Part XI., by permission of the publishing-house of Georg Reimer, Berlin.

It is therefore impossible to say with certainty whether the recital, in forcible though apparently well-chosen language, of what took place in Ḫanigalbat, or Mesopotamia, belongs to the account of the conflict with his brothers (who would have liked to overthrow Esarhaddon that one of them might reign in his stead) or not. The wording, however, makes it very probable that the narrative does refer to them, for he overtook them on the Nineveh road, and the disappearance of their resistance was more than gratifying to the new king—

“The Nineveh-road, with difficulty (but) speedily, I traversed— before me, in the land of Ḫani-galbat, the whole of their mighty warriors halted before my expedition, and prepared their weapons. The fear of the great gods, my lords, overwhelmed them, and the attack of my mighty battle they saw, and became as demented. Ištar, lady of war and battle, lover of my priesthood, stood by my side, and broke their bows. She scattered their serried battle(-array), and in their assembled mass they called out thus: “This is our king.” By her supreme command they came over to my side.”

Oracles encouraging Esarhaddon exist, and possibly refer to this expedition.

Unfortunately the mutilation of the record, by which the beginning is wanting, has deprived us of the names of both conspirators, which are, therefore, only preserved by the Bible, Berosus, Abydenus, and Polyhistor. Various have been the conjectures as to what the true Assyrian forms of the names would be, and only one, that of Adrammelech, has been found with any probability of its being the right one. The name in question is that of Aššur-munik, or, perhaps better, Aššur-mulik, for whom Sennacherib built a palace. From its form in Hebrew, Sharezer should be Šar-uṣur in Assyrian, _i.e._ “protect the king,” the name of the deity called upon being omitted.

Though Esarhaddon’s inscriptions do not give any chronological data, the Babylonian chronicle indicates the dates of his campaigns with sufficient precision. From it we learn that in his first year he had to put down a rebellion in Ur, led by Zēru-kênu-lîšir, whom Esarhaddon calls Nabû-zēr-napišti-lîšir, son of Merodach-baladan. In the year 676 B.C., his expedition to Sidon took place, and Abdi-milkutti, the king, was beheaded in 675. After taking the spoil of the city, he says that he “assembled the kings of Ḫatti and the sea-coast, all of them,” and there is every probability that it was at this time that he “took Menasseh with hooks,” or, as the Revised Version has it, with chains, and bound him with fetters, and brought him to Babylon, where, as sovereign of that land also, he sometimes held court. Though severe, and probably also cruel sometimes, Esarhaddon was more mercifully inclined than his father, and allowed Menasseh to resume the reins of government at Jerusalem. There is no reference to this in the inscriptions of Esarhaddon, though he mentions, in his list of tributaries, Menasseh king of the city of Judah. This list, which is from a cylinder-inscription, is as follows—

“I gathered also the kings of Ḫatti and across the river ... Ba’alu king of Ṣurru (Tyre): Menasê (Menasseh) king of the city of Yaudu: Qauš-gabri, king of the city of Udumu (Edom); Muṣur’i, king of the city Ma’ab (Moab); Ṣilli-bêlu, king of the city of Ḫazitu (Gaza); Mitinti, king of the city of Isqaluna (Askelon); Ikausu, king of the city of Amqarruna (Ekron); Milki-ašapa, king of the city of Gublu (Gebal); Matan-ba’al, king of the city of Aruadu (Arvad); Abi-baal, king of the city of Samsimuruna; Budu-ilu, king of the city Bêt-Ammana (Beth-Ammon); Aḫi-milki, king of the city of Asdudu (Ashdod); 12 kings of the sea-coast. Ekištura, king of the city Edi’al (Idalium); Pilâgurâ, king of the city of Kidrusu; Kîsu, king of the city Sillûa; Itûandar, king of the city Pappa (Paphos); Erêsu, king of the city of Sillu; Damasu, king of the city Kurî (Kurium); Admezu, king of the city Tamesu (Tamessus); Damûsi, king of the city Karti-ḫadasti (the new town, a Phœnician settlement); Unasagusu, king of the city Lidir; Buṣusu, king of the city Nurîa: 10 kings of the land of Yatnana (Cyprus), within the sea— altogether 22 kings of the land of Ḫatti, the sea-coast and the middle of the sea, all of them, I directed, and great beams, enormous poles, trunks of cedar and cypress from the midst of Sirara and Libnana (Lebanon) (etc., etc., etc.), from the midst of the wooded mountains, the place of their growing, for the requirements of my palace, with toil and with difficulty I caused them to be brought to Nineveh.”

The tribute which he exacted was not, therefore, a tribute of gold, silver, and other precious things, but simply the building materials which Esarhaddon required for his palace, and the kings of Heth, including Menasseh, contributed to this together with the kings of Cyprus—and to all appearance they had to transport these things to Nineveh! It was the labour and expense of transport rather than the material itself, which rendered this tribute so precious.

Judging from his records, Esarhaddon was fully as active as the other kings of Assyria in making conquests. He attacked the people of Armenia (the Mannâa), the rebellious land of Barnaku—“those who dwell in the land of Til-Ašurri,”(116)—the Medes, the Chaldeans, the Arabians (see p. 382), and Egypt, in the direction of which he had already made a little expedition (to the cities of Arzâ and Aaki (?) of the brook of Egypt—probably the river of Egypt of Gen. xv. 18, and other passages). His first real expedition to Egypt, however, was in the tenth year of his reign (670 B.C.). Three battles were fought there, and Memphis was captured by the Assyrians on the 22nd of Tammuz. Whether he really and effectually subjugated the country or not, is not known, but he again marched to the same place in the last year of his reign, and falling ill on the road, died on the 10th day of Marcheswan. He was succeeded by Aššur-banî-âpli (Asshur-bani-pal) in Assyria, and Šamaš-šum-ukîn (Saosduchinos) in Babylonia, and the two kingdoms, united by so much bloodshed, became once more separated (668 B.C.).

Aššur-Banî-Âpli.

Thus it happened, that Aššur-banî-âpli, on coming to the throne, found himself involved in a war with Egypt. To such a ruler, it must have seemed a hard thing to relinquish what his father had fought, and perhaps died, to acquire and retain. This being the case, he sent forth his army to reduce the country again to subjection, Tirhakah having taken advantage of the death of Esarhaddon to revolt. In the course of this campaign his representative (there is every probability that Aššur-banî-âpli never went westwards, or, indeed, made any warlike expedition in person whatever) received the tribute of the kings of the sea-coast and “the middle of the sea,” _i.e._ Phœnicia and Cyprus. This list is, with few exceptions, the same as that given by Esarhaddon, and includes Minsê (= Minasê, _i.e._ Menasseh) of the land of Yaudi or Judah. In some cases, however, changes had taken place and these are duly registered—Yakinlû instead of Matan-ba’al, king of the land of Aruada (Arvad); Ammi-nadbi (Amminadab), king of the land of Bît-Ammana (Beth-Ammon), instead of Budu-ilu. For the kings of Cyprus, however, no change is indicated, a circumstance which leads one to look upon the list with some suspicion, it being not impossible that the names of certain rulers are inserted to make a seeming addition to the Assyrian king’s glory. They are all represented, however, as supporting, with their troops and their ships, on land and on sea, the army of Aššur-banî-âpli. The result was the defeat of Tirhakah, and the restoration of the kings, prefects, and governors whom Esarhaddon had appointed as rulers of the country.(117)

No sooner had the Assyrians departed, than Tirhakah won over all the princes they had installed to his side, and the work had to be done over again. The Assyrian generals, however, returned promptly, and the rebellion was at once put down. Of the princes who were captured, Necho alone was spared, and, with his son, set as ruler in Ḫatḫariba (Athribis). About this time Tirhakah died, and Urdamanê, son of Sabaco, mounted the throne, and made Thebes and On (Heliopolis) his principal strongholds, besieging the Assyrian army of occupation in Memphis. Another expedition on the part of the Assyrians therefore became necessary, and was at once undertaken, and with complete success, except that Urdamanê remained, to all appearance, still at large. Practically, however, the greater part of Egypt became at this time an Assyrian province.

But many were the conquests of this really remarkable king, which his generals accomplished for him. Soon came the turn of Ba’al, king of Tyre, whose subjection brought about that of Yakinlû, king of Arvad, Mugallu, king of Tubal, and Sandasarme of the land of the Ḫilakkâa (Cilicians). Aššur-banî-âpli also speaks of the mission of Yakinlû, king of Arvad, who sent his sons to him with presents, and made obeisance. These princes bore the interesting names Azi-ba’al, Abi-ba’al, Aduni-ba’al, Sapati-baal, Pudi-baal, Ba’al-yašupu, Ba’al-ḫanunu, Ba’al-maluku, Abi-milki, and Aḫi-milki, showing the popularity of the element _baal_ in the names of the people of Arvad. Azi-ba’al was designated as the next king, and all the brothers were sent back with rich gifts. He also tells the story of the dream of _Guggu šar Luddi_ (Gyges, king of Lydia), to whom the god Aššur is said to have appeared, exhorting him to submit to Aššur-banî-âpli, and overcome his enemies by invoking his name. Following this advice, he succeeded in conquering the Gimmirrâa (people of Gomer), capturing their chiefs, of whom he sent two in fetters to the Assyrian king, with valuable gifts.

Gyges did not send any more embassies, however, and allied himself with Tušamilki, king of the land of Muṣur (generally regarded as Psammeticus of Egypt, but to all appearance another Muṣur—probably that to the north—is meant), and for this he received the curse of the Assyrian king. The result was, that the Gimmirrâa came and ravaged his country. This being the case, his son, who succeeded him, thought best to renew the Assyrian alliance, and therefore sent an embassy with a message to the following effect—“The king whom god hath chosen art thou; thou cursedst my father, and evil was wrought before him. As for me, the servant fearing thee, be gracious to me and let me bear thy yoke.”

[Plate XIII.]

Assur-banî-âpli (Assurbanipal), "The Great and Noble Asnapper," Hunting Lions. British Museum. Assyrian Saloon.

Gyges, in Assyrian Gug(g)u, is regarded as the original of the mystic Gog of Ezekiel xxxviii. 39, and his country, Lydia (Luddu), is generally explained as the Biblical Lud, though a certain amount of doubt regarding it exists.

Aššur-banî-âpli’s other campaigns were against the Vannites, the Elamites, the Babylonians (on account of his brother Saosduchinos, king of that country, refusing to acknowledge his suzerainty), after that twice more against Elam, then against the Arabians, and finally against Ummanaldaš, king of Elam, whom he seized as a hawk does his prey. In all, however, he captured four Elamite princes, whom he caused to be attached to his carriage (_ina marri šadadi, rukub šarruti-ia_(118)), and as for the Arabian princes whom he had taken as prisoners, he caused them to wear chains and badges of service, and to work at the building of his palace, as was the custom in those days.

We can easily imagine him—the great and noble Aššur-banî-âpli, called by Ezra (iv. 10) Asnapper (better Asenappar), who transferred the Dinaites, Apharsathchites, Tarpelites, Apharsites, Archevites, Babylonians, Susanchites (Susanians), Dehavites, and Elamites, to swell the mixed multitudes in the cities of Samaria. Many a time is he represented in the beautiful bas-reliefs which he caused to be carved as the adornments of his palace at Nineveh, and we there see him, the patron of art, as the bold sportsman and hunter, just as his tablets show him as the greatest patron of literature of his time, one who knew the literature of his race, who took a pride in learning, and himself copied out tablets “in the assembly of the experts.”

The “great and noble Asnapper” is worthy of a statue in every land where the languages of Assyria and Babylonia are studied.

How the sudden downfall of the Assyrian empire really came about we do not know. In all probability it remained intact until the death of Aššur-banî-âpli, which took place in 626 B.C. His son, Aššur-êtil-îlāni-ukinni, has left no historical records, though it is not by any means impossible that some light may ultimately be thrown on his reign. One of the enigmas of his time is: What was the circumstance which called forth the following communication?—

“The message of the daughter of the king to Aššurâaitu the queen. As yet thou writest not thy tablet, and dictatest not thy letter? Shall they say thus: ‘Is this the sister of Šerû-êṭerat, the eldest daughter of the Harem-house of Aššur-êtil-îlāni-ukinni, the great king, the mighty king, the king of the world, the king of Assyria?’ And thou art the daughter of the bride, the lady of the house of Aššur-banî-âpli, the son of the great king of the Harem-house, who was Aššur-âḫa-iddina (Esarhaddon), king of Assyria.”

Some of the expressions in this letter seem obscure, but the probable explanation is, that the daughter of one of the last Assyrian kings—perhaps Sin-šarra-iškun (Saracos)—writes to the chief wife of Aššur-banî-âpli urging her to take action by exhorting the chiefs of the nation at a crisis in the history of the country, which crisis was probably that which led to the downfall of the mighty kingdom which had reached its zenith of power during the reign of Aššur-banî-âpli. At this time, according to Nabonidus, a king of the Umman-manda or Medes, whose name is doubtful, but which may be Iriba-tuktê, entered into alliance with a ruler who must be Nabopolassar of Babylon, the father of Nebuchadnezzar, and accomplished the vengeance of Merodach, the god of the Babylonians, who willed that the destruction wrought upon his city by Sennacherib should be amply avenged. This vengeance was apparently the downfall of the Assyrian empire and the destruction of Nineveh, in accordance with statements of Alexander Polyhistor, Abydenus, and Syncellus. It is Diodorus Siculus, however, who gives the fullest account. He relates that there was a legend (according to an oracle) that the city could not be taken until the river became its enemy. Arbaces, the Scythian, was besieging it, but was unable to make any great impression on it for two years. In the third year, however, the river(119) was swollen by rains, and being very rapid in its current, a portion of the wall was carried away, by which the besiegers gained an entrance. The king, recognizing in this the fulfilment of the oracle, raised a funeral pyre, and gathering together his concubines and eunuchs, mounted it, and perished in the flames. Thus came the great Assyrian empire to an end.

“The oracle concerning Nineveh: The Lord is a jealous God and avengeth. Who can stand before His indignation? With an _overrunning flood_ He will make a full end of the place thereof, and will pursue His enemies into darkness. The _gates of the rivers_ are opened, and the palace is dissolved. Thy shepherds slumber, O king of Assyria, thy worthies are at rest; thy people are scattered upon the mountains, and there is none to gather them.”

And there is much more in the same strain that the Hebrew Oracle of Nahum concerning the fall of Nineveh gives.

But it was not simply the capture of an important city—it was the enslavement and ultimate annihilation of a whole nation. Who can imagine their despair? Less than fifty years earlier, Assyria had been the most powerful nation of the then known world, and the people suddenly saw themselves deprived of that proud position which they had enjoyed for so many centuries. Their national existence had, in fact, been brought to an abrupt end, but the few Assyrian names which appear in Babylonian contracts many years after their downfall show that theirs was a proud indomitable spirit, which could not give way to misfortune, and which probably hoped for better things and more prosperous times. Their descendants are still to be found among the Chaldean Roman Catholic Christians of the country which was the scene of their forefathers’ dominion when they ruled the land of their inheritance. Their most worthy representatives in modern times are the family of the Rassams, one of whom was for many years British Consul at Mossoul (a post which his nephew now fills), and another is the well-known veteran, Hormuzd Rassam, Layard’s helper, for some time Resident at Aden, and later a prisoner with that mad ruler, King Theodore of Abyssinia. To him we owe the discovery of Aššur-banî-âpli’s palace, the ruins of Sippara and Cuthah, and many thousand cylinders and tablets bearing upon the manners, customs, history, religion, etc., of the Babylonians and Assyrians, which have been used freely in the compilation of this book.