudurri-uṣur, king of Babylon.”

From a tablet in the Edinburgh Museum it would seem that asses were branded to distinguish them, and that, in place of a mere mark, the name of the owner was somehow impressed. Cattle were marked with the letters of the Aramaic alphabet.

Jews And Babylonians During The Captivity.

“When Nabû-na’id, son of Nabû-gamil, brings his witness, and proves to Aâḫḫa’u, son of Šanîāwa, that Nabû-na’id has given the proceeds of 2-½ mana of silver to Aâḫḫa’u and Baruḫi-îlu, (then) the profit which has been made with them (the 2-½ mana) belongs to Nabû-na’id, and all right to the share which belongs to him remains—one do. (? share) (belongs to) Aâḫḫa’u. If the witness do not prove it, his property, as much as Nabû-na’id has taken, one do. (? share) he will return and will give to Aâḫḫa’u.

“Witnesses: Iddina-Marduk, son of Akkîa, Yašum-ma, son of Âḫê-šu; Balaṭ-su, son of Âḫê-šu, and the scribe, Nabû-âḫê-iddina, son of Êgibi. Upê (Opis), month Tammuz, day 21st, year 40th, Nabû-kudurri-uṣur, king of Babylon.”

Apparently it was a dispute about profits, which was to be settled, as was usual in such cases, by producing a witness. Šanîāwa is one of those names ending in _iāwa_ which were certainly not Babylonian, and which are generally regarded as Israelite, like Šubunu-yāwa = Shebaniah; Nathanu-yāwa = Nathaniah, and many others; and its later form would probably be Shaniah. Baruḫi-îlu is probably for Baruchiel, and, if so, would show that the pronunciation of the aspirated _k (ch)_ as _ḫ (kh)_, common among Jews on the Continent and in the East, is of very ancient date.

The Dead Slave.

“On the 5th day of the month Kisleu, Šarru-kînu, son of Ammanu, will bring his witness to the city Piqudu (Pekod), and he will testify to Idiḫi-îli, son of Dînâ, that Idiḫi-îli sent to Šarru-kînu thus: ‘Do not litigate against me concerning thy slave who was killed—I will make up to thee the life of thy slave.’ If he prove it, Idiḫi-îli shall pay to Šarru-kînu 1 mana of silver, the price of his slave. If he do not prove it (he is free).”

After the names of three witnesses and the scribe, is the date—

“Upê, month Marcheswan, day 7th, year 40th, Nabû-kudurri-uṣur, king of Babylon.”

A Right Of Way.

“Marduk-iriba, son of Rêmut, descendant of the Miṣirite,(140) and Kalbâ, son of Balaṭu, descendant of the chief of the construction (?), in their going forth, shall go forth over the brook; they have no power over the exit of the wall of the house of Nabû-âḫê-iddina, son of Šulâ, descendant of Êgibi; the exit of the wall of the house of Nabû-âḫê-iddina belongs to Nabû-âḫê-iddina.”

Here come the names of five witnesses, including the scribe, and then the date—

“Babylon, month of the later Adar, day 24th, year 1st, Nabû-na’id,(141) king of Babylon.”

The Story Of Abil-Addu-Nathanu And Bunanitum.

This is contained, as far as it is preserved, on a series of five tablets, four of which are in the British Museum, and the fifth in the Museum of Art at New York. Abil-Addu-nathānu would seem, from his name, which would be the West-Semitic Ben-Hadad-nathan, to have come from Damascus, and settled at Babylon, and afterwards at Borsippa. His wife Bunanitum (or Bunanith) was to all appearance a Babylonian.

The Purchase Of The House At Borsippa.

“7 canes, 5 cubits, 18 fingers, a built house, the territory of a plantation(142) which is within Borsippa, which Dâan-šum-iddina, son of Zērîa, descendant of Nabâa, has bought from Ibâ, son of Zillâ, descendant of the carpenter, for 11-½ mana of silver, for the price complete, by the authority of Abil-Addu-nathānu, son of Addîa, and Bunanitu, his wife, daughter of Ḫariṣâa. That house he has received, the silver of Abil-Addu-nathānu and Bunanitu as the price of the house has been given. Dâan-šum-iddina has no share in the house or the silver. The tablet which Dâan-šum-iddina has sealed in his name, he has given to Abil-Addu-nathānu and Bunanitu. The day a copy of the sealed document of the purchase or any contract for that house appears in the house of Dâan-šum-iddina or in any other place, it belongs to Abil-Addu-nathānu and Bunanitu.”

Here follow the names of four witnesses and two scribes. The date is—

“Babylon, month Shebat, day 24th, year 2nd, Nabû-na’id, king of Babylon.”

The agent through whom the purchase was made has to declare that no part of the property or the money belonged to him, hence the final clause of the contract, which was intended to prevent trouble at any future time.

At the end are the seal-impressions of the two scribes.

The Loan To Make Up The Sum Required To Purchase The Property.

“1-½ mana 8-½ shekels of silver of Iddina-Marduk, son of Ikîšā, descendant of Nûr-Sin, upon (= due from) Abil-Addu-nathānu, son of Addîa, and Bunanitu, his wife. It increases to them monthly at the rate of 1 shekel of silver upon each mana. They shall pay the interest from the month Sivan of the 5th year of Nabû-na’id, king of Babylon. The silver was the balance of the silver for the price of a house, which was paid to Ibâ. They shall pay the interest monthly.”

After the names of two witnesses and the scribe comes the date—

“Barsip (Borsippa), month Iyyar, day 3rd, year 5th, Nabû-na’id, king of Babylon.”

As this tablet was written two years and three months after the house at Borsippa was bought, it is clear that the money had been advanced, but the indebtedness of Abil-Addu-nathānu had not been placed, until the date of the second tablet, on a legal footing. Probably he intended to pay the money, but had not the wherewithal, and this being the case, the lender agreed to allow the debt to remain unpaid, stipulating only that the interest should be paid at the usual rate of one mana upon every mana monthly. As will be seen from the other documents, the principal was not paid for many years after this. There is no record whether any payment of interest had been made in the meanwhile, but, in any case, the rate is far beyond what at the present time is considered fair.

A First Payment Made After The Death Of Abil-Addu-Nathānu.

This is a small tablet similar in shape to the last, and is now preserved in the Museum of Art at New York.

“8 shekels of silver Iddina-Marduk, son of Ikîšā, descendant of Nûr-Sin, has received from the hands of Bunanitu, with the first payment, which (has been made) since the death of Ablada-nathanu, her husband, from the interest of his money. In the presence of Tabnêa, son of Nabū-âḫê-iddina, descendant of the priest of ...; Nabû-kain-âbli, son of Marduk-šum-ibnî, descendant of Dannu-Nabû. Barsip (Borsippa), month Adar, day 18th, year 8th, Nabû-na’id, king of Babylon.

“There is to be no abatement (?).”

As the loan was contracted in the second year of Nabonidus, it cannot be said that Iddina-Marduk had been by any means pressing in the matter. The numerous documents which exist show that the Babylonians were good at making contracts, but they were probably not so strict in keeping them, and certainly not so merciless (to judge from the history here unfolded) as the people of the modern West in enforcing them.

The phonetic spelling of the name of the husband, Ablada-nathānu, is interesting, as it shows the Babylonian pronunciation. Ben-Addu-nathan, however, was a possible form, and may have been even a fairly common one.

The Legal Action After The Death Of Abil-Addu-Nathānu.

“Bunanitu, daughter of Ḫariṣâa, said thus to the judges of Nabû-na’id, king of Babylon—

“ ‘Abil-Addu-nathān, son of Nikmadu’, had me to wife, and he took 3-½ mana of silver as my dowry, and one daughter I bore to him. I and Abil-Addu-nathān, my husband, traded with the silver of my dowry, and we bought 8 canes, a built house, the territory of a large property,(143) which was within Barsip, for 9-2/3 of a mana of silver, with 2-½ mana of silver which was from Iddina-Marduk, son of Ikîšā, descendant of Nûr-Sin, as balance, and we fixed (it) as the price of that house, and we paid and received it together. In the 4th year of Nabû-na’id, king of Babylon, I made an agreement with Abil-Addu-nathān, my husband, concerning my dowry, and Abil-Addu-nathān, in the kindness of his heart, sealed the 8 canes, (and) that house which is within Barsip, and bequeathed it to me for future days, and on my tablet made it known thus: ‘2-½ mana of silver, which Abil-Addu-nathān and Bunanitu took from Iddina-Marduk, and paid as the price of that house, they received together.’ He sealed that tablet, and wrote thereon the curse of the great gods. In the 5th year of Nabû-na’id, king of Babylon, I and Abil-Addu-nathān, my husband, took Abil-Addu-amara as our son, and wrote the tablet of his sonship, and made known 2 mana 10 shekels of silver and the furniture of a house as the dowry of Nûbtâ, my daughter. Fate took my husband, and now Aqabi-îlu, the son of my father-in-law, has laid claim upon the house and everything which had been sealed and bequeathed to me, and upon Nabû-nûr-îli, (the slave) whom we had acquired by the hands of Nabû-âḫê-iddina for silver. I have brought it before you, make a decision.

“The judges heard their words, they read the tablets and contracts which Bunanitu brought before them, and they caused Aqabi-îlu not to have power over the house at Barsip, which had been bequeathed to Bunanitu instead of her dowry, over Nabû-nûr-îli, whom she and her husband had bought for silver, or over anything of Abil-Addu-nathānu; Bunanitu and Abil-Addu-amara, by their tablets, they caused to be confirmed. Iddina-Marduk pleads for (?), and will receive, the 2-½ mana of silver which had been given towards the price of that house. Afterwards Bunanitu will receive the 3-½ mana of silver, her dowry, and her share besides. Nûbtâ will receive Nabû-nûr-îli, according to the contracts of her father.

“By the decision of this judgment.

“Nergal-banû-nu, the judge, son of the builder; “Nabû-âḫê-iddina, the judge, son of Êgibi; “Nabû-šum-ukîn, the judge, son of Irani; “Bêl-âḫê-iddina, the judge, son of ... “Bêl-êṭir, the judge, son of ... “Nabû-balaṭ-su-iqbî, the judge, son of ... “Nadinu, the scribe, son of ... “Nabû-šum-iškun, the scribe, son of the ... “Babylon, month Elul, day 26th, year 9th, Nabûna’id, king of Babylon.”

Two copies of this document exist, neither of them being the original. They were probably made for persons interested in the result of the judgment.

It has been suggested that the claim of Aqabi-îlu to all his brother’s property was based upon the fact that he was the eldest of the family. This, however, is hardly likely to have been the case, the Babylonian law concerning the wife’s dowry—_i.e._ that it was her own in any event—being clear and incontrovertible. The probability therefore is, that he claimed the property hoping that she might not be able to prove her right. The clear statements of this document, and the common-sense judgment delivered by Nabonidus’s judges are full of simplicity and dignity, and show well the Babylonian character.

The Final Repayment Of The Loan To Iddina-Marduk.

A tablet recording the payment of interest has already been translated (p. 461), and from that it would seem that no repayment on account of the money lent to Abil-Addu-nathānu and Bunanitu took place until after the former’s death. When the last payment was made is unknown, but it must have been some time after the lawsuit. From the portion of the tablet recording it, it would seem that the amount remaining to be paid was 2 mana and 10 shekels, which was paid jointly by Abil-Addu-amari and “Bunaniti, his mother,” who probably lived on the property with him and her daughter.

Thus ends the life-story of this Babylonian family, as far as at present known.

In addition to the names Abil-addu-nathānu and Abil-Addu-amara (or -amari), both of which contain the name of the deity Abil-Addu or Ben-Hadad, the name of the brother, Aqabi-îlu, is interesting. It is naturally a synonym of a Hebrew name found under the form of Aqabi-yāwa, the Talmudic Aqabiah, with _-yāwa_ or _-iāwa_ for _-iah_, as in Šanîāwa, which appears on p. 458.

Ê-Sagila-Râmat And Her Father-In-Law’s Slave.

“Ikîšā, son of Kudurru, descendant of Nûr-Sin, sealed a tablet of adoption for Rêmanni-Bêl, his slave, whose name is called Rêmut, for the giving of his food and his clothing. Rêmanni-Bêl, whose name is called Rêmut, after he had sealed the tablet of his adoption, ran away, and he did not give him food, oil, and clothing. Ê-sagila-râmat, daughter of Zērîa, descendant of Nabâa, wife of Iddina-Marduk, son of Ikîšā, descendant of Nûr-Sin, reverenced him, feared him, and befriended him, and gave him food, oil, and clothing. Ikîšā, son of Kudurru, descendant of Nûr-Sin, in the joy of his heart, annulled the tablet of the adoption of Rêmanni-Bêl, and sealed and bequeathed him to Ê-sagila-râmat and Nûbtâ, her daughter, daughter of Iddina-Marduk, descendant of Nûr-Sin. He shall reverence Ê-sagila-râmat and Nûbtâ, her daughter. Afterwards Ê-sagila-râmat shall leave him to Nûbtâ, her daughter. Whoever changes these words, and destroys the contract Ikîšā has drawn up and given to Ê-sagila-râmat and Nûbtâ, her daughter, may Merodach and Zēr-panitum command his destruction.”

The names of four witnesses and the scribe follow. Date: “Babylon, month Iyyar, day 9th, year 13th, Nabû-na’id, king of Babylon.” Postscript: “At the sitting of Bissā, daughter of Ikîšā, descendant of Nûr-Sin.”

From this it would seem that Ikîšā made Rêmanni-Bêl his heir, freeing him from the position of a bondsman, in exchange for his (Ikîšā’s) keep, but that Rêmanni-Bêl, declining the advantage and the responsibility, ran away, whereupon the burden fell upon Ikîšā’s daughter-in-law, Ê-sagila-râmat. This the last-named seems to have undertaken willingly, and in return, Ikîšā annulled Rêmanni-Bêl’s adoption, and bequeathed him, as a slave, to Ê-sagila-râmat and her daughter. Means probably existed for bringing back the runaway, when the news of his return to his old condition would be communicated to him. Ê-sagila-râmat’s husband, Iddina-Marduk, is the one who advanced to Abil-Addu-nathānu and Bunanitu the money to make up the price of their house.

Iddina-Nabû Sells His Egyptian Slave And Her Infant.

“Iddina-Nabû, son of Mušêzib-Bêl, has cheerfully sold Nanaa-ittîa, his slave, and her daughter, a child of three months, Egyptians captured by his bow, for 2 mana of silver, the complete price, to Itti-Marduk-balaṭu, son of Nabû-âḫê-iddina, descendant of Êgibi. Iddina-Nabû has received the money, 2 mana of silver, the price of Nanaa-ittîa and her daughter, from the hands of Itti-Marduk-balaṭu. Iddina-Nabû guarantees against the existence of any liability of defeasor (?), legal claimant, royal service, or freedmanship with regard to Nanaa-ittîa and her daughter.”

Here come the names of four witnesses and the scribe.

“Babylon, month Kisleu, day 23rd, year 6th, Kambuzîa (Cambyses), king of Babylon.

“Besides the contract of 240 gur of fruit, from Itti-Marduk-balaṭu, which was unto (or due from) Iddina-Nabû.”

This document may be held to testify to the reality of Cambyses’ campaign in Egypt, which took place in his 5th year (525 B.C.). It is also a proof that the Babylonians took part in the campaign.

It is noteworthy that three copies of this document exist, one being in the British Museum, another in the Museum of Art at New York, and the third in the museum founded by the late Sir Henry Peek at Lyme Regis. The tablet recording the contract for the 240 gur of fruit also exists, and is preserved in the British Museum.

Among the tablets of the time of Nabonidus, translations of all the records known which refer to the family of Ben-Hadad-nathan or Abil-Addu-nāthanu have been given, and examination of the numerous other tablets of the reigns of his predecessors and his successors down to the time of Darius, and perhaps Xerxes, shows that similar more or less complete family histories could be made. One of the most interesting of these, and the most complete on account of the number of documents (by far the greater number of the contracts from Babylon and its neighbourhood, of the period to which he belongs, contain his name) are those referring to Širku, a tablet from whose slave Dâan-bêl-uṣur has been given above (p. 454). This man’s history has been tentatively dealt with by the present author in Part IV. of the catalogue of tablets belonging to the late Sir Henry Peek. From a tablet in the Louvre, we find that Širku was not his real name, but that he was called Marduk-naṣir-âbli. The curious thing about this double naming of Širku, however, is that the majority of the tablets where he is called Širku say that he was the son of Iddina, and the majority of those calling him Marduk-naṣir-âbli say that he is the son of Itti-Marduk-balaṭu. Fortunately documents exist reversing this parentage, and showing conclusively that Širku and Marduk-naṣir-âbli are one and the same personage. Were it otherwise, we should have to credit his slaves with two masters, and his wife with two husbands, a state of things probably unknown in Babylonia.

From a tablet dated in the first year of Darius, we learn that he bought a field before the great gate of Uraš in the province of Babylon, this field being beside that of his wife Âmat-Bau, which she had brought as her dowry. Other documents record that he made loans of silver and produce, both alone and associated with his brothers. In these his proper name is generally used, but sometimes he was called Širku. The hiring and letting of houses, the buying and selling of slaves, etc., are also recorded of them. In the third year of Darius he and his brothers came into considerable property in Babylon, sharing it among them, and there is also record of Marduk-naṣir-âbli paying his father’s debts. This increase in their resources naturally enabled them to deal in the produce of their fields, and in all probability they managed his wife’s as well, whilst there is at least one record that she lent money on her own account. To enumerate all the interesting points which the tablets reveal to us concerning their various transactions, however, would naturally take too much time and space.

In exchange for the slave Dâan-bêl-uṣur, the slave’s wife, their six children, and a cornfield upon the canal called Ṭupašu, which Marduk-naṣir-âbli gave to his wife Âmat-Bau, he received from her two sums of silver and one of gold, a ring, and two slaves, who had been part of her dowry. The slaves he gave her, though now her property, were in all probability still at his disposition, but Dâan-bêl-uṣur seems to have served him so well when in charge of his affairs, that after having parted with him, though only to his wife, he must have found, to his regret, that he and his family were naturally not so much at his disposition as when he could call them his own.

Under the name of Marduk-naṣir-âbli, he appears before us principally in the character of an agriculturalist and dealer in produce, combining with this money-lending on occasion. As Širku, he dealt largely in ships, and apparently also in boats for pontoon bridges. In the fifth year of Darius he was in Elam, and there is a reference to the sending to him of a messenger, “with the charioteers of Bêl-âbla-iddina, captain of Babylon.” Many years afterwards Širku is said to have received the rent of a house situated “upon the _giššu_ of Borsippa,” and the question naturally arises, whether _giššu_ may not be for _gišru_, “bridge,” though a house upon a bridge crossing a comparatively narrow canal near Babylon is certainly not what one would expect.

On the 16th of Sivan in the twenty-sixth year of Darius, Širku was the scribe who drew up a contract referring to two ships, one apparently for service on the Euphrates, the other for the bridge. Later on, he borrowed some money upon the security of two of his female slaves, Mušêzibtum and Narû, the wrist of the former being inscribed with the name of one of his relations, the other with his own name, Širku (it is given as Šišku on the tablet). This loan is distinctly stated to be for the purpose of acquiring “a ship for the bridge” (_êlippu ša giširi_), and this he seems to have bought two months later, unless there was another contract for a vessel which has not come down to us. In the Peek collection is a large tablet referring to the completed bridge, the traffic upon it, and the ships moored to it, suggesting that a portion of it at least was used as a quay or landing-stage. More research is needed, however, ere its precise nature will be clear—perhaps the etymology is misleading, and _gišru_ or _giširu_ means, in Babylonian, “pier” or “landing-stage” simply.

The following is one of the inscriptions which refer to his hiring a ship—

“(Concerning) the ship of Iddina-Bêl which is with Šamaš-iddina, son of Bêl-iddina, for navigation. He has given the ship for hire as far as _bištum ša ṣêrûa_ (= _birtum ša ṣêrûa_, ‘the fortress of _ṣêrûa_’) for 1/3 of a mana of white silver, coined, to Širik (Širku), son of Iddinā, descendant of Êgibi. The silver, 1/3 of a mana, the hire of the ship, and its provisions, he has received. The ship shall not cross the great (water), if it pass, he shall pay 5 mana of silver. Each has taken (a copy of this contract).”

The names of three witnesses and the scribe follow this, after which is the date—

“Babylon, month Adar, day 6th, year 26th, Darius, king of Babylon and countries.”

The tablets in which Marduk-naṣir-âbli, _alias_ Širku, are mentioned, prove that Babylonia maintained its character as a maritime nation to a very late date. As, however, voyages on the ocean are not provable, it is doubtful whether their ships sailed to any great distance—in all probability they confined themselves to making coast-voyages only. Judging from the penalty attached to taking the ship across the great (water), the question naturally arises, whether the sea (the Persian Gulf) may not have been intended. The word used in the original is _rabbu_, which would then correspond with the last word of the poetic expression, “the rolling main.”

Such, as far as space allows, was life at Babylon and the chief cities of Babylonia, where the Israelites dwelt for so many years, and colonies of them existed until a very late date, as the drinking bowls inscribed with charms against sickness and evil spirits in Hebrew and Aramaic show. Some of the Hebrew names contained in the tablets from Babylonia have already been referred to (p. 458), and to these several others may be added, such as Banāwa or Beniah; Gamariāwa or Gemariah; Malakiāwa or Malchiah, who had a son bearing the heathen name of Nergal-êṭir; together with several similarly-formed but otherwise unknown names (as was to be expected). Examples of these are, Azziāwa, Ḫuliāwa, Nirîāwa and Agirîāwa. The Gemariah mentioned above was witness, with his compatriot Barikîa (Berechiah) and others, on the occasion when Ša-Nabû-duppu sold Nanaa-silim, his Bactrian slave-girl. The scribe’s name on this occasion was Marduka (Mordecai), son of Épeš-îli. Mordecai means “the Merodachite,” and is interesting as showing how Babylonian monotheism, such as it was, reconciled the Jews to accept what they would otherwise have regarded as a heathen name.

Interesting in the extreme would it be, if we could know what the Jews thought of the country and the city of their captivity. In that enormous walled tract known as the city of Babylon were large open spaces covered with gardens, and cornfields, and orchards, mostly, perhaps almost exclusively, of date-palms, the fruit of which formed such an important part of the food of the people. These were the trees, in all probability, on which the Jewish captives hung their harps when, in their captivity, they mourned for the city of Sion, from which they were so far away. The rivers of Babylon, of which the well-known psalm speaks, were the Tigris and the Euphrates, with the innumerable canals and watering-channels which the nature of the country rendered so necessary to the fertility and productiveness of the land, and without which it would have been a desert.

There, too, they looked upon the buildings of old time, the fanes which were there when their forefather Abraham was a dweller in the land, changed, doubtless, beyond recognition. Chief among these was the great temple of Belus, joined to the tower called “the temple of the foundation of heaven and earth,” and which Nebuchadnezzar speaks of as “the tower of Babylon.” There, too, were the shrines dedicated to Zēr-panitum, consort of Merodach, the goddess Nin-maḫ; Nebo, the god of wisdom; Sin, the Moon-god; Šamaš, the Sun-god; Gula, the goddess of healing, and many other divinities. Whilst the Jews were there, they must have seen many of this king’s building operations—the strengthening of the fortresses and the walls, and the repair and extension of the moats and ditches; the raising of the level of the great street, Aa-ibûr-sabû (the remains of which have just been found by the German explorers on the site of the city), along which, yearly, at the beginning of the year, processions went, and the images of the gods were in all probability carried. Then there was the rebuilding of the royal palace, with its roof and doors of cedar, the latter being also overlaid with bronze, probably after the manner of the bronze gates of Shalmaneser found by Mr. Rassam at Balawat. The thresholds were also of bronze, and the palace was adorned, in other parts, with gold, silver, precious stones, and various other costly things.

They must have seen, also, the construction, between the two great fortifications called Imgur-Bêl and Nē-mitti-Bêl, of that great building which was to serve as a castle and a royal residence at the same time. This was in connection with the old palace of Nabopolassar, Nebuchadnezzar’s father, built, as already stated, in a fortnight. Chief among the shrines restored by Nebuchadnezzar with great magnificence must be mentioned Ê-kua, the sanctuary of Merodach, in the temple Ê-sagila (the temple of Belus), and that called Du-azaga (“the glorious seat”), otherwise described as “the place of fate,” where yearly, on the new year’s festival (the 8th and 9th of Nisan) the statue of the god Merodach, “the king of the gods of heaven and earth,” was placed, and the king’s future declared on the question being put. Doubtless the glory of the place attracted not a few, causing them to decide to stay there permanently, and these, mingling with the native population, were lost to Israel, like their brethren of the ten tribes, and even as Nergal-êṭir, son of Malakiāwa (see above) seems to have been.