CHAPTER XV.

Chapter 3030,768 wordsPublic domain

THE CLOSING SCENE.

[1572–1574.]

Reaction--Tolerant Protestations of Government--Walsingham’s disbelief and caution--Renewal of Civil War--Mission of Cardinal Orsini--Siege of Rochelle--Honorable terms of Capitulation--Siege of Sancerre--Famine--Horrible scenes--Capitulation--Meeting at Montauban--Troubled state of France--Intrigues of Alençon--Shrove-Tuesday plot--La Mole and Coconnas executed--Charles falls ill--Conversation with Henry of Navarre--Charles’s visions--His Huguenot nurse--Her exhortations--The King’s remorse--His dying words--Suspicions of Poison--His character--His married life--Judgment of Posterity.

The story of the massacre has been told, but this history would be incomplete if it were not continued to the death of the principal character in that memorable tragedy. As kings are esteemed great and glorious by the noble deeds done in their reigns, so must they bear the odium of the crimes perpetrated under the cloak of their authority. A few pages will suffice for a brief record of the last twenty months of the life of the most wretched Charles.

The court had gained nothing by their treachery. The German Protestant powers were alienated, and the English nation shrank in horror from the French alliance. Charles must now conciliate Spain, a power which he had always disliked, and which he now hated with all the intensity of impotence. Besides which, a reaction had set in: the influence of the Moderate party once more began to be felt. “This manner of proceeding,” wrote Walsingham, on the 13th September, “is by the Catholics themselves utterly condemned.” Cardinal Fabio Orsini (Des Ursins), whom the pope had sent to congratulate the king on the massacre, and urge him to accept the decrees of the Council of Trent, was surprised to find that the atrocities of August were not thought of so highly in France as at Rome. The general feelings of the people, which had been surprised, had recovered their sway, and they were ashamed of themselves and of their rulers, who had played upon their loyalty.

Catherine had gained nothing. She was so entirely at the mercy of the Guise faction, which consisted of all that was most violent in France, that she was forced to follow where they led. She was fully conscious of the terrible mistake she had made, and bitterly must she have repented it in after years; but now her sole aim was to re-assure the disheartened Huguenots, and soften the impression which the news of the massacre had created in foreign courts. Her embassador in London was instructed to make the most lavish protestations of tolerance; and in Paris both Catherine and Charles tried to convince Walsingham that they were hurried away to the committal of a deed necessary to their safety, but entirely unconnected with religion. The far-seeing Englishman was not to be deceived by their fair professions; but wrote home again and again, that “now there is neither regard had to word, writing, or edict,” and that “nothing is meant but extremity toward those of the religion.”[743]

During the massacre and for some time after it, the Huguenots were so panic-stricken that they seemed incapable of the commonest actions for preserving their lives. But as soon as they recovered from their consternation, they once more ran to arms, and France was again exposed to the very evils which the massacre was intended to make impossible. Civil war now became justifiable in the eyes of the Reformed party; for horrible as it might be to draw the sword against a brother, it seemed less horrible than to sit still and suffer that brother to cut your throat. They were not fighting against the crown, but against a tyrant who had stained his hands with the blood of his people. It was a nice distinction, but distinctions equally nice were drawn at the commencement of our Great Rebellion. Each party strove to justify their appeal to arms by showing that law and justice were on their side. When the citizens of Nismes were summoned to admit the royal troops, they were told that firmness alone could save them, and they kept their gates shut. Rochelle and Sancerre, Aubenas, Sommières, Milhaud, Anduze, and scores of other towns, large and small, did the same, so that in a short time the whole country from the Channel to the Mediterranean was again divided into two hostile camps. The Protestants were so exasperated and so desperate, that compromise seemed impossible. Unhappily, most of their leaders had perished in the massacre. La Noue was still left them--himself a host; but Henry of Navarre and the Prince of Condé were prisoners at court. Still there was no shrinking from the unequal strife: the Huguenot veterans left their farms and their shops, and rallied round the gentry of their neighborhood. But their force was small, while the king was soon able to put four armies in the field, one of which was marched against Sancerre, and another against Rochelle. Biron, and afterward Anjou, commanded the latter, which was by far the best appointed. It was composed of veteran troops, and counted the Dukes of Guise and Alençon, Henry and Condé, among its officers.

Rochelle was admirably adapted for a place of refuge where the Huguenots could make a last stand in defense of religious freedom. On the land side it was protected by marshes, which allowed of only one narrow approach from the north. Toward the sea it was hardly more accessible. The stormy nature of the coast prevented a successful blockade, and the gales that drove off a hostile fleet were favorable to the entrance of friends. The city itself was fortified according to the best rules of the military art of that day, with broad ditches, thick ramparts, and threatening bastions. But strong as it was by its position among the marshes of Poitou, it had been made stronger still during the interval left its inhabitants by the tardy and irresolute movements of the court. The garrison consisted of 1500 veteran soldiers and 2000 well-trained citizens, the stores of all kinds were ample, and aid was coming from England. The commander of the city was the brave and upright La Noue--the _chevalier sans peur et sans reproche_ of the Huguenot party, and not unworthy successor of the great Coligny. Being a prisoner in the hands of Alva at the time of the massacre, he fortunately escaped death; and, on his restoration to liberty, he went to court, where the king received him with open arms and gave him the confiscated estates of Teligny. When the Rochellers closed their gates, he was commissioned by Charles IX. to treat with them and try to procure their submission. The result was not what the king expected, for La Noue joined the citizens, and was made governor. Here, while fighting bravely and doing his best to preserve the city, he never lost an opportunity of recommending conciliatory measures.

The Catholic party made it a point of honor to reduce the capital of Protestantism. The siege was begun with a vigor that would have honored a better cause. From the hills which commanded the defenses a continual storm of fire was poured upon the devoted city. Assault after assault was gallantly made and repelled with equal spirit and determination. Even the women mounted the walls, cheering the combatants, tending the wounded, carrying ammunition, water and food to the soldiers, and sometimes with a boldness beyond their sex wielding the weapons that had fallen from dying hands. These alone, occasionally aided by the ministers, hurled from huge caldrons floods of boiling water and melted pitch upon the assailants in the breach. For five months Anjou attacked the place in vain--each month diminishing the ardor of the besiegers.

The siege would probably have been more closely pressed (instead of being relaxed) as time went on, had there been unity of purpose in the royal army. Cabals were formed among the officers, some of whom refused to obey the orders of a man who was openly charged with the murder of the admiral. Strange stories circulated through the camp. Men told one another with a shudder how one day, when the Duke of Guise was playing at hazard, blood dropped from his hand as he threw the dice on the table.[744] But there was perfect harmony among the besieged, although La Noue had quitted the city where his courage, military ability, and simple character had been poorly appreciated. The pastors and he were constantly at variance; they thwarted his plans and excited the people against him. Brave as were the Rochellers, they must have yielded at last but for the election of Anjou to the crown of Poland. This made him listen readily to pacific counsels, and on the 11th July, 1573, a treaty was concluded by which the inhabitants surrendered on the following conditions: That there should be a complete amnesty for the past; that the cities of Montauban, Nismes, and La Rochelle should retain their old privileges; that the Reformed should enjoy freedom of worship, provided they met in small numbers and unarmed; that the gentry might celebrate marriages and baptisms in their own houses, provided not more than ten persons were present; that all prisoners for religious offenses should be set at large; and that all who desired to leave the kingdom might sell their goods freely and go where they pleased, except into enemy’s country. Such good terms might not have been obtained but for two things: the siege had cost 40,000 men in battle or by disease, and the king had neither money nor credit to pay his troops.

When the inhabitants of Sancerre heard that they were not included in the treaty of Rochelle, they determined to perish rather than surrender. The little town was excepted, because the Catholics imagined its fall to be near and inevitable; but another motive was assigned, namely, that as the city belonged to a particular seigneur, the king (who had suddenly become scrupulous) would not prejudice the rights of the superior lord. In January, 1573, an army of 5000 infantry, 500 horse, and 1600 sappers sat down before this petty town, whose garrison consisted of about 800 men. After summoning the place to surrender, La Châtre opened the trenches, and from two batteries of sixteen guns discharged 2000 shot in two months. By the middle of March he had made a breach 300 paces wide, but failed to carry it by storm. Drawing his lines still closer, he entirely cut off all external relief, so that in the beginning of April the towns-folk began to run short of food. They eat the asses and mules, and afterward fell to horses, dogs, cats, mice, moles, and leather, and, sinking lower still, tried horns, harness, wild roots, and parchment. “I have seen some served up,” writes an eye-witness, “on which the writing was still visible, and one might read from the pieces placed upon the table to be eaten.” By the end of June, three-fourths of the inhabitants had no bread to eat. Some attempted substitutes of flax-seed, others of all kinds of herbs, mixed with bran, others even tried straw, nut-shells, and slate, by which the stomach was distended and the pangs of hunger were temporarily assuaged. Grease and tallow served for soups and for frying: “Yea, some (a strange thing and never heard of) labored to encounter the cruelty of their hunger by the excrements of horses and men.” But there is worse to be told. On the 19th June a laboring man and his wife “satisfied their hunger with the head and entrails of their young daughter, about three years old.” They were tried and executed for the murder, for which there was the less excuse, as that very day they had been “relieved with a pottage made of herbs and wine.”[745] The young children under twelve almost all died. A boy only ten years old, seeing his parents weeping over him, said: “Mother, why do you cry because I am hungry? I do not ask you for bread, for I know you have none. But as it is God’s will that I should die, I must be content. Did not holy Lazarus suffer hunger?” And with these words, adds De Serres, “he gave back his soul to God.” The historian sums up in this short but pregnant sentence: “During the siege, fourscore men died by the sword, but of starvation above five hundred.” On the 19th August, through the intervention of the Polish deputies, the inhabitants were granted honorable terms of capitulation.[746]

But the Huguenots were not intimidated. On the anniversary of the massacre in Paris, they assembled at Montauban, and demanded the strict fulfillment of the treaty of St. Germains. They went farther, indeed, and required, among other things, that the open exercise of their religion should be permitted everywhere in France; that they should pay tithes to their own ministers only; that such of the clergy as had embraced the Reformed doctrines and married should be allowed the privileges of citizenship; that the authors and perpetrators of the August massacres should be punished; and that a parliament or supreme court of justice, composed of Huguenots only, should be appointed to try all causes in which they were concerned.

When their petition was presented to the king, he listened and made no remark; but Catherine haughtily replied: “If Condé were alive and in the heart of France with 100,000 horse and foot, he would not ask one-half of what these people demand.” Their prayer was refused; and had it been granted, we may doubt whether the condition of the Huguenots would have been much improved. France seemed to be given over to all the evils that misgovernment, which is rarely unaccompanied with other and more damning vices, can bring upon a nation. Although the Duke of Anjou had been elected King of Poland, and had departed for his kingdom, his evil influence remained behind. The court was the arena of the most disgraceful intrigues: honor among men, chastity among women, had become unmeaning words. The Duke of Alençon, a poor weak fool, gaining courage by the absence of the more resolute Anjou, entered into all sorts of schemes to prevent his brother’s return to France and secure the reversion of Charles’s throne to himself. Two parties looked up to him as their head; the Politicians and the Huguenots. The threads of the intrigues, in which he was a mere stalking-horse, are difficult to unravel, and it is scarcely within the scope of this history to make the attempt. It is sufficient to say that the result was a plot for a general rising of the Huguenot party on Shrove-Tuesday, 22d February, 1574, with the object of driving Catherine from court, excluding Anjou from the succession, and making Monsieur--as Alençon was now called--lieutenant-general of the kingdom and heir to the throne. Great was the consternation at St. Germains when the news arrived that La Noue had surprised Lusignan; that Fontenay, Royau, Talmont, Coulombier, and other places had opened their gates to the Huguenots; and that a body of cavalry under Guitry was almost at the palace gates. All fled; Charles alone refusing to move: “Why could they not have waited for my death?” he asked, as he lay on his sick-bed--to him the bed of death. The ministers and their followers hurried away as soon as possible, some in disguise, some by land, others by the river, others by circuitous routes. Agrippa d’Aubigné gives an amusing though exaggerated description of the “flight of the courtiers.” It was a race who should reach Paris first, he says. “Half-way from St. Germains, the cardinals of Bourbon, Lorraine, and Guise, with Birague the chancellor and Morvilliers, were met mounted on spirited chargers, grasping the pommels of their saddles to keep themselves steady; and feeling as much affrighted at their horses as they did at the enemy. They were followed by two retainers only of all their sumptuous trains.” The movement ended in complete failure, and cost the lives of several persons, the best known being La Mole and Coconnas, whose fate alone has rescued them from oblivion. Joseph Boniface, Lord of La Mole, was a vain, frivolous intriguer, whom Charles IX. so detested that he is reported to have twice commanded Anjou to strangle the wretched sycophant who preyed upon the weakness of Alençon.[747] He is said also to have been in the good graces of Queen Margaret, who desired his bleeding head to be brought to her. On seeing the hideous sight, she burst into a violent transport of rage and grief, kissing the lifeless features and bathing them with her tears.[748] Coconnas was a Piedmontese noble and captain of the guard to Monsieur. When on the scaffold, he stamped with vexation, exclaiming to the spectators: “You see how it is; the little ones are caught, and the big ones are left.” There was an attempt to implicate Henry of Navarre in the plot; and though it failed,[749] he was still kept prisoner at the court. Marshals Montmorency and Cossé were in like manner detained in the Bastile for many months. The charlatan Ruggieri, who lent himself to any vile scheme, was sent to the galleys, but was soon released by Catherine, and rewarded by the gift of the rich abbey of St. Mahé.

But the end was at hand. Charles, whose health had been slowly declining since the massacre, now became seriously ill. He suffered extreme pain, and had frequent fainting fits; yet from hatred of Anjou and abhorrence of his mother, he still clung to the royal power. A few days before his death, when the English embassador, Leyton, arrived at Vincennes, he insisted upon giving him audience, and for three-quarters of an hour listened patiently to the envoy’s harangue, replying to it in a few pertinent remarks. Much of his suffering was mental; his conscience was smitten with an incurable wound. As he felt his last fatal illness coming on, he sent for Henry of Navarre, who had to pass through the vaults of the castle between a double line of guards under arms ready to dispatch him. Henry started back a few paces, clapped his hand on his sword, and refused to advance. It was a sensational trick of Catherine’s. Being assured there was no danger, he proceeded and entered the king’s room, where Charles received him affectionately. “I have always loved you,” he said; “and to your care I confide my wife and daughter--I commend them to your love.” The king went on cautioning him to distrust--: the name was not distinctly heard by the persons in the chamber; but Catherine, who still hovered like an evil genius over her son, remarked: “Sire, you should not say that.” “Why not?” asked Charles, “is it not true?” Probably he was speaking of his brother of Anjou. Henry had no opportunity of obeying the king’s dying injunctions: the child did not live, and the mother returned to Germany.

Charles could not sleep at night, and often when he had closed his eyes from very weakness, he would start up, exclaiming that he heard strange sounds in the air. Music was employed to soothe his irritability, and the voice of his favorite chorister, Lassus, or Étienne le Roi, chanting the penitential Psalms, often lulled him to sleep. He saw nothing but blood around him, and the ghosts of those he had caused to be murdered stood threateningly at his bedside. As his malady increased, he began to spit and vomit blood; and in the paroxysms of his pain, the blood would ooze through his skin at every pore[750]--a symptom which the Huguenots regarded as a mark of the divine displeasure.

His nurse, Philippe Richarde, was a Huguenot, who had reared him when an infant, and whom he loved to the last. One night as she sat watching by his bedside, she heard him sobbing, and as she drew aside the curtains to learn what was the matter, he exclaimed through his tears: “Oh nurse, my dear nurse, what bloodshed and murder! Oh! that I should have followed such wicked advice. Pardon me, O God, and have mercy on me.... What shall I do? I am lost.... I am lost.” The nurse soothed him, and bade him trust in the Lord. “The blood is upon those who caused you to shed it,” she added. “If you repent of the murders, God will not impute them to you, but cover them with the mantle of his Son’s righteousness, in which alone you must seek refuge. But for God’s sake let your majesty cease weeping.” Hereupon she went to get a dry handkerchief, for the king’s was all wet with tears. When he had taken it, he made a sign to her to go away and let him sleep.[751]

The next day Catherine hurried into the sick-chamber with good news: Montgomery was a prisoner in her hands--Montgomery, whom she had never forgiven as the innocent cause of her husband’s death. But to Charles all such earthly passions were now indifferent. “Madame,” he said to his mother, “such things affect me no longer: I am dying.” On Whitsunday, 30th May, 1574, Charles received the last rites of the Church from the hands of Sorbin and the learned Amyot, Bishop of Auxerre.[752] Catherine, Alençon, Henry, and Margaret, with the officers of state, were present, and partook of the consecrated elements. It does not appear that his queen was there, but we learn that she was often seen kneeling, and in tears, before the altar of the castle chapel, where “she was still to be found when the soul of her husband and lord passed from this world.” After confession, Charles rallied a little, and had strength to direct his ministers to obey the queen-mother as they would have obeyed himself. But his weakness soon returned: he breathed with such difficulty that he could scarcely bid a tender farewell to his mother, after which he faintly whispered: “If Jesus my Saviour should number me among his redeemed!”--a late and involuntary testimony to the exhortations of his pious nurse. Thrice he repeated these words, and then spoke no more.

There were rumors of poison, and people remembered how Catherine, in bidding farewell to Anjou, told him to be of good cheer, for he would not be away long. Poisoning in that day had been raised to the dignity of a science; and ignorant as the alchemists were of the true principles of their art, they had extorted certain secrets from nature which modern chemists can not recover. The criminal annals of recent years do not permit us to doubt of the efficacy of slow poisoning; and the symptoms under which Charles suffered strongly remind us of those produced by minute doses of hemlock alternating with arsenic. Unfortunately, in those days, detection was difficult, because tests for poison were unknown. There were so many interested in getting rid of the king, that his early death was regarded as a certainty. If he had lived, the influence of his amiable wife might have grown stronger, he might have thrown off his mother’s trammels, and placing himself in the hands of the Politicians, might have driven Catherine and her friends from power. Then what would have become of Henry of Anjou, now reigning in barbarous and distant Poland? Ambrose Paré declared the king’s death was caused by injuries done to his lungs from the immoderate use of his hunting-horn in the chase.[753] The explanation was rejected at the time, and although we are unwilling to believe that a mother would coldly speculate upon the death of her son and connive at his murder, Catherine never was the woman to allow scruples of conscience or morality to stand in her way. There is a well-known anecdote of Louis XIII., who, on being cautioned against too violent exercise and frequent use of the hunting-horn, replied: “Stuff! Charles IX. died after dining with Gondi, immediately after a quarrel with his mother.”

Thus died Charles at the early age of twenty-four, rejoicing that he had left no son to wear that crown which had wrought him so much sorrow; for, he added from his own bitter experience, “France needs a man to govern her, and not a babe in swaddling-clothes, with a woman for his support.”[754] How differently soever his character may be estimated by different writers, there are some points on which all must agree. His virtues were his own, his vices the result of his training.[755] He had a great capacity of affection. His mistress, Marie Touchet, and the boy she bore him were anxiously cared for as he lay dying. His love for his mother was strong, but mingled with fear: he submitted to her, not merely as the weak mind submits to the stronger, but because he felt that she loved him after her animal fashion, and that it was his duty to honor her. We know but little of his married life, but from the few glimpses we catch of it, he seems to have been attached to his young wife Elizabeth, and she to him. When she heard of the murders of St. Bartholomew’s Day, she asked, with horror in every feature: “Does the king, my husband, know of this?” On being told that Charles had commanded it, she burst into tears, exclaiming: “Oh God! what councilors hast thou given him! Pardon this crime, I implore thee, oh God! for if thou shouldst exact vengeance, it is a sin never to be forgiven.” Thereupon she retired into her oratory, and passed the remainder of the day in prayer, and refused to join the procession that traversed the blood-stained streets. There are coarse stories recorded of the last days of Charles, which (if they were true) would throw great doubt upon his conjugal fidelity; but they are mere back-stairs scandal.

Charles IX. was a compound of the most opposite qualities. He was a firm friend to the few whom he loved; fond of rough pleasures; not without a taste for poetry and music, and master of that graceful eloquence so captivating on the lips of princes. But he had great defects, made greater by the peculiarity of his character, which his friends, both true and false, knew so well how to play upon. He could be as violent in action as in language: his anger was fearful to withstand. He could be false and treacherous, so that his admirers actually praise him for his duplicity.[756] A contemporary Juvenal describes him as

Plus cruel que Néron, plus rusé que Tibère ... Sans parole, sans foi, sinon à se venger, Exécrable joueur et public adultère ... Il mourut enfermé comme un chien enragé.

For three hundred years Charles has been the execration of mankind, and after carefully weighing the evidence of contemporaries, the historian can find no solid grounds for reversing the judgment. But he was not the chief criminal. French writers, even while they condemn the barbarous deed that has cast so foul a stain upon their annals, may justly plead that the chief contriver was an Italian woman brought up in the school of Machiavelli, and that the chief instruments were all foreigners.

INDEX.

Agriculture in France, 116.

Agrippa d’Aubigné, 85.

his defense of the war, 200.

Aix, Huguenots hanged at, 184.

Alençon, Huguenots uninjured at, 448. Duke of, proposed as a husband for Elizabeth, 356. his partiality for Coligny, 435. his intrigues, 478.

Alessandrino (nuncio), audience at Blois, 347. failure of his embassy, 347.

Alva, Duke of, at Bayonne, 249. his opinion on the state of France, 253. Tarquinian advice, 255, 272. marches through Burgundy, 266. his opinion of Cardinal Lorraine, 357.

Amboise, tumult of, 81. act of grace of, 86. pacification and edict of, 224.

Amiens, judicious arrangements at, 178.

Andelot offends Henry II., 68. introduces reform in Brittany, 91. urges war, 267. death of, 301.

Angers, persecutions at, 34. massacre at, 448.

Angoulême, the bastard of, 409.

Anjou, Prince of, threatens Condé, 266. made lieutenant-general, 278.

Anjou commands royal army, 294. wins battle of Jarnac, 296. Moncontour, 305. proposed marriage with Elizabeth, 332, 354. his account of the massacre, 375, 383, 386, 387, 394, 396, 405, 406. his fear of the king, 376. disappointment at Maurevel’s failure, 383. visit to the wounded admiral, 384. share of the plunder, 467. scene with the elector-palatine, 470.

Anthony of Navarre, 66. his hesitation, 103. invited to Orleans, 105. plot to murder him, 108. his apostasy, 185. justifies the Vassy massacre, 190. death of, 215.

Army, French, in sixteenth century, 126.

Arnay-le-Duc, battle of, 312.

Aurillac, murders at, 178. Protestant retaliation, 310.

Avallon, chatelaine of, 239.

Banquet in sixteenth century, 121.

Baptisms, forced, 287.

Bar, the proctor of, 239.

Barbeville burned, 76.

Battle of Dreux, 217. St. Denis, 272. Jarnac, 296.

Battle of Roche-Abeille, 302. Moncontour, 304. Arnay-le-Duc, 312.

Bayeux, Huguenot sacrilege at, 240.

Bayonne, the meeting at, 248. amusements at, 249. diplomatic discussions at, 253.

Bearnese refuse to suppress the preaching, 445.

Beauvais, Easter riots at, 156.

Behm, the admiral’s murderer, 408, 409.

Berquin, Louis de, burned, 5.

Beza at Poissy, 167. audience of queen-mother, 168. address to the king, 170.

Birague, his origin, 320.

Blois, edict of, 73. violence of Huguenots at, 156. cruelties at capture of, 210. festivities at, 347.

Bois Aubry, Abbot of, secretary of clergy, his speech, 154.

Bordeaux, the massacre at, 451.

Bouchavannes, a traitor, 402.

Bricquemaut of Villemangis, executed at Amboise, 82.

Brigandage in France, 115.

Briquemaut, Colonel, his necklace, 288. rash language to Charles, 341. hanged, 442.

Brissac, governor of Paris, 197. death of, 301.

Brugière burned, 19.

Cahors, bloody riot at, 178.

Calvin and his Institutes, 6. defense of Reformers, 10. letter to the prisoners, 43.

Cambresis, treaty of, 48.

Carcassonne, sacrilege at, 156.

Carriages introduced, 121.

Castelnau, trial and execution, 82.

Castelnaudary, Palm Sunday at, 238.

Catherine de Medicis, early life, 23. skill in business, 24. grief at Henry’s death, 59. letter to her daughter, 146. policy, 147. instructions to Cardinal Ferrara, 166. letters to Rome and the emperor, 172. unpopularity with Romanists, 177. bold reply to Chantonnay, 186. summons Condé to her assistance, 192. defies Anthony of Navarre, 193. message to Condé, 198. attempts at negotiation, 204. goes abroad masked, 208. is present at siege of Rouen, 213. exultation at victory of Dreux, 219. advice to Charles, 245. diplomacy at Bayonne, 248. letter on the papal jurisdiction, 257. suspected of heresy, 286. desires treaty to be observed, 336. reception of Coligny, 355. described by Joan of Navarre, 349. opposes war in Flanders, 362. interview with Charles at Montpipeau, 363. plots Coligny’s death, 377. at his bedside, 385. plots a general massacre, 389. consultation at the Tuileries, 390. reveals a pretended Huguenot plot, 394. extorts king’s consent to massacre, 397. checks the king’s irresolution, 405. letter to Strozzi, 446. message to Alva, 460. discovers her mistake, 472. reply to the Montauban demands, 477. exultation at Montgomery’s capture, 481.

Caumont, Duc de la Force, his singular escape, 432.

Cavaignes hanged, 442.

Cevennes, march through the, 312.

Chabot protects the Huguenots, 456.

Chambord, ordinance of, 78.

Chambres ardentes, 33.

Chantonnay complains of toleration, 161.

Chapot, Jean, on the rack, 16.

Charles IX., his accession, 145. opens the States-General, 150. amnesties heretical prisoners, 157. issues letters patent of April, 157. acts in a court masque, 161. presides over colloquy of Poissy, 169. calls an Assembly of Notables, 175. Triumvirate plot to seize him, 192. brought from Fontainebleau to Paris, 193. declared of age, 244. reply to Alva, 256, 265, 323. reproaches Coligny, 264. plot to seize king, 269. savage letter to Gordes, 271. letters to Condé and Humières, 284, 317. at siege of St. Jean d’Angely, 307. advice to justices of Gap, 317. marriage, 322, 324. mad sports, 323. La Chasse Royale, 323. supports William of Orange, 331. invites Coligny to court, 333. distrust of Anjou, 334. attachment to Teligny, 334. reception of Coligny, 336. letter to Duke of Savoy, 337. reception of Queen Joan, 345. answer to Alessandrino, 347. letter to Pius V. on Margaret’s marriage, 351. promises help to Prince Louis, 358. goes to Montpipeau, 362. offers Coligny a guard, 376, 403. jealous of Anjou, 377. wrath on hearing of attack on Coligny, 318. threatens to punish the assassins, 382. visits Coligny, 384. tells his mother what Coligny said to him, 387. letters to pacify the Huguenots, 393. consents reluctantly to the massacre, 394. tries to save Rochefoucault, 400. irresolution, 405. looks from a window at the murders, 414. fires at the fugitive Huguenots, 426. remorse and visions, 436. justifies the massacre before the parliament, 438. present at execution of Briquemaut, 442. orders to provincial governors, 447. medals to commemorate massacre, 464. conspiracy to dethrone him, 478. last illness and death, 480.

Charpentier’s apology for the massacre, 464.

Chateaubriant, edict of, 33.

Chatillon, Cardinal of, assaulted, 156. deliberations at, 267.

Church property, its confiscation proposed, 165.

Clergy, corruption of, 3. their power and wealth, 127. abusive sermons, preached by, 90, 286, 327.

Coconnas executed, 479.

Cognac besieged, 301.

Coligny, Gaspard de, 67. advice at Amboise, 86. Fontainebleau, 99. Orleans, 112. his wife’s advice, 196. saves the army at Dreux, 218. charged with plotting the murder of Guise, 222. letter on his son’s death, 228. reconciliation with Guises at Moulins, 260. reproached by king, 264. dissuades from war, 268. skill and discipline, 272. death of his wife, 280. visit to Tanlay, 291. flight to Rochelle, 291. defeated at Jarnac, 296. victory at Roche-Abeille, 302. wounded at Moncontour, 305. letter to his children, 306. marches to the south, 308. victory at Arnay-le-Duc, 312. remonstrance with Charles, 333. marries Jacqueline of Montbel, 334. arrival at court, 336. influence with Charles, 340. urges war with Flanders, 344. memoir on proposed war, 358. letter to William of Orange promising aid, 362. warnings and cautions neglected, 367. remarks at Henry’s wedding, 373. last letter to his wife, 375. wounded by an assassin, 379. last interview with Charles, 384. murdered by Behm, 408. outrages to his corpse, 411.

Combelle robbed of his dispatches, 454.

Condé, Henry, Prince of, life saved by Elizabeth’s intercession, 434. abjuration, 444.

Condé, Louis, Prince of, 67. invited to Orleans, 105. reception at court, 105. trial, 107. attempts to rescue king, 193. speech at Meaux, 196. appointed leader of Huguenot force, 197. manifesto to the Protestant churches, 198. made prisoner at Dreux, 218. claims to be appointed lieutenant-general, 266. battle of St. Denis, 272. marches to meet the reiters, 275. flight to Rochelle, 291. killed at Jarnac, 296.

Confession of faith of French Reformers, 54.

Cornaton asks king for a guard for Coligny, 391. escapes from the massacre, 407.

Correro, France in 1571, 323.

Cosseins appointed to guard Coligny’s house, 393. assists in the murder, 407.

Council proposed, 92.

Court-masques, 161, 250.

Crespy, treaty of, 11.

Crozier and his blood-stained comrade, 425.

Cypierre murdered, 288.

Damville at Nismes, 276.

D’Aubigné at Amboise, 85.

De Crussol’s account of Huguenots, 159.

Delavoye, martyrdom of, 8.

De Nançay, captain of the guard, 401. protects Margaret, 416.

De Pilles, his foolish threats, 388. murdered in the Louvre, 415.

De Retz, his origin, 319. rapid rise, 320. voice against proposed massacre, 397.

Des Adrets, his ferocious retaliation, 231. description of, by De Thou, 232.

Desmarais, his stout defense, 307.

De Thou eulogizes the king’s severity, 440. private opinion of the massacre, 441.

Diana of Poitiers, character of, 26.

Dieppe, its wealth and commerce, 141.

Dieppe, ferocity of Huguenots at, 240. Huguenots punished, 310. the governor’s speech at, 458.

Discontent in France, 77.

Dloet burned, 17.

Dorat’s congratulations on the massacre, 453.

Dramatic amusements, 129.

Dress of people, 119.

Dreux, battle of, 218.

Du Bourg, his speech in Parliament, 51. trial and execution, 74.

Duplessis-Mornay’s memoir on the Flemish war, 358. escapes from the massacre, 430. escape of his wife, 431.

Ecouen, edict of, 56.

Edict of Fontainebleau, 8. Chateaubriant, 33. Ecouen, 56. Villars-Cotteret, 73. Blois, 73. Chambord, 78. Amboise, 86. Romorantin, 88. April, 157. July, 158. January, 183. St. Germains, 314.

Elector-palatine extols Coligny, 470.

Electoral excitement, 149.

Elizabeth, Queen of France, her marriage, 322, 324. enters Paris, 325. intercedes to save Condé, 434. affection for Charles IX., 482. horror at the massacre, 484.

Elizabeth of England, proposed marriage with Anjou, 332, 354. Alençon, 356.

Elizabeth of England, cold reception of the French embassador, 468.

England, treaty with, 355. horror at the massacre, 468.

Etienne, Robert, in exile, 18.

Executioner, his wages, 133.

Fontainebleau, edict of, 8. meeting of Notables at, 197. resolutions of, 102.

Flemish war, 357, 358, 359, 362.

Food of people, 119.

France, condition of, in 1560, 112. distressed condition of, 217, 225.

Francis I., patronage of learning, 3. persecutes Reformers, 7. orders persecution of Vaudois, 10. death of, 20.

Francis II., accession, 61. alarm at court, 73. letters ordering persecution, 94. illness and death, 108.

Gap, dissensions at, 278. edict neutralized at, 327.

Gastine cross, 343.

Genlis defeated and made prisoner, 359.

German princes, embassy from, 326.

Gibbets of Fontainebleau, 77.

Gondi: _see_ De Retz.

Gondrin killed at Lyons, 234.

Gonzaga; _see_ Nevers, Duke of.

Gordes hesitates to carry out the order, 456.

Gregory XIII. approves of the massacre, 466.

Guise, Francis, Duke of, 63. lieutenant-general, 86. combines with Montmorency, 163. retires from privy council, 184. goes to Saverne, 186. orders the massacre at Vassy, 188. ostentatiously enters Paris, 191. plots to seize the king, 192. gains victory at Dreux, 217. besieges Orleans, 220. murdered by Poltrot, 221.

Guise, Henry of, refuses to be reconciled to Coligny, 261. character, 321. threatening proceedings of, 338. visits Alva, 356. offers to fight Coligny, 357. proposal to murder Coligny, 377. asks leave to quit Paris, 394. visits the city in secret, 398. receives the final orders, 405. recalled too late, 406. insults the corpse of Coligny, 409. blood drops from his hand, 475.

Hampton Court treaty, 209.

Havre surrendered to English, 209. siege and capture of, 243.

Henry II., accession of, 22. crowned at Rheims, 28. present at burning of heretics, 30. favorite Psalm, 45. orders arrest of Du Bourg, 52. wounded, 58. death, 58.

Henry of Navarre at Bayonne, 255. speech to the army, 300. description of, 300. retreat from Moncontour, 305. first command, 312. proposed marriage with Margaret, 338. letter to Queen Elizabeth on his mother’s death, 366. comes to Paris, 369. marriage with Margaret, 372. indignation at attack on Coligny, 328. proposals to murder him, 391. put under arrest, 424. abjures, 444. at the siege of Rochelle, 473. Charles entrusts his wife and child to him, 480.

Heresy at court, 160.

Huguenot army, its discipline, 203.

Huguenots, their number estimated, 174. regain courage, 472. rush to arms, 473. demands at Montauban, 477.

Ignorance of the people, 122.

Infants rechristened, 207.

Inns in France, 115.

Inquisition, introduction of, resisted, 37.

January, edict of, 183. resisted by Tavannes, 184. Huguenot rejoicings over, 184.

Jarnac, battle of, 296.

Joan of Navarre, her reforms in Bearn, 257. takes refuge in Rochelle, 292. fears for Coligny, 336. on her son’s marriage, 340. death at Paris, 356.

July edict, 158.

Knox, John, his denunciation of the murderers, 469.

La Mole executed, 479.

Lange, orator of Third Estate, 152. address to king, 152.

La Noue describes origin of war, 196. on army discipline, 203. the conference at Thoury, 204. on the reiters, 275. governor of Rochelle, 474.

La Place, Pierre de, murdered, 425.

La Renaudie, 79. killed at Amboise, 81.

La Rochefoucault, king tries to save him, 400. murdered, 421.

Lavergne de Tressan at Jarnac, 312.

League of the Loire, 115. Champagne, 289. Toulouse, 290.

Lefevre, the first Reformer, 2.

Le Laboureur, his panegyric of Coligny, 410.

Le Mans, the bishop of, 240.

Le Puy, procession at, 35. infant rebaptized, 207.

Léran saved by Margaret, 415.

Lignerolles murdered, 342.

Limoux, cruelties at, 238.

Lisieux, Bishop of, protects the Huguenots, 455.

L’Hopital appointed chancellor, 87. inaugural address, 97. origin, 98. speech to States of Orleans, 151. address to parliament, 158. speech at Pontoise, 164. letter to Genevan Calvinists, 167. speech at Poissy, 169. to the Notables at St. Germains, 182. plot to murder him, 227. proposes concessions to Huguenots, 269. remonstrance to the king, 279. joins the Politicians, 285. resigns the chancellorship, 289. escapes the massacre, 431.

Longjumeau, treaty of, 280.

Lorraine family, 63.

Lorraine, Cardinal of, 64. discussion with Beza, 168. retires from Privy Council, 184. goes to Saverne, 186. forbidden to enter Paris, 261. runs away from Meaux, 271. disgusted with St. Germains treaty, 317. goes to Rome, 351. rewards messenger of the massacre, 465.

Louvre, the murders at, 404, 414.

Lyons in 1560, 140. Huguenot turbulence at, 180. mastered by Huguenots, 235. massacre at, 449.

Macon, leaps of, 238.

Maine, sad condition of, 263.

Mandelot begs a share of the plunder, 450.

Margaret of Valois, 6.

Margaret, Princess, proposed marriage with Henry of Navarre, 339. description of, 349. alarmed by her sister, 402. scene in her chamber, 415. saves Léran’s life, 416. weeps over head of La Mole, 479.

Marie de Barbançon, her intrepidity, 310.

Marie Mouchet, 323, 483.

Marillac, Archbishop, his speech at Fontainebleau, 100.

Marlorat hanged, 215.

Marot imprisoned, 19. his Psalms, 46.

Martyrdoms, 5, 6, 8, 9, 13, 16, 17, 19.

Massacre in Paris, the, 417, 444.

Massacre in Paris, number of victims in, 459, 461.

Maugiron, cruelties at Valence, 95.

Maurevel hired to kill the admiral, 378, 380.

Maximilian II., his thoughts on the massacre, 469.

Meaux, the martyrs of, 15. royal flight from, 269. the massacre at, 452.

Medals, commemorative, 464, 466.

Mercurial of Henry II., 51.

Mergey, adieu of Rambouillet, 401.

Mérindol destroyed, 12.

Merlin, the admiral’s chaplain, consoles Coligny, 380. singular escape, 408.

Micheli’s account of the Huguenots, 174.

Michelle de Caignoncle’s alms, 18.

Minard, President, shot, 74.

Miracle of the flowering thorn, 434.

Moderate party, 285, 315, 328, 330.

Monceaux, meeting of conspirators at, 377.

Moncontour, battle of, 305.

Mons, capture of, 358.

Montauban, Huguenot assembly at, 477.

Montbrun takes up arms, 95.

Montfauçon, the gibbet at, 411.

Montgomery kills Henry II., 58. governor of Rouen, 213. escapes from Paris, 428. made prisoner, 481.

Montluc, Bishop, his speech at Fontainebleau, 99.

Montluc, Blaise de, his barbarities, 230. wise severity, 264.

Montmorency, Constable, 27. his cruelty, 28. dismissed, 71. combines with Guise and St. André, 163. burns the meeting-houses, 208. made prisoner at Dreux, 220. killed at St. Denis, 273.

Montmorency, Marshal, threatens Cardinal Lorraine, 261. advises war with Spain, 331. tries to negotiate with Huguenots, 339.

Montsoreau, his treachery and cruelty, 448.

Moreau burned at Troyes, 16.

Moulins, assembly at, 258. Coligny and Guise reconciled at, 260.

Mouvans, death of, 96.

Muretus panegyrizes the murderers, 466.

Music, decline of, in church, 46.

Nantes, meeting at, 79. refusal of magistrates to kill Huguenots, 448.

Nassau, Count Louis of, at Moncontour, 305.

Nassau, Count Louis of, interview with Charles at Lumigny, 331.

Navarre, King of; _see_ Anthony.

Navy, French, in sixteenth century, 126.

Nemours, Duke of, 270. Duchess of, proposal that she shall assassinate Coligny, 377.

Nerac, meeting at, 103.

Nevers, Duke of, his timidity, 321.

Nismes, results of persecution at, 94. Michelade of, 276. captured by Huguenots, 310. order preserved, 458.

Noises in the air, 436.

Normandy, distress in, 31.

Notables, Assembly of, at St. Germains, 175.

Number of the victims in Paris, 459. the provinces, 461.

Oppède, Baron of, his cruelty, 12.

Orange, butchery at, 234.

Organization of Reformed Church, 55.

Orleans, the court at, 104. seized by Huguenots, 197. besieged by Duke of Guise, 220. Huguenots burned at, 309. massacre at, 450.

Orsini’s mission, 471.

Orthez, his reply to Charles, 455.

Palissy, Bernard, patronized by Catherine, 322.

Paré, Ambrose, tends Coligny’s wounds, 380. a witness of the murder, 408. escorted to the Louvre, 410. singular confession of king to, 435. on the death of Charles, 482.

Pardaillan, his foolish threats, 389. murdered in the Louvre, 415.

Paris, lawlessness of, 76. in 1560, 137. arming of the citizens, 198. outrages in, 207. disturbed state of, in winter of 1571, 344. panic at news of Genlis’s defeat, 359.

Parliament of Paris, divisions in, 49.

Pavannes, martyrdom of, 5.

Peasantry, condition of, 117.

Pedlar burned at Velay, 36.

Petrucci cuts off the admiral’s head, 409.

Philip II. intrigues against France, 160, 176. treasonable correspondence with Triumvirate, 209. offers aid to France, 316. threatens war, 329. joy at the massacre, 467.

Philippa de Lunz burned, 42.

Philippe Richarde, the king’s Huguenot nurse, 481.

Pieds Nus, les, their atrocities, 226.

Pius V., congratulatory letters, 289, 298, 306. advises continuance of war, 314.

Placards, affair of, 7. inflammatory, 42.

Pluviers, Huguenot retaliation at, 216.

Poissy, colloquy at, 166. opened, 169.

Poitiers, severities at, 74.

Politiques, les, 286, 315, 328, 330.

Poltrot murders Francis of Guise, 221. extolled as a martyr by Huguenots, 223.

Pontoise, the States of, 163.

Population in 1560, 122.

Pré aux Clercs, psalm-singing, 46.

Progress of reform, 31.

Provinces of France, 113.

Provins, brutal scene at, 135. grievances, 149. rejoicings at news of Jarnac, 299. flight of the Huguenots, 457.

Provost of Paris, king’s instructions to, 399.

Punishments, 133.

Quentin, Jean, orator of the clergy, 152. speech at Orleans, 154.

Raleigh, Walter, joins the Huguenots, 294. opinion of Condé, 299.

Ramus, Peter, murdered, 423.

Reformed Church, its organization, 55. doctrines, their rapid extension, 174.

Regnier de la Planche, 87.

Reiters, their cupidity, 275, 281.

Relics, abuse of, 4.

Religious wars, First, 195. Second, 269. Third, 291.

Renaudie, Bary de la, 79, 81.

Rennes, disturbances at, 156.

Rents in Auvergne, 117.

Revival of learning, 3.

Roads in France, 114.

Roche-Abeille, battle of, 302.

Rochelle, violence at, 236. besieged by Anjou, 474. siege raised, 474.

Rome, exultation at, 466.

Romorantin, edict of, 88.

Ronsard, the poet, 226.

Rouen, ballet at, 141. besieged, 213. reprisals at, 214. the massacre at, 452.

Rue St. Jacques, affair of, 40.

Sadolet, his charity, 15.

St. André, 66. joins the Triumvirate, 163. killed at Dreux, 219.

St. Calais, monks of, 238. Croix; _see_ Santa Croce. Cyr, Count of, his desperate charge, 305. Denis, battle of, 272. Germains, Notables at, 182. peace of, 314. Hérem refuses to obey order, 454. Médard, riot of, 181. Quentin, defeat at, 40.

Salviati’s report of the massacre, 418.

Sancerre, the siege of, 476. capitulates, 477.

Santa Croce praises Reformers, 159. describes the state of Paris, 182. praises the admiral, 410.

Saverne, conference at, 186.

Senlis, Huguenots exiled, 456.

Sens, massacre at, 199.

Sermons and congregations, 173.

Shrove-Tuesday plot, 478.

Sigognes, governor of Dieppe, 288.

Silly, Jacques de, orator of the nobles, 152. speech at Orleans, 152.

Sisteron, massacre at, 200. deserted by Huguenots, 237.

Soubise, his resistance, 422. indignities to corpse, 415.

States-General of Orleans, 148. opened by king, 150.

Street architecture, 135.

Strozzi, Cardinal, his atrocities, 232.

Strozzi, Colonel-general, captured at Roche-Abeille, 303. drowns the camp-followers, 315. unpopular in army, 320.

Stuart, Robert, murders the constable, 273.

Sully escapes the massacre, 428.

Sumptuary laws, 120.

Superstitions, 131.

Synod, first Reformed, meets in Paris, 54. of Poissy, impracticable temper of Huguenot ministers, 173. of Rochelle, 321.

Tailor, martyrdom of a, 31.

Talcy, interview at, 205.

Tavannes suggests ecclesiastical reforms, 93. plunders Macon, 237. appointed military superintendent during massacre, 398. complains of apathy of citizens, 400. sanguinary cry, 447.

Taverny, stout resistance of, 422.

Taxation in 1560, 123.

Teligny, his mission to the king, 334. marries the admiral’s daughter, 334. sent in pursuit of Maurevel, 381. last night with Coligny, 403. murdered, 412.

Tende, Count of, 447.

Thomas of St. Paul burned, 17.

Thoury, negotiations at, 204.

“Tiger,” the, a satire, 90. note on the, 111.

Tocsin rung, 413.

Tossinghi steals the admiral’s gold chain, 409.

Toulon in 1560, 143.

Toulouse, massacres at, 237, 453.

Tournament in Paris, 57.

Tours, massacre at, 211.

Traveling in France, 114.

Trent, instructions to Council of, 92. Council of, 245.

Triumvirate, the, formed, 163. treasonable correspondence with Philip II., 209.

Troyes, the massacre at, 452.

Valence, reform in, 96.

Vaudois, massacre of, 12.

Vassy, massacre at, 187. Catholic exultation over, 190.

Velay, contests in, 36.

Vendome, meeting at, 72.

Victims, number of, 459, 461.

Vigor, Simon, ferocious sermon of, 177.

Villars, Count of, describes state of Nismes, 94.

Villemangis beheaded, 84.

Wages in 1560, 117.

Walsingham on Anjou’s ambition, 316. opinion of king, 336. letter on defeat of Genlis, 359. on war in Flanders, 360. report of meeting at Montpipeau, 364. describes the execution of Briquemaut, 443.

Wild animals in France, 115.

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FOOTNOTES:

[1] In judging these and other great historical criminals, we must bear in mind the age in which they lived. To borrow the language of Mr. Hepworth Dixon in his eloquent vindication of Lord Bacon: “The cry of pain, the gasp of death, were no such shocks to the gentle heart as they would be in a softer time. Men had been hardened in the [martyrs’] fire. Minds were infected by the atrocities of [Huguenot] plots. The ballads sung in the streets were steeped in blood.” In such times of frenzy even the merciful become cruel.

[2] _Hist. of Popes_, i. 120 (Mrs. Austin’s).

[3] From a sermon quoted by Sismondi, _Hist. des Français_.

[4] _Mém. de l’Acad. Stanislas_, Nancy, 1862, p. 369.

[5] Here are some of the objects once preserved in the cathedral of Clermont:--“Imprimis de umbilico Filii Dei cum quinque unguibus de sinistra manu; præpucium ipsius cum duabus unguibus de dextra manu, et de pannis quibas fuit involutus, et undecimam partem sudarii quod fuit ante oculos ejus cum sanguine ipsius, et de tunica, et de barba, et de capillis, et de præcincto ejus cum sanguine et tres ungues ejus ex recisione manus dexteræ et partem spinæ coronæ, et de pane quem ipse benedixit, et ex spongia ejus, et ex virgis quibus cæsus fuit, et de capillis Beatæ Mariæ tres et brachiale ejus, et de vestimento ipsius cum lacte.”--Baluze, ii. p. 39; Dulaure, _Descript. Auvergne_, p. 197.

[6] _Réponse à quelque apologie_, etc. 1558, fol. 2.

[7] “De plano, sine strepitu et figura judicii, prout in similibus consuevit.”--Isambert: _Recueil des Lois Fr._ t. xii. p. 231.

[8] Florimond de Rémond: _Histoire de la naissance, etc. de l’hérésie de ce siècle_, bk. vii. p. 931.

[9] Beza: _Hist. Eccles._ liv. i. For this “Affair of the Placards” see Merle d’Aubigné: _Reform. in time of Calvin_, vol. iii. bk. iv. ch. 9 to 12. A passage like this must have been as offensive as it was unjustifiable: “Nous ne voulons croire à vos idoles, à vos lieux nouveaux et nouveaux Christs, qui se laissent manger aux bêtes et à vous pareillement, qui êtes pires que bêtes, en vos badinages lequels vous faites à l’entour de votre dieu de pâte duquel vous vous jouez comme un chat d’une souris,” etc.

[10] Eustathius de Knobelsdorff to George Cassander, in _Illustr. et Clar. Viror. Epist. Selectæ._, Lugd. Bat. 1617, quoted in Baum: _Leben Beza’s_.

[11] _Hist. des guerres dans le Venaissin_, etc. i. p. 39. Published anonymously, but the author was Father Justin, a Capuchin monk. See also Muston: _Israël des Alpes_, 1851.

[12] Bossuet (_Hist. des Variations_, liv. xi. § 143) acknowledges their piety, but calls it “feigned,” and ascribes their virtues to the inspiration of the devil.

[13] Cabasse: _Hist. Parl. Provence_.

[14] Il n’existe plus rien du bourg florissant de Mérindol. Lacretelle: _Guerres de Rél._ i. p. 31.

[15] Mezeray, iii. p. 1034.

[16] Some years ago a cave in a wild and almost inaccessible valley of the Maritime Alps, near the village of Castiglione, was pointed out to me as one of these places of refuge. It could be reached only by a rope, and consisted of at least three chambers, one below the other. In the Vivarrais there are many such caverns.

[17] Bouche calls them, “plutôt ignorans que rebelles,” and adds, “On trouve dans l’histoire des nations les plus fanatiques et les plus sauvages peu d’exemples d’une atrocité pareille.”--_Essai sur l’Hist. de Provence_, ii. p. 83. See Papon, _Hist. de Provence_, for a less favorable account of the Vaudois.

[18]

Viros et morte peremptos Indigna, raptasque soluto crine puellas, Et late miseris subjecta incendia vicis.

L’Hôpital, _De Causa Merindoli_.

[19] All the papers connected with this inquiry have perished. One of the accused was the famous sea-captain Baron de la Garde, the same who disputed the command of the Channel against Henry VIII., and occupied the Isle of Wight in 1533. In the religious wars he sided with the Huguenots.

[20] Capefigue: _Hist. de la Réforme_, ch. xvi.

[21] Non ego sum qui, ut quisque a nobis opinione dissentit, statim eum odio habeam.

[22] In a poem composed at this time, he says, with more of Pagan stoicism than Christian fortitude--

Sus, mon esprit, montrez vous de tel cœur, Votre assurance au besoin soit connue; Tout gentil cœur, tout constant belliqueur, Jusqu’à la mort sa force a maintenue.

[23] Imberdis: _Hist. Guerres Civ._ 8vo. Moulins, 1840.

[24] A curious apology has been made for Francis I. Mezeray, answering an Italian writer, who had insinuated that the king had permitted the spread of heresy by taking no heed of it, says:--“Quoi donc, faire six ou sept rigoureux édits pour l’étouffer, convoquer plusieurs fois le clergé, assembler un concile provincial, dépêcher à toute heure des ambassades vers tous les princes de la chrétienté pour en assembler un général, brûler les hérétiques par douzaines, les envoyer aux galères par centaines, et les bannir par milliers: est-ce là permettre, ou n’y prendre pas garde,” etc. ii. p. 1038.

[25] _P. Castellani Vita_, auct. P. Gallandio, 8vo. 1674.

[26] _Petri Paschalii Histor. Fragm._ Dupuy MSS. Raumer: _Hist. 16th and 17th Centuries_, i. 261.

[27] Matteo Dandolo in 1542 and Lorenzo Contarini in 1551 describe Henry in nearly the same terms. See Alberi: _Relazioni degli Ambas. Veneti_. (8vo. Firenze.) Ser. I. vol. iv. 1860, pp. 27 and 60.

[28] M. Capefigue has attempted this in his one-sided fashion; but Alberi extols her as a model of almost every Christian virtue.

[29] Sismondi says she was only 13, but from her birth, 13th April, 1519, to her wedding-day is 14½ years.

[30] “Li occhi grossi proprj alla casa de’ Medici.” Suriano. On the ceiling of a room in the château of Tanlay, between Tonnerre and Moutbard, which once belonged to the Chatillons, there was (and probably still is) a figure of Catherine as Juno, with two faces: one, masculine and sinister, the other with a remarkable sweetness and dignity of expression. In the gallery at Eu there were two portraits (probably copies) representing her as exceedingly fair: in one, the hair was of a reddish tinge; in the other, the eyebrows were light and the eyes hazel.

[31] Giovanni Soranzo, 14th August, 1557. _Relazioni_, p. 8.

[32] “Non si troveria persona che non si lasciasse cavare del sangue per fargli avere un figlio.”--Matt. Dandolo.

[33] His tomb, by Jean Goujon, is in Rouen cathedral.

[34] Brantome describes her at the age of sixty-five as being “so lovely that the most insensible person could not look upon her without emotion;” and ascribes her beauty to a bouillon she took every morning composed of “or potable et autres drogues que je ne sais pas.” De Thou says she made Henry constant to her “philtris et magicis (ut creditur) artibus.” A hideous story of her bathing in blood to preserve her beauty is told of “cette Hérodias” in the _Mélange critique de Littérature_, ii. p. 113. At Dijon there is a three-quarter portrait of her entirely undraped. The form is exceedingly lovely, the face a long oval, the eyes dark, eyebrows delicate, hair a bright auburn, and complexion fair.

[35] They were the emblems of mourning which widows in those days never put off.

[36] “Particolarmente la dispensazione delli benefici ecclesiastici è in man sua.”--Soranzo.

[37] “Il quale l’ha amata, ed ama e godi cosi vecchia come è.” L. Contarini (1551): _Relazioni Veneti_, iv. 1860, p. 78; Baschet: _La Diplomatie vénitienne_, p. 432. G. Soranzo (1558) writes to the same effect; but M. Cavalli is of quite a contrary opinion. “Questo amore non sia lascivo, ma come materno filiale.”--Raumer, i. p. 259.

[38] The pope significantly sent her a pearl necklace shortly after Henry’s accession. The French have recently erected a statue to her memory. It is painful to see a noble nation so deficient in self-respect as to make idols of the mistresses of their sovereigns--Agnes Sorel, Diana, Gabrielle d’Estrées, and others.

[39] “Au col de sa jument.”--_Gargantua_, liv. i. ch. 17.

[40] “Il ne savait ni lire ni écrire.”--Marsollier: _Hist. duc de Bouillon_, i. 7 (Paris, 1719).

[41] He was named Anne, after his godmother Anne of Brittany. He had four sons and five daughters; his sister Louisa, a widow, married Gaspard de Coligny, the father of the Admiral. Louisa’s first husband was the Marshal de Maille, and her daughter Dame de Roye was mother of the Dame de Rove who married Condé.

[42] These “crescents,” so often found interlaced with H, are supposed to be the device of Diana of Poitiers; I am more inclined to regard them as a fanciful C, to indicate Catherine.

[43] Félibien: _Hist. de la Ville de Paris_, tom. ii. liv. xx. p. 1031 (fol. 1725).

[44] Félibien, tom. v. p. 378.

[45] The intellect of the day was on the side of the Reform: “Peintres, orlogiers, imagiers, orfèvres, libraires, imprimeurs, et autres, qui en leurs métiers, ont _quelque noblesse d’esprit_.”--Flor. de Remond, an unimpeachable witness.

[46] Bras de Bourgueville: _Recherches sur Caen_, 2^e partie, p. 162; Cte Hector de la Ferrière-Percy: _Hist. du Canton d’Athis_. 8vo. Paris, 1858.

[47] Montluc says the nobles adopted the Reform out of a spirit of opposition. “Il n’était fils de bonne maison qui ne voulut goûter de cette réforme nouvelle.”

[48] About the same time another edict forbade the faithful to send money to Rome.--Lacretelle.

[49] On the 19th June, 1551, the papal nuncio represented to the king that he “must forbid the printing and circulation of all heretical books.... If your majesty fail to punish these damnable writers, the evil may proceed so far as to defy all remedy.”--Raumer, i. 262. The severities of the Chateaubriant edict proving ineffectual, it was declared by another edict (27th May, 1558), that the illegal printing of any book on religion would be punished by “confiscation de corps et de biens.”

[50] Matthew Ory, of the order of Preaching Friars, had been invited from Italy by Cardinal de Tournon, and by letters patent of Francis I. (30th May, 1536) permitted to exercise the office of inquisitor at Lyons, in which post he was confirmed by the edict of Henry II. (22d June, 1550).

[51] On this point see the continuation of Longueval’s _Hist. Eglise Gall._ by J. M. Prat (4to, 1847), t. xix. p. 96.

[52] “L’autorité et souveraineté tant du roi que de sa couronne serait grandement diminuée quand les sujets naturels du roi seraient prévenus et entrepris par un official ou inquisiteur.”--_Hist. des Martyrs._ f. 463.

[53] Minute of Secretary Ribier, p. 677; Sismondi, xviii. p. 59. See also Belcarius: _Rer. Gall. Comment._ p. 868.

[54] “Existimant omnis publicæ cladis, omnis popularis incommodi Christianos esse causam. Si Tiberis ascendit in mœnia, si Nilus non ascendit in arva, sicœlum stetit, si terra movet, si fames, si lues, statim--Christianos ad leonem!”--Tertullian, _Apol._ c. 40.

[55] Pasquier: _Lettres_, p. 195 (ed. Arras. 1598) says it happened in August, three days after the battle of St. Laurent, before the walls of St. Quentin, which was taken six weeks later. But these letters were written for effect--many of them some time after the events they record. Drion (_Chronol._) says “May.”

[56] Her favorite, Madame de Crussol, Duchess of Usez, held the Reformed opinions.

[57] Bonnet: _Lettres de Calvin_, ii. 125, _note_. Letter from Fr. Morel. The prisoners were 120 to 130 in number.

[58] Raynald: _Ann. Eccles._ ad an. 1557; Sarpi: _Concil. Trent_, lib. v. No. 33.

[59] “Aut integras urbes absumere aut veritati locum aliquem concedere.”--Baum: _Leben Beza’s_, i. p. 453.

[60] Florimond de Remond: _Hist. des Martyrs_, fol. 395.

[61] Strada: _De Bello Belg._ dec. i. lib. 3.

[62] Marot translated fifty, Beza the remainder.

[63] Somewhat later (in 1561) the Sorbonne formally declared the singing of Psalms _not_ contrary to the Catholic faith.

[64] The Pré aux Clercs exists no longer, not even in name. It was a pleasant meadow on the banks of the Seine, between the abbey of St. Germain des Prés and the Invalides.

[65] _Hist. Heres._ f. 1033.

[66] “Criant par dépit comme crieurs d’oublies.”--_MS. de Médicis._

[67] This probably is what the English commissioner alludes to, when writing in January, 1559, he says: “There was an appointment made between the late pope, the King of Spain, and the French king, for the joining of their forces together for the suppression of religion.”--Forbes: _Full View of the Public Transactions in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth_, i. p. 196 (fol. Lond. 1740).

[68] Vauvilliers, i. p. 89.

[69] During the period embraced in this volume there were only eight Parliaments, those of Paris, Toulouse, Grenoble, Bordeaux, Dijon, Rouen, Aix, Rennes.

[70] _La vraie Hist. de la Proc. contre Du Bourg.: Mém. de Condé_, i. 220.

[71] _Mem. de Vieilleville_, p. 705 (Panthéon Litt.)

[72] The date is uncertain; some give the 10th March, but the discussion did not begin until the 26th April. Felice says the 10th August, which must be a misprint.

[73] Throckmorton to Queen, 19th June, 1559, gives an account of this remarkable sitting, in which the Cardinal of Lorraine displayed his usual violence of language. Forbes: _Full View_, i. p. 126.

[74] Abbé Caveyrac says: “It was his fixed intention to destroy the Protestants.”--_Apologie de Louis XIV._ p. 33.

[75] Groen van Prinsterer: _Archives_, Ser. I. 1841, vol. i. p. 34. The plot was first made known in the Apology published by the Prince of Orange. Alva said that Henry had made peace, “para que el quedasse la mano libera para remediar lo.”--Gachard, ii. p. 181; Raynald: _Ann. Eccles._

[76] Du Puis, a Jacobite priest, asserted “qu’à leur prêche les femmes s’abandonnaient,” etc. See Flocquet: _Hist. parl. de Normandie_, ii. p. 365.

[77] This organization was to a great extent the work of a gentleman of Maine, by name La Ferrière, who had removed to Paris to escape religious surveillance (1555).

[78] Calvin: _Serm. sur Timothée_, p. 65 (4to 1563).

[79] Alva to Philip: _Journ. des Savants_, 1857, p. 171.

[80] Art de vérifier les dates. Other authorities give June 21 and 24.

[81] Throckmorton to Council, 1st July, 1559; Forbes, i. 151; _Lettere dei Principi_ (14th July, 1559), iii. 196. Montgomery escaped to England, where he embraced the Reformed doctrines.

[82] Some authorities state that, though Henry lingered eleven days, he never recovered either speech or reason. In the _Chanson de Montgommery_ (1574) we read that he “prononça _à voix haute_, Que n’avais nullement vers lui commis la faute.”

[83] Mezeray, ii. 1137. Claude Haton charges the Protestants with trying to kill Henry in 1558, considering him “le tyran persécuteur de l’église de Jésus Christ.”

[84] Gail: _Tableaux chronologiques_, p. 96 (8vo. Paris, 1819); also Brantome.

[85] This discipline was in reality the work of Coligny.

[86] Claude Haton.

[87] Aubespine: _Doc. Hist. François II._, tom. ii. p. 428.

[88] Born 20th January, 1544, N.S. The medals say he was crowned on the 17th, Mezeray the 19th, and De Thou the 20th Sept., 1559. Such are the discrepancies continually to be met with even in trivial matters.

[89] Card. Santa Croce writes: “La Regina di Scotia un giorno gli disse che non sarebbe mai altro che figlia di un mercante.”

[90] Le Plat, v. p. 517.

[91] “Pulchro aspectu, procera statura, facie oblonga [the true Lorraine face], fronte ampla et eminente.” _Gallia purpurata._ Beza said: “Had I the cardinal’s eloquence, I should hope to convert half France.”

[92] Auberi: _Hist. Card. Richelieu_, i. liv. ii. p. 87 (ed. 1666).

[93] “Me participem fecit, ut tentationum ct passionum quibus per tot annos quotidie moriebatur, omni hora de vita periclitabatur ... tam _parum_ timidus quam _nimium_ esse putabatur.” Bayle, _sub voce_.

[94] “Licenziosissimo per natura ... ingordizia inestimabile ... gran duplicità.” _Relazioni d. Amb. Ven._ (ed. Alberi), p. 441.

[95] 9th April, 1561. MS. in Rouen Library; Leber, bundle B, No. 5720. On the other side, see the “Supplication,” etc., reprinted in Bouillé: _Hist. Guise_, p. 77.

[96] Micheli speaks of the “odio universale conceputo contro di lui per i molti effetti d’offesa che mostrò verso ognuno mentre nel governo ebbe l’autorità.”

[97] In the museum of Orleans there is a striking portrait of the cardinal and of his nephew, Henry, the hero of the Massacre of St. Bartholomew.

[98] He was born in 1518, and in 1548 married the heiress of Navarre (born 1528), whose dowry consisted of the principality of Béarn and the counties of Armagnac, Albret, Bigorre, Foix, and Comminges. Upper Navarre had been seized by Spain.

[99] Marc Duval’s engraving of the three brothers is well known, and has often been copied. In the Lenoir Collection (now belonging to the Duke of Sutherland) there is a painting of the three brothers; and, if I am correctly informed, there are other portraits at Knowle Park.

[100] Brantome quotes an Italian saying: “Dio me guarda del bel gigneto del Principe (di Condé) e dell’ animo e _stecco_ dell’ Amiraglio.” There was another saying: “Défiez-vous du _cure-dents_ de l’Amiral, du _non_ du Connétable, et du _oui_ de Catherine.”

[101] Mr. Crowe, who seems to have taken his history of this period from Davila, calls Coligny “a man of bold and imposing character,” and says that he and Andelot were the inspiring causes of the religious wars. So far as the admiral is concerned, this is quite contrary to the fact.

[102] _Rer. Scot. Hist._ lib. xvi. p. 567 (ed. 1668).

[103] Lippomano in Baschet, p. 494; Throckmorton to Queen, 13th July, 1560, in Forbes, i. p. 159.

[104] Throckmorton says that the cardinal took pattern from the proclamations and injunctions of Pole and Bonner. Forbes, i. p. 161 and 233.

[105] Regnier de la Planche, p. 227.

[106] December 12th, 1559. This same Stuart claimed Queen Mary’s protection as a blood-relation. He made the constable prisoner at Dreux, mortally wounded him at St. Denis, and being taken at Jarnac, fighting on the Huguenot side, was murdered by permission, if not by order, of Henry of Anjou. Claude Haton has a story that he was hanged at Paris in July, 1569. He was in the Amboise plot, and escaped by flight.

[107] Authors differ as to the day of his death; the dates given are 20th November; 20th, 21st, 22d, and 23d December. “Duodecimo kal. Januarii,” says Belcarius, p. 921.

[108] Mezeray, _Abrégé Chron._ He appears to be copying Regnier de la Planche.

[109] _Hist. de l’Hérésie_, p. 865.

[110] _Hist. des Perséc. de l’Église de Paris_, p. lxiv.

[111] _Hist. État de France sous François II._ (8vo. 1576). This work is generally ascribed to La Planche, but if so, he would hardly sneer at himself (p. 404) as “plus politique que religieux.” It was probably written by Jean de Serres, author of the _Commentarii de Statu Religionis_.

[112] “Certains garnements n’avaient plutôt crié: Au luthérien, au christandin--qu’ils ne fussent non seulement quittes de leurs dettes.” Regnier de la Planche.

[113] Forbes, i. p. 262.

[114] Ibid., p. 292.

[115] The _Défense contre les Tyrans_ of Hubert Languet treats of the limits of obedience to kings, of the causes which justify arming, and when foreign aid may be sought. Davila confesses that the Protestants were forced to measures of self-defense, “per liberarsi della durezza della condizione presente.”

[116] Barthold: _Deutschland und die Huguenotten_, i. p. 262.

[117] The “mute chief” was certainly Condé. Belcaire calls him “ducem ἀνώνυμον.”

[118] “At si viribus superiores fuissent, haud dubium quin utrumque [of the Guises] immaniter trucidaverint, quibus Franciscum Stuardumque reginam addidissent, aut saltem hanc ad Elizabetham Angliæ reginam, æmulam et _ejus conjurationis consciam_, (?) misissent.” Belcarius: _Rer. Gall. Comment._ There is not the slightest ground for supposing Elizabeth knew any thing of the Amboise plot.

[119] “The French king removeth hence toward Amboise the 5th February.” Killigrew to Queen, 28th Jan. 1560; Forbes, i. pp. 315, 320. “The 23d, the French king arrived, which was two days sooner than he was looked for.” Forbes, i. p. 334.

[120] Of this Des Avenelles there are very contradictory accounts. He was rewarded with a judicial appointment in Lorraine, and De Thou adds that he remained a Protestant until death.

[121] Throckmorton to Cecil, 7th March; Forbes, i. 353.

[122] “Il s’en trouvait en la rivière tantôt 6, 8, 10, 12, 15 attachés à desperches.... Les rues d’Amboise étaient coulantes de sang, et tapissées de corps morts, si qu’on ne pouvait durer par la ville pour la puanteur et infection.” Regnier de la Planche, p. 257; Montfauçon: _Monuments de la Monarchie Fr._ v. p. 81; Forbes, i. 378.

[123] This poisoned ball, says Brantome, was of mixed metal, so hard that no armor could resist it.

[124] See a plate in _De Leone Belg._, representing the execution of Villemangis.

[125] Throckmorton, writing to the Lords of the Council on the 21st March, speaks of the general pardon offered the insurgents if they should disperse quietly, and goes on to say: “Although things be thus calmed, yet the Duke of Guise and the Cardinal of Lorraine live still in marvelous great fear, and know not whom they may well trust.” Forbes, i.

[126]

Las nous estions du temps que la fureur françoise Commença nos malheurs au tumulte d’Amboise, Nous en avons l’horreur encor peinte en nos cœurs, Malheureuse aux vaincus, dommageable aux vainqueurs.

Jean Vauquelin de la Fresnaye: _Les Foresteries_.

[127] Taillandier: _Nouv. Recherches sur de l’Hopital_, p. 273 (Paris, 1861). “Les _Huguenots de religion_, pour ne pouvoir supporter plus la rigueur et cruauté exercées à l’encontre d’eux; et les _Huguenots d’état_, pour ne plus comporter l’usurpation faite par lesdits de Guise.” _Commentaires_, p. 63. This is what Regnier de la Planche told the queen-mother.

[128] There has been much dispute about the origin of this word, but it probably came from Geneva, where the citizens had long been divided into two politico-religious parties, known as the _Mamelukes_ and _Huguenots_. Merle d’Aubigné: _Reformation in Time of Calvin_, vol. i. p. 118.

[129] Claude repeats all the popular scandals against the Protestants, but he speaks _generally_, refraining from charging with such infamies those of his own town (Provins), whom he knew from personal observation.

[130] See note at end of chapter.

[131] “Pauperculus librarius.” De Thou.

[132] Regnier de la Planche: _De l’Estat de France_, pp. 312, 313 (Coll. du Panthéon).

[133] Wright’s _Elizabeth_, i. p. 33.

[134] _Aubespine Correspondence_, pp. 431, 433, 434, 442, 501.

[135] The instructions were signed by the King and Catherine, Guise, Montmorency, the Cardinal of Lorraine, L’Hopital, and Charles of Bourbon. See Le Plat, v. p. 561.

[136] _Aubespine: Corresp._ 12th April, 1560, pp. 342, 361.

[137] _Ibid._ 1st October, 1560.

[138] _Ibid._ p. 655.

[139] Aubespine: _Corresp._ 14th October, 1560.

[140] Regnier de la Planche, p. 290.

[141] “Quand un homme ayant mauvaise opinion faisait l’amende honorable, et prononçait les mots d’icelle, il ne changeait pour cela son cœur, _l’opinion se muant par oraisons à Dieu_, parole, et raison persuadée.” _Commentaires_, p. 73 verso.

[142] _Commentaires_, p. 101 verso. Regnier assigns the duke’s retort to his brother the Cardinal. See also Mignet, _Journal des Savants_, 1859, p. 25; Bouillé: _Hist. Guise_, ii. p. 86.

[143] “Sans être perpétuellement damné.” Mayer, _États gén._ x. 296.

[144] Baschet, p. 506.

[145] Mayer: _Coll. États gén._ x. p. 310.

[146] Letter of Francis II. to Anthony, April 15: _Colbert_, _MSS._ vol. xxviii.

[147] Castelnau in his _Mémoires_ says, that the queen-mother assured them they might come “without fear,” and would be as safe in Orleans as in their own houses. Both stories may be true, and this is not the only time when her public and private opinions were at variance.

[148] Voltaire: _Essai sur les Guerres civiles_.

[149] _Comment. de l’Estat_, p. 112. Regnier adds: “Dont il (the cardinal) fut tellement contristé qu’il n’eut recours qu’ á ses larmes.”

[150] Hardwicke: _State Papers_, i. p. 129; Letter to the Queen, 17th of November, 1560.

[151] The duke and the cardinal openly boasted that, at two blows, they would cut off the heads of heresy and rebellion. Davila, liv. ii.

[152] “Seria mas acertado castigar poco á poco los culpados que prender tantos de un golpe.” _Simancas Archives_: Journ. des Savants, 1839, p. 39.

[153] I give this incident as I find it, but hold it to be a fiction. It is inconsistent with the king’s character and the state of his health at the time.

[154] Throckmorton to Chamberlayne, 21st November, 1560; Wright’s _Elizabeth_, i. p. 57.

[155] _Vie de Coligny_, p. 221.

[156] Calvin to Sturm, 16th Dec. 1560. Bonnet: _Lettres de Calvin_.

[157] “Non minus fœdo quam inexpectato mortis genere sustulit. Mortuo nullus, ut regi, honos habitus.... Lutherano more sepultus Lutheranorum hostis.” Beza to Bullinger, 22d Jan. 1561; Baum’s _Theodor Beza_, ii. p. 18, _Suppl._

[158] Paris: _Cabinet historique_, ii. p. 57.

[159] The following were the twelve leading provinces: Normandy, governed by the Dauphin; Brittany, by the Duke of Etampes; Gascony, by the King of Navarre; Languedoc and the Isle of France, by Constable Montmorency; Provence, by the Count of Tende; Dauphiny and Champagne, by Guise; Lyonnais and the Bourbonnais, by Marshal St. André; Burgundy, by the Duke of Nevers; and Picardy, by Coligny.

[160] _Mém. de Marguérite de Valois_, p. 18.

[161] There were rewards for killing these beasts: 5 sols for a wolf, 10 sols for a she-wolf. MS. penes auct.

[162] Du Tillet: _Recueil des Roys_, ii p. 192; _Chronique_ (4to. 1618).

[163] MS. penes auct.

[164]

S’il lui reste encor de sa pauvre cueillette, Quelque petit amas que sa femme discrette Aura par un long temps, pour l’aider en saison, Reservé chichement au coin de sa maison, Le soldat lui survient, pire que n’est l’orage.

_Le Contr’ Empire des Sciences._ Lyon, 1599.

[165] “Un douzième de la prisaie du produit.” _Monteil MSS._ i. 250.

[166] MS. penes auct.

[167] From a list of delicacies supplied in December, 1578, to the wife of Charles de Vienne, Governor of Burgundy, when in childbed, we learn that a Mayence ham cost 50 sols, Italian sausages 15 sols a lb., olives 12 sols, an ounce of musk 18 crowns of the sun, fine white sugar 23 sols a lb., inferior sort 22 sols, dried currants 12 sols, and preserved pears 3 sols. At Mende, in 1568, a quintal of hay at 20 sols, and of straw at 8 sols, were reckoned very dear; the horse-soldier’s pay being arranged on the supposition that he could get those quantities of hay and straw for 8 and 4 sols, and a setier of oats for 25. (L’Abbé Bosse: _Le Gevaudan pendant la dernière Guerre civile_. Mende, 1864.) At Toulouse a soldier’s food cost 4 sols a day, probably equivalent to rather more than 20 sols or a franc now. About this time the salary of a president in the Toulouse Parliament was 100 sols a day, and of his huissier or beadle 30 sols.

[168] “Sans ce grain (le sarrasin) qui nous est venu depuis 60 ans, les pauvres gens auraient beaucoup á souffrir.” _Contes d’Eutrapel._

[169] “Celui-là même que nous avons en délices ès jours maigres.” Bélon: _Observations_, etc. 1563.

[170] Champier wonders how people could eat such an _insect_.

[171] Without going to the Pyrenees, or even to Burgundy, the English traveler may still see relics of the old time in the high cap of the Normande _bonne_ and in the dress of the fishing-classes in the Pas de Calais, where the girl who ventures to wear a bonnet is looked upon as lost.

[172] The Ordonnance of Orleans (1560) forbids the “manans et habitans de nos villages toutes sortes de dorures sur plomb, fer, ou bois.”

[173] St. Allais: _Ancienne France_, i. 558, gives extracts from the edicts of 1561.

[174]

Qui vit jamais porter bas des chausses de soye De 8 ou 10 escus, au lieu d’avoir du pain Pour les pauvres.... ... On eust veu femme Porter dessus son ventre un _miroir_ en l’église.

Artus Desiré: _Le Dèsordre de France_. Paris, 1577.

[175] De Thou describes his mother “in equo post tergum sessoris domestici tapeti et stapedæ insidens.”

[176] Corrozet: _Antiquités de Paris_, p. 210 (ed. 1577).

[177] Calculating the actual value of the livre tournois at francs 4·50, according to the quantity of corn it represented, on the average of frs. 31·71 the setier.

[178] In 1540 the _marc d’or_ (= 8 onces, or 244·75 grammes) was worth £165 7_s._ 6_d._ of our money; in 1561 it had risen to £185, and in 1573 to £200.

[179] The _sol par livre_ seems to have been the constitutional tax, which Francis raised to two sols. The _Traicté des Aydes_, by L. du Crot, may be consulted with advantage.

[180] Francis I. took away the silver rails that had been set by Louis XI. round the tomb of St. Martin of Tours.

[181] Du Crot: _Traicté des Aydes_, ad fin.

[182] The salt tax, oppressive enough by itself, was made more so by the way in which it was levied. It sometimes reached 25 sols the pound, and purchasers were forced to buy a certain quantity, and renew their store every three months, whether it was consumed or not. Bernard Palissy gives a curious account of the working of this tax.

[183] A relic of this custom still exists in the practice of closing Temple Bar on the accession of a new sovereign.

[184] “Sono stati forzati ad abbandonnar il paesi.” _Relazione_, iii. (Ser. I.) p. 423. Du Crot confirms this: _Traicté des Aydes_, p. 114.

[185] La Noue sets it down at twenty million francs.

[186] _Mém de Condé_, tom. vi. p. 603 (Collect. Michaud).

[187] “Fas esse interficere ... nisi obedire evangelio Calviniano.” _De justa Reipubl. Christi in Regis Auctorit._ 386 recto. See Labitte: _Démoc. de la Ligue_, p. li.

[188] Arcère: _Hist. Rochelle_ (4to. 1756), i. p. 333.

[189] “Il prete francese [non] molto libidinoso e inclinato solo al vizio della crapula (gluttony).” The sense requires the addition of the negative _non_.

[190] _Révue rétrospective_, i. 1833.

[191] _Démonomanie_, p. 152. This man, according to Mezeray, gave Charles the names of 1200 of his associates. In Bodin and L’Estoile the numbers are set down at 30,000 and 3000; Boguet says “trois cents mil.”

[192] The following title of a libelous pamphlet throws a curious light upon the subject in the text: _Les Sorcelleries de Henri de Valois, et les Oblations qu’il faisoit au Diable dans le Bois de Vincennes, avec la Figure des Démons d’Argent doré auxquels il faisoit Offrande, et lesquels se voyent encore en ceste Ville_. Paris, 1589.

[193]

Le lion jeune le vieux surmontera; En champ bellique par singulier duel, Dans cage d’or les yeux lui crèvera, Deux plaies une, puis mourir, mort cruelle.

[194] Isambert: _Anciennes Lois Franç_, xiv. p. 71; Ordonnance of Orleans, January, 1560.

[195] Gregorius: _Tertia Syntag. Juris Univ. Pars_, lib. 74, c. 21. The evidence would hardly satisfy an English jury.

[196] Gregorius: _Tertia Syntag. Juris Univ. Pars_, lib. 74, c. 21.

[197] Coryat, _Crudities_, p. 8.

[198] Joannes Millæus: _Praxis Criminis persequendi_ (fol. Paris, 1541), contains well-executed plates representing various kinds of torture.

[199] Claude Haton, ii. 704.

[200] Giovanni Soranzo (1558) says 400,000 or more.

[201] Corrozet (dd. 1568) says: “... Cette ville est de unze portes.... Lequel enclos sept lieues lors contient.” See also Tommaseo, p. 43; Coryat’s _Crudities_, p. 17.

[202] Brun and Hogenburg: _Théâtre des principales Villes_.

[203] _Mém. de Vieilleville_ (Panthéon Litt.), 1836, p. 510.

[204]

Miror et innumeras forma præstante puellas, Tam lascivo habitu cultas, adeoque facetas Ut Priamum aut veterem succendere Nestora possint.

_La Fleur des Antiquitez_, Paris, 1533.

[205] Marino Giustiniano in Tommaseo.

[206] _C’est la déduction du sumptueux ordre de Rouen, etc._ Small 4to. Rouen, 1551.

[207] Favin: _Hist. de Navarre_, an. 1565; Godefroy: _Cérémonial de France_, i. p. 909; Aubigné: _Hist._ liv. iv. ch. 5; Popelinière, i. liv. 10; Abel Jouan: _Voyage de Charles IX._

[208]

Et ainsi Dijon a le bruit D’être l’une, sans point de tache, Des plus belles villes qu’on sache.

_Blason et Louenge de la noble Ville de Dyjon._

[209] _Régistres du Conseil de Toulon_, B, No. 10, fol. 247.

[210] _A General Hist. of France_, by John de Serres (Serranus). Fol. Lond. 1624, p. 692.

[211] Beza had a favorable opinion of the boy-king, but not of the mother: “De rege optimam spem esse, et hoc tibi, ut certissimum, confirmo. Sed puer est et matrem habet.” Beza to Haller, 24th January, 1561, in Baum’s _Beza_, ii. p. 25, App.

[212] Baschet, p. 510.

[213] Aubespine _Négotiations_, p. 781. The translation of this unctuous letter is from Miss Freer’s _Elizabeth of Valois_, i. p. 230.

[214] Walsingham describes her as “naturally timid;” Travannes (_Mém._ ii. 256): “ambitieuse et craintive;” Suriano: “timida e irresoluta;” and again, “per paura di se stessa;” and Languet (Epist. i. 41): “Regina, ut est mulier, territa.”

[215] Baschet, p. 518.

[216] The chief members of this council were Anthony of Navarre; the Cardinals of Bourbon, Lorraine, Tournon, Guise, and Chatillon; the Prince of Roche-sur-Yon; the Dukes of Guise and Aumale, the Chancellor, Marshals St. André and Brissac, with the Bishops of Orleans, Valence, and Amiens. Condé could not act, being in prison.

[217] The lawyers and parliaments were always jealous of the States-General. Pasquier, who was a “parliamentarian,” calls the appeal to the Three Estates a “vieille folie courant en l’esprit français.”

[218] F. Bourquelot: _Hist. de Provins_, ii. p. 132. An ordonnance of 1565 throws a curious light on the morals of the clergy:--“Ad instantiam promotoris inhibitum fuit omnibus et singulis hujus ecclesiæ [St. Quiriace at Provins], canonicis, capellariis, vicariis, et aliis habituatis (?) ne, quovis quæsito colore, audeant mulieres scandalosas de lapsu et incontinentia carnis, quovis modo suspectas, in eorum domos claustrales introducere vel intromittere, et si quas habeant, illico et incontinenti ejiciant et expellant, sub pœna excommunicationis et amendæ summæ decem librarum et amplius.”

[219] On the calculation that a livre would purchase as much in 1560 as twelve francs would now, the debt was equivalent to twenty millions sterling.

[220] MSS. _L’Ordre et Séance, etc._

[221] “Ipsius audaciam nobilitas et plebs magno cum fremitu repulissent.” Beza to Bullinger; Baum’s _Beza_, ii. p. 20, App.

[222] “Habere quædam in mandatis quæ contra ipsum card. promere jubebantur.” Thuanus, v. lib. 27, p. 14 (Paris, 1609).

[223] The assembly acted up to this principle by ordering (7th January) the release of all prisoners confined on account of religion; but it was done secretly “for fear of scandal.”

[224] The language of their cahiers was more moderate than Quentin’s speech; but in the text they have, for obvious reasons, been treated as one document.

[225] “Ut auferatur malum de medio nostri.”

[226] Lobineau, _Hist. Bretagne_, ii. 280; Bertrand d’Argentré to the Duke of Estampes.

[227] Chantonnay to Catherine, 22d April, 1561; _Mém de Condé_, ii. p. 6.

[228] It is hinted in a contemporary letter, that many feared to speak their minds lest they should be treated like Du Bourg. Languet disapproves of the Edict of July, and says of Catherine: “Non mihi videtur caute egisse.” Lib. ii. Ep. liv. p. 137.

[229] _Mém. de Castelnau_; see also Mignet, _Journ. des Savants_, 1847, pp. 651–659. In a letter (dated 1565) Castelnau says of Elizabeth: “Je ne la vis jamais plus belle ni plus jolie, et vous promets qu’il y a telle fille de quinze ans, qui pense être belle, qui n’en approche point. Au reste, elle a de grandes et rares vertus, et _un grand royaume_” (no doubt in his eyes her greatest virtue).

[230] “Elle leur donne à entendre qu’elle veut faire instruire le roi son fils en leur religion.” _Discours Merveilleux_, p. xxi. On this matter we may suppose the writer of that scurrilous pamphlet to be well informed, though we may doubt Catherine’s sincerity. See also Agrippa d’Aubigné (liv. iv. ch. 3) on the “langage de Canaan” the queen employed in her conversations with the Protestant pastors. Sec also _Laboureur_ (i. p. 283), where she is described as “infected with this venom.”

[231] Chantonnay advised that the heretics should be punished, Catherine replied: “Il n’était pas possible, vu le grand nombre ... sans ruiner toute chose et exciter une guerre civile.” Lett. of 8th January, 1561; _Mém. de Condé_, ii. p. 601.

[232] _Mém. de Condé_, ii. p. 11.

[233] “Vestido como putas.” Chantonnay to Philip II., 28th October, 1561; Simancas Archives: _Journal des Savans_, 1859, p. 159.

[234] In 1561, Micheli, the Venetian embassador, says that three-fourths of the kingdom are filled with heresy. They met and preached without any regard to the royal prohibition; and he notes it as very remarkable, that “priests, monks, and nuns, and even bishops, and many of the most distinguished prelates, had caught the infection.... Excepting the common herd, all have fallen away.”

[235] The queen-mother was specially excepted.

[236] There were actually six confederates, the three others being Cardinal Tournon, Marshal Brissac, and M. de Montpensier. Chantonnay to Philip II., 9th April, 1561; Bouillé, ii. 132.

[237] “Tous articles ... soient décidés et résolus par la seule parole de Dieu.” Bibl. Impér. 8927, États de Pontoise.

[238] “Audio Reginam curasse scribi formam emendationis ecclesiarum.” Languet (11th December, 1561), _Epist._ ii. 184. Also Chantonnay (22d January, 1561): “Aussi verrez-vous un discours que l’on sème faussement avoir été envoyé par la Reine au Pape.” He hints that it was written by Montluc, Bishop of Valence, “pour (sous prétexte de piété) semer la fausse doctrine.” _Mém. de Condé_, ii. 20.

[239] Alberi: _Vita di Caterina de’ Medici_ (Firenze, 1838), p. 291. See also letter in Bayle’s _Dictionary_, art. _Marot_, dated 26th August, 1559.

[240] Calvin writes to P. Martyr: “Audio quidem Regis matrem ita esse tui audiendi cupidam.” 17th August, 1561. Baum’s _Theodor Beza_, ii. p. 40, App. Peter Martyr, who had a great reputation for eloquence, waited upon Catherine as soon as he reached Paris. After a long and friendly interview she dismissed him saying: “Quod deinceps sæpius mecum sed secreto colloqui vellet.” P. Martyr Senatui Turicensi, 12th September, 1561. _Ibid._ p. 63.

[241] Bèze à M. d’Espeville, 25th August, 1561; Baum’s _Theodor Beza_, ii. p. 45, Append. There is a Latin copy of this letter which differs in several respects from the French.

[242] Beza tells us that his escort numbered a hundred horsemen, and that the Duke of Guise received him “vultu quam maximè potuit ad humanitatem composito.” Beza Calvino, 12th September, 1561, Baum. ii. p. 60, App.

[243] Chantonnay’s dispatch confirms this. He says that the king and the chancellor “ne bougeraient de là, que l’on n’eut trouvé ordre pour apaiser les tumultes de ce royaume.” _Mém. de Condé_, ii. 16.

[244] Some historians reckon twelve ministers and a score of lay delegates; but the difference is unimportant. Besides Beza and Peter Martyr there were present Viret, Marlorat and Jean Malo, ex-priests, Reimond, and others.

[245] Beza afterward found it necessary to explain himself more fully upon this point in a letter to the queen-mother: “Il y a grande différence de dire que Jésus-Christ est présent en la Sainte Cène, en tant qu’il nous y donne veritablement son corps et son sang; et de dire que son corps et son sang sont conjoints avec le pain et le vin. J’ai confessé le premier, j’ai nié le dernier.”

[246] “Adeo exasperati atque exacerbati sunt, ut proruperint: Blasphemavit, blasphemavit Deum!” Struckius ad Hubertum, 18th September, 1561; Baum ii. p. 66, App. Catherine, writing to the Bishop of Rennes, embassador to the emperor, complains of Beza’s speech: “Etant enfin tombé sur le fait de la Cène il s’oublia en une comparaison si absurde et tant offensive des oreilles de l’assistance, que peu s’en fallut que je ne lui imposasse silence.” (14th September, 1561.)

[247] “Ut saltem æquiores nobis fiant.” Beza Calvino, 27th September, 1561.

[248] His orthodoxy was suspected. “Homo quidem doctus, sed nullius religionis, ut verè dicam ἄθεος.” Belcarius: _Rer. Gall. Comment._ p. 937. “Il cancelliere che è scoperto nemico della religione cattolica.” Tommaseo, i. 530.

[249] De Lisle to the king, 6th November, 1561. _Mém pour le Concile de Trente_ (4to ed.), p. 110.

[250] “Una gran parte del popolo crede a costoro talmente che col mezzo loro si potranno ridurre alla via buona, come che altrimente siano per diventare Anabatisti o peggio.” Santa Croce to Cardinal Borromeo.

[251] _Vie de Coligny_, p. 242; La Noue, p. 350 (Engl. transl.). Pasquier writes of 8000 and 9000 assembling in October, and of an “incredible concourse.” _Lettres_, p. 233. Languet speaks of 12,000 to 13,000 present at a sermon in Orleans (_Arcana Secreta_, Ep. lv.); in Ep. lxii. he describes a meeting at which he was present: “non ducenti aut trecenti, sed duo, tria, et interdum novem aut decem millia ... hodie vero existimo non pauciores 15,000 interfuisse.” p. 155.

[252] After the massacre of Vassy (February, 1562), Condé offered the queen-mother the support of 2150 Reformed churches. Montfauçon, _Monumens de la Monarchie_, fol. 1733, v. p. 109. In 1598, the date of the Edict of Nantes, it was calculated that there were in France 694 public chapels and 257 private, over which 2800 ministers and 400 curates presided. There were 274,000 families, making about 1,250,000 souls, and of those families 2468 were noble. In 1561 there may have been 250,000 more.

[253] “Maxima nobilium parte ad eos accedente adeo ut cœtus Calvinistarum magna frequentia omnibus prope et nobilissimis quidem regni urbibus habebantur palam.” Eytzinger: _Leo Belg._ p. 25 (anno 1560).

[254] Beza Calvino, 23d October, 1561; in Baum: _Leben Bezas_, p. 210.

[255] Castelnau, p. 68.

[256] Baum (30th October, 1561), p. 117. Languet writes (26th October, 1561). “Dummodo non plures quam 200 conveniant, et sine armis.” _Arc. Secr._ ii. p. 153.

[257] “Admodum severe nunc exequuntur edictum de usu armorum interdicto.” Languet (26th October, 1561): _Arc. Secr._ ii. p. 153. The Huguenots were allowed to retain their arms: “Sotto pretesto che non avrebbe a seguir qualche seditione ... gli Ugonotti la portassero per sicurtà sua.” Barbaro: _Relazione_, 1564.

[258] “Calvinistis infestissimo doctore.” Sanctesius: _Resp. ad Apolog. Bezæ_ (ap. Lannoium, _Hist. Gym. Navarræ_, p. 770).

[259] _Sermon cath. sur les Dimanches_, ii. p. 25. This sermon, though actually of a later date, is a fair specimen of the style of the day.

[260] Sanctesius: _Ad Edicta vet. princ. de Licentia Sect._ 1561.

[261] _Complainte apologétique au Roi_, p. 288.

[262] Thierry: _Recueil des Monumens inéd. de l’Hist. du Tiers État_, ii. p. 683 (4to. Paris).

[263] Thierry: _Tiers État_, ii. p. 712.

[264] “Nostros potius quam adversarios metuo.” (4th Nov. 1561). Baum’s _Beza_.

[265] “Me non minus severe in rabiosos istos impetus vindicaturum.” _Ibid._ ii. _Anhang_, 129.

[266] This was Pierre Craon, called Nez d’Argent, because he had lost his nose in a drunken brawl, and it was replaced by one of silver. He was at one time Professor of Humanity at Rheims, but resigned his chair on turning Protestant, and removed to Paris. The children used to sing a song about him. He was “fort renommé en science,” and worked quite a revolution in pronunciation and orthography, sounding _c_ like _ch_, and substituting _k_ for _c_ in calendrier, Catherine, etc. He also introduced parentheses, commas, accents, diphthongs, and apostrophes. One account says he was hanged in December, 1561. See Jean Lefèvre: _Hist. des Troubles_, i. p. 140.

[267] _Arrêt du Parlement_; _Archives curieuses_, tom. iv.; _Histoire véritable_ (a Huguenot account): _ibid._ p. 49–75.

[268] “Un altro simile spettacolo.” Lett. to Card. Borromeo.

[269] Forbes, ii. pp. 337–338.

[270] Davila: _Hist. Guerres civiles de France_, I. p. 78 (4to. Paris, 1657).

[271] Psalm xci. (_Vulgate_, xc.): “Non timebis ab incursu et dæmonio meridiano.”

[272] Beza Calvino, 6th January, 1562. Baum. App. The _Posidonius_ of the text is evidently the admiral.

[273] See Varillas, i. p. 121; Gacon: _Cour de Cath. d. Méd._

[274] “A rigidioribus pontificiis accusatur Lutheranismi ... jam pulchre simulet ... videatur non multum a nostris dissentire.” Languet, _Epist._ 44, lib. 2. p. 112; 45, p. 116; 63, p. 159 (26th November, 1561).

[275] The original report of the Saverne Conference is given in the _Bulletin de l’Hist. Prot. Français_, iv. p. 184.

[276] It is hardly necessary to caution the reader against accepting these numbers literally.

[277] A print in Montfauçon, which has been often copied, represents the duke himself stabbing a woman.

[278] There are many contemporary and contradictory accounts of the Vassy massacre. _Description du Saccagement exercé cruellement en la Ville de Vassy_. Caen, 1562; _Discours au Vrai de ce qui est dernièrement advenu à Vassi_. Paris, 1562. This account says that the duke heard mass at Dampmartin, and then went on to Vassy, where he alighted at the convent. The _Discours entier de la Persecution ... en la Ville de Vassy, le 1 mars 1562_, says that the duke was disturbed at mass by the singing of the Huguenots [who were outside the walls], and that on his sending to desire them to “wait until mass was over, when they might sing till they burst,” they sang all the louder. See also Alberi: _Vita di Caterina de Medici_, p. 92, note. Dr. Lingard asserts that Brantome was present at the massacre, but the abbé says plainly, “Je n’y étais pas.” The account in the text is substantially Davila’s; the duke’s own statement is in Castelnau.

[279] The duke afterward attempted to justify himself on the ground that the Protestants had begun the attack; but it is not probable that a body of unarmed persons, including many women and children, would have provoked an armed body of men commanded by one of the first soldiers in France. If what Davila says is true, the duke did not regret this opportunity of showing how much he detested the January edict (liv. iii.).

[280] Ste Croix, 15th March, 1562; Cimber, vi. 51.

[281] “Magnifico apparatu,” says Eytzinger; “with 2000 gentlemen and 3000 horses,” says Brulart. The date is uncertain, the authorities giving 15th, 16th, and 20th March.

[282] Monceaux was an undefended country-house, 1½ leag. S.W. of St. Denis, and ¾ leag. E. of Neuilly.

[283] Letter of 12th April, 1562; _Mém. de Condé_, ii. 53.

[284] La Noue: _Politicke Discourses_, Lond. 1587. This translation preserves much of the spirit of the original French.

[285] Luillier to Lymoges, 20th April, 1562. Paris: _Cabinet Historique_, ii. p. 291.

[286] In spite of the disarming edicts, the arms had not been given up, the Huguenots retaining theirs in some districts. Accordingly, on 28th April, 1562, the king wrote to De la Mothe Gondrin, ordering the arms to be restored to the Catholics, “pour leur sûreté et conservation, _leur défendant néanmoins très-expressement_, de par moy, _de n’en mal user_, et de n’entreprendre aucune chose de mauvais, _sous peine d’être punis et châtiés exemplairement_.” Ordinances and letters of Charles IX. in Archives of Lyons.

[287] This statement, if correct, must be the number on paper merely, and even then it would be one in four of the whole population of Paris.

[288] From the _Enqueste sur la Profession religieuse de noble homme Jehan de Montruillon_, 1570, it would appear, that the certificate required to be signed by the parish priest and his curate, the church-wardens and sexton, the district judges and others. It states that the bearer attends mass and confession, that he is married, and that his children were christened in the parish church.

[289] “Ut occidendorum penuria interficiendi finem fecerit.” Eytzinger: _Leo Belg._ p. 31.

[290] It may be objected that, as some of the cases cited in the text occurred after Condé’s revolt, they can not be used to justify it. They are introduced to show the state of public feeling at the time.

[291] See also letter to church of Blois, 18th September, 1557.

[292] “Nobis bellum non esse bonæ voluntatis, ut pax, sed necessitatis ... necessitas quæ nos premit nullam patitur legem contra naturam.”

[293] The reformer Brentius was at one time a decided advocate of the principle of non-resistance; but as he grew older, and witnessed the terrible persecutions of the emperor, he altered his mind, and contended that the subordinate powers, as being also of God, were called upon to resist the higher powers, if they should turn their swords against the people of God.

[294] “Fuerunt aliqui, qui maluerint, plagas accipere quam stringere gladios, ego non fui in ea sententia.” _Epist._ ii. 149 (12th October, 1562).

[295] Trebutien: _Caen, Précis de son Histoire_; also, _Recherches et Antiquités de Caen_.

[296] Talcy (dép. Loir et Cher) is on the right bank of the Loire, not far from Beaugency. One room in the chateau is still called the “chambre de Médicis.” There is a tradition that the Bartholomew Massacre was planned here. It is now in the possession of a Protestant; but, owing to frequent alteration, little remains of the original building, except the donjon and a tower or two.

[297] This edict is computed to have caused the death of 50,000 persons. Jean de Serres (Engl. transl.), p. 703; _Mém. de Condé_; Brulart’s _Journal_ (13th June, 1562); _Gacon_, i. 58. Castelnau speaks of the “licence débordée de mal faire.”

[298] Medicis MSS.

[299] Claude Haton reckons that 800 or 900 heretics were killed in Paris in June, 1562, and adds: “God knows that many porters and rag-gatherers were made rich, and many Huguenots poor.”

[300] The Pincourt or Paincourt of the plans. It was in the Faubourg St. Jacques, beyond the walls, and on the road to Ménilmontant. The Rue Popincourt forms the chief communication between the Rue Ménilmontant and the Faubourg St. Antoine.

[301] Les Tragiques: _Les Fers_, p. 226 (ed. Jannet, Paris, 1857).

[302] Pasquier: _Lettres_, p. 272; Bayle, _sub voce_ “Lorraine.”

[303] _Revue Retrospective_, v. p. 81.

[304] _Sommaire des Choses accordées entre les Ducs de Guise, de Montmorenci et Marèchal Saint-André._ Capefigue recognizes the authenticity of this atrocious document.

[305] Chaloner writes from Madrid (1st May, 1562): “They devise how the Guisians may be assisted, for ... the prevailment of that side importeth them as the ball of their eyes.” Haines: _State Papers_, p. 382.

[306] Throckmorton writes: “The Pope hath lent 100,000 crowns, and doth monthly pay besides 6000 soldiers.” Forbes: _State Papers_, ii. p. 4.

[307] Forbes: _State Papers_, ii. pp. 16–20, 22–25.

[308] _Ibid._ p. 54; see Latin version of letter, pp. 55–57.

[309] The popular tradition says that Chassebœuf was hanged _after_ the St. Bartholomew, by order of Henry of Guise.

[310] In order to disappoint the enemy, the clergy often appropriated the church treasures, and thus the circulating medium of the kingdom was quadrupled. Brantome declares that “there was now in France more millions of gold than there had previously been livres of silver.”

[311] Paris: _Cab. Hist._ vi. p. 205. Perissin’s vigorous engraving, “Le massacre fait à Tours par la populace, 1562,” represents dead bodies lying naked on the river bank gnawed by dogs and birds; men in boats braining with clubs such as tried to save themselves by swimming, soldiers shooting at them in the water; men tied to trees and disemboweled, etc.

[312] _Vie de Coligny_, p. 269.

[313] For an English account of the siege, see Forbes: _State Papers_, pp. 117–127.

[314] La Poupelière, whom some writers have confounded with the historian, La Popelinière, says: “En tous les rencontres de ceux de la religion, il a fait piller, ne laissant que les murailles et que les terres qui ne se pouvaient emporter.” _Canton d’Athis_, p. 44.

[315] Cf. De Bras de Bourgeville, a contemporary. _Mém. de l’Acad. de Caen_, 1852.

[316] “Par l’oreille, l’épaule, et l’œil Dieu a mis trois rois au cercueil;” meaning Francis II., Navarre, and Henry II.

[317] Jean de Troyes, abbot of Gastines, and Sapin, a councillor of parliament. The life of a third, Odo de Selves, was spared, but he died a few days after of fright.

[318] “Errants et vacables par les champs.” Floquet: _Hist. du Parl. de Norm._ ii. p. 408. The _Registres_ of the Hôtel-de-Ville of Rouen (4th Nov., 1562) contain a conciliatory letter from Catherine worthy of more attention than it has hitherto received.

[319] Castelnau, p. 125; Throckmorton to Queen, 3d January, 1563, in Forbes, _State Papers_, pp. 251, 263, 276.

[320] “The cavalry left their ranks, thinking it no shame to enrich themselves with the spoils of the Papists.” _Vie de Coligny_, p. 277.

[321] Montaigne, liv. i. ch. xlv. (_De la Battaille de Dreux_), highly extols this movement, comparing it with that where Philopœmen defeated Machanidas.

[322] Damville was the constable’s second son.

[323] “The constable, so hated by the Reformed, had met with the same fate, but for the interference of a gentleman named Vesines, who showed them the baseness of the act.” _Vie de Coligny_, p. 277.

[324] “Ita tantæ pugnæ exitum moderatus est Deus, neutra uti pars victa aut victrix dici possit.” Eytzinger, p. 43; Throckmorton’s letter in Forbes, p. 251; and Andelot’s on p. 263.

[325] Paré: _Œuvres_, p. 796 (fol. Lyons, 1641). La Noue estimates the killed alone at 9000; but nothing can be more hap-hazard than the way in which writers of the period speak of numbers. Jean de Serres says the prince lost about 2200 foot and 150 horse. 800 gentlemen alone were killed. Forbes, p. 276. Beza speaks of 150 horse killed and taken; but on the enemy’s side “infinita sunt vulnera et cædes maxima.” Walsingham reckons the admiral’s force after the battle as 5000 horse and 2000 foot, while Guise had 3000 horse and 16,000 foot. Forbes, p. 259. Coligny writes to Elizabeth: “Notre cavalerie est intacte.”

[326] Martin thinks the account of the Bishop of Riez “evidemment arrangé, surtout en ce qui regarde Vassi.” _Hist. France_, ix. p. 152, note.

[327] Forbes, p. 277.

[328] _Ibid._ pp. 339 and 343.

[329] Schardius redivivus (fol. 1673): _Responsio_, iii. p. 113; _Epistola_, iii. 119.

[330] Labitte, p. 15.

[331] Paris: _Cab. Hist._ ii. p. 289; iii. p. 48; _Vie de Coligny_, p. 289; _Recueil des Chants Hist._ Paris, 1842.

[332] Wright’s _Elizabeth_, i. 125.

[333] Letter dated 29th March, 1563.

[334] Correro, the Venetian embassador, writes: “Come cominciorno a rubare, rovinare e ammazzare, usando mille crudeltà, questo fu avvertimento alle povere gente, che da loro istessi cominciorno a dire: Ma che religione è questa? Costoro che fanno professione d’intender meglio l’evangelio di nissuno altra, e dove trovano mai che Cristo comandasse che se pigliasse la robba del prossimo e si ammazzasse il compagno? E con simili considerazioni si frenevano, ne piu si precipitavano come prima.” Tommaseo, ii. p. 118.

[335] Jean de Serres puts a similar reply into the mouth of the Duke of Guise, when a complaint was made to him that, in these “uncivil tumults” many Catholics were slain: “There is no remedy,” he made answer; “we have too much people in France. I will deal so as victuals shall be good cheap.” _Hist._ p. 703 (transl.).

[336] The particulars of this plot are given in a letter from Claude of Lorraine to Damville, the date of which has been fraudulently altered from 1563 to 1560. See Vauvilliers, i. 315. Tavannes says the plot was concocted at Trent by the cardinal, and Lestoile dates the League from this period.

[337] Blaise de Montluc: _Commentaires_ (Panthéon Littéraire, Paris, 1836). His shattered monument may still be seen at Estillac near Agen. The warrior, armed from head to foot, lies bare-headed on a marble slab, his arms crossed over his breast; his features are coarse and bold, his beard and mustache thick and long.

[338] The Abbé Caveyrac in his _Apology for Louis XIV._ (note, p. 7) says of the subsequent recantation of this blood-thirsty renegade, that “he returned _sincerely_ to God.” Let us hope he did, but on better grounds than Caveyrac’s word for it.

[339] Le Baron de Chapuys-Montlaville: _Hist. de Dauphiné_, ii. p. 358 (8vo. Paris, 1829).

[340] “Ruboribus interfusa, ut lutum sanguine maceratum.” Thuanus: _De Vita sua_, lib. i. p. 1165.

[341] _Archives curieuses_, iii. 227; Varillas: _Hist. Charles IX._ (Cologne, 1684).

[342] Discours de ce qui a été faict ès villes de Vallence et Lyon. 1562. A party pamphlet to be read with great caution.

[343] In one of these convents was found “La machination écrite et signée faisant rôles des maisons des évangelistes et de toutes autres personnes (qui n’avaient point de maison), pour les mettre à mort, hommes, femmes et enfants, dans le 4 du dit mois de Mai.” This “machination” had no existence but in the imagination of the writer.

[344] Pilot: _Occupation de Grenoble par les Protestants_.

[345] Arcère: _Hist. de la Ville de Rochelle_, i. p. 358 (4to. Rochelle, 1756); Vincent: _Recherches sur les commencements de Rochelle_: “La maladie d’abattre les images était quasi universelle.”

[346] One George Bosquet wrote a justification of this massacre: “_Hugoneorum heret. Tolosæ conjur. profligatio memoriæ posita_,” which was condemned by the council as a defamatory libel (18th June, 1563).

[347] Imberdis, p. 3.

[348] Jean de Serres (Serranus) adds that in the following year, 1563, a troop of fifty horse surprised the town, tied Ralet to the top of his house, and fired at him until they killed him (p. 701).

[349] Vitet: _Hist. Dieppe_, p. 77. (Paris, 1844.)

[350] De Bras: _Antiquités de Caen_, p. 170.

[351] The whole of this frightful catalogue will be found in the “Théâtre des cruautés des hérétiques de notre temps, 1588.” Reprinted in the _Archives curieuses de France_ (Cimber and Danjou), tom. vi. series 1. p. 299. See also in the same collection, chap. xiv. of the _Discours sur le Saccagement des Églises, etc. en 1562_, by Claude de Sainctes, and the _Vrai Tocsain_. We must not accept for truth all recorded by this writer, but after the most ample deduction from his narrative there remains much to lament and condemn.

[352] Wright’s _Elizabeth_, i. 118.

[353] _Ibid._ i. 131.

[354] This letter was partly the composition of L’Hopital, and was written by Montaigne, the essayist, at that time one of the royal secretaries.

[355] Langueti Epist. ii. 281, (20th January, 1564): “Se enim satis expertum quantum malorum.... Reginam nihil jam minus cogitare quam....”

[356] Instructions dated 1562, in Le Plat, v. pp. 151, 155.

[357] See a remarkable dispatch on this subject in the Rouen Library, Leber, Bundle D, No. 5725.

[358] A portrait of Alva, by Titian, is at Warwick Castle.

[359] See Freer: _Elizabeth de Valois_, ii. ch. 2. In this chapter we prefer to call the queen by her Spanish name, Isabella.

[360] Per il gran caldo. _Li Grandissimi Apparati_, etc. Padova, 1565.

[361] Walsingham to Smith, 14th September, 1572. Digges: _Compleat Ambassador_, p. 241.

[362] The attendants of the court were so numerous, that they could not be accommodated in the town, but had to lodge in the adjacent villages or live in tents pitched in the surrounding fields.

[363] Abel Jouan: _Voyage de Charles IX._, printed by Baschi, Baron d’Aubais, in his _Pièces fugitives pour servir à l’histoire de France_. 4to. Paris, 1759. See also _Mém. de Marguerite_.

[364] _Recueil des choses notables qui ont esté faites à Bayonne_, etc. 8vo. Paris, 1566; _Li Grandissimi Apparati e Reali Trionfi fatti nella città di Baiona_. 8vo. Padova, 1565.

[365] Raumer: _Illustrations_, i. p. 121.

[366] _Papiers d’État_ de Granvelle, ix. p. 298. 4to. Paris, 1852, ed. Weiss.

[367] “Che a loro sono occorse questi ruine per non aver voluto creder e far quello che lui più di 8 anni li avvisò,” etc. 7th May, 1568.

[368] Davila gives the same idea in different words: lib. iii. Mathieu (_Hist. France_, i. 283) says his authority was Calignon, a Catholic, whose Memoirs were published by Gomberville in his Supplement to the _Memoirs of Nevers_.

[369] Baschet: _La Diplomatie Vénitienne_, p. 522. Paris, 1862.

[370] It is clear from Alva’s letters first published in the _Papiers d’Etat du Cardinal Granvelle_, ix. pp. 281–330, that the general belief in a league to exterminate the Huguenots is erroneous, although Adriani (_Storia Fiorent._) says expressly that Catherine had agreed upon what they called “Sicilian Vespers,” and that the king was to retire to the strong castle of Moulins in the Bourbonnais, where he would be safe. But Adriani is the only person who ever saw the MSS. in which he professed to read this. De Thou evidently did not believe the story (ii. 377, _scribunt_ is his word); and Castelnau (liv. vi. ch. 1) implies as much.

[371] Monitorium et Citatio in _Mém. de Condé_. 4to. 1743. The French protest and remonstrance are in the same collection. A remarkable memoir by Bapt. Dumesnil is given in Bouchel: _Bibl. du Droit Franç._ p. 549; and _Preuves des lib. Egl. Gall._ chap. iv. No. 27.

[372] The cardinal had occasioned great scandal by taking a wife and calling her Countess of Beauvais, after his diocese.

[373] Some authorities give “Paris,” for even in a matter which ought to be well known do the contemporary accounts differ.

[374] Paris: _Cab. Hist._ iii. p. 56.

[375] “Qu’il n’avait fait, ni fait faire l’homicide, et qu’il ne l’avait approuvé ni approuvait.” Brulart’s _Journal_, 29th January, 1566. This is hardly consistent with what he wrote at the time of the murder: supra, p. 222.

[376] Jean de Serres.

[377] _Lettres_, liv. v. lett. 3.

[378] _Remonstrance envoyée au Roi par la Noblesse de la R. R. du Maine_. 1565.

[379] Cimber, vi. 309; _Discours des troubles_ (5th June, 1566).

[380] This was said in the hearing of L’Hopital. Davila, i. 163 (Fr. transl.).

[381] “Il y sera comme s’il était mort.” Archives de l’Empire, _Papiers Simancas_, carton B. In reading Catherine’s letters to her daughter we must not forget that they were to be seen by Philip also, and that she could not be truthful, even when writing to her own children.

[382] Brantome speaks in rapture of this “gentille et gaillarde armée,” which was accompanied by “quatre cents courtisanes à cheval, belles et braves comme princesses, et huit cents à pied, bien en point aussi.”

[383] Had Coligny’s proposal to stop Alva’s march been adopted, France might have been saved much misery; for among other things it would have satisfied the craving for war felt by that restless nation: “A quoi (_sc._ la guerre) la plûpart étaient portés par le génie de la nation, qui ne saurait demeurer en repos.” _Vie de Coligny_, p. 319.

[384] Schardius: _De Rebus gest. sub. Maximil._ ii. 64.

[385] Bouillon: _Mém._ i. p. 21.

[386] Capefigue: _La Réforme_, ch. xxxii., gives the text of the “Instruction à M. Feuquières.” La Noue speaks of “certain intercepted letters coming from Spain,” p. 389 (Engl. transl.).

[387] La Noue, p. 390 (Engl. transl.); De Thou, liv. xlii.

[388] La Popelinière, xiii. 81.

[389] Alva to king, 28th June, 1567: “Es increible el contentamiente con que estan los catolicos de Francia de ver pasar estas fuerzas de VM. en Flandres, que les paresce ser esta su redempcion; y así me dijo un secretario del Card. de Lorena ... que el Card. su amo y toda la casa de Guisa estavan resueltos como las fuerzas de VM. estuviesen en Flandres, irse ellos á la corte, donde entien que esto les hará tan gran sombra que serán vistos diferentemente de como lo han sido hasta aqui.” Navarrete: _Docum. ined._ vi. 371.

[390] “Certo sciverunt Pontif. Rom. et reliquos principes ... constituisse jam tentare Galliam ... conduxit itaque rex ad eam rem perficiendam xx. signa Helvetiorum.”--To the same purport writes Castelnau, 383.

[391] “Habillé en ménagier faisant ses vendanges.” Pasquier, _Lettres_, ii. 117 (ed. 1723).

[392] La Noue, p. 395 (Engl. transl.).

[393] Had the Huguenots succeeded, they would have burned Paris. For the proofs of such an improbable story see _Hist. relig. pol. etc. de la Comp. de Jésus_, by J. Crétineau-Joly (3 éd. Paris, 1859), ii. ch. ii. p. 85.

[394] Gachard: _Corresp. Philippe II._, tom. i. p. 593.

[395] “Car tant plus de morts, moeingz d’ennemys.” Letter of 8th October, 1567. _Livre du Roy_. Grenoble MS. Gordes proving too merciful in carrying out these harsh instructions, the cruel and intemperate Maugiron was appointed his colleague.

[396] As crowds of American ladies are reported to have gone out to witness the first battle of Bull Run.

[397] The Huguenots adopted white, the king’s color, to indicate their loyalty; their opponents chose red, the emblem of Spain.

[398] One account says that the constable was really killed by “un autre Ecossais,” who shot him in the loins.

[399] “Expetebat pacem, et ob eam rem adduxerant eum in suspicionem apud vulgus ii qui sperant se ex calamitatibus publicis aucturos suas opes et suam potentiam.... Fuit amans patriæ et moderatior,” etc. Languet, _Epist._ i. 33

[400] “Edoctus suo malo ... omnino hoc incumbit ut Edictum ubique mandetur executioni.” Languet, _Epist._ ii. 357.

[401] Borrel: _Hist. de l’Église Réf. de Nimes_, 12mo. Toulouse, 1856, p. 51.

[402] Baragnon: _Hist. de Nimes_, tom. ii.; an anonymous _Histoire de la Ville de Nimes_, 8vo. Amsterd. 1767.

[403] Charronet: _Les Guerres de Religion dans les Hautes Alpes_, p. 50. (8vo. Gap, 1863).

[404] “Ce qui restait du pillage des Huguenots était repillé par les Catholiques.” Castelnau.

[405] “Discours des Raisons,” etc., in _Anc. Collect. Mém. France_, xlviii. p. 224.

[406] La Noue, p. 409.

[407] Longjumeau is about four leagues south of Paris, on the old coach-road to Orleans.

[408] Mezeray: _Abrégé_, iii. p. 1051. Montluc says: “Le prince et l’amiral firent un pas de clerc, car ils avaient l’avantage des jeux.” _Comment._

[409] Memoirs of Gaspar de Coligny (Edin. 1844), p. 116.

[410] Die Menschen verwilderten mit den Ländern.

[411] Archives of Tours. Luzarche (Victor): _Lettres historiques_, p. 81 (Tours, 1861).

[412] Archives of Tours. Luzarche (Victor): _Lettres historiques_, p. 89 (Tours, 1861).

[413] Languet, i. 58.

[414] “Reclamarunt autem quantum potuerunt legati pontif. Rom. et reg. Hisp. immo aiunt eos Regi minitatos esse bellum, si hæreticis pacem concederet, sed Regem ita respondisse ut eos terruerit.” Languet, i. 62.

[415] Gachard: _Corresp. de Philippe II._, vol. i. p. 609 (4to. Bruxelles, 1848).

[416] Archives of Provins: Registres de Baptême. Charronnet: _Guerres de Religion_, p. 60. Comptes consulaires de Gap. 1569.

[417] Claude Haton, p. 534.

[418] Thierry: _Tiers-État_, ii. 726.

[419] _Laderchii Ann. Eccles._ xxiii. 125, in Sismondi, xix. p. 21.

[420] _Journal de Lestoile._ The Orange Societies were originally bound by a similar oath to “pay allegiance to the king and his successors so long as they support the Protestant ascendancy.” The loyal Catholics threatened to shut up Charles in a convent, and put another in his place, if he tried to protect the Huguenots. De Thou, v. p. 516.

[421] Dom Vaissette: _Hist. Languedoc_, tome v. p. 216, _note_.

[422] On the vaulted ceiling of the Tour de la Ligue is a striking fresco representing Condé as Mars, Biragne as Vulcan, Catherine as Juno, Margaret of Valois as a Muse, with other well-known historic =characters=.

[423] Of this passage, Jean de la Haize, orator of La Rochelle, said: “La faveur du ciel s’étant déclarée si miraculeusement pour votre conservation, que la délivrance des enfans d’Israël par la Mer Rouge n’est point plus admirable et extraordinaire.” _Second Discours bref_, in Arcère, i. p. 369, _note_. Villegomblain (_Mém._ i. p. 16), says they crossed “near Les Rosiers,” four leagues below Saumur, which must be a mistake. A spot just above Cosne was pointed out to me by a lineal descendant of one of the sharers of this flight.

[424] In the Cotton MSS. (_Caligula_ E, vi. fol. 90) there is an inventory of jewels and trinkets mortgaged to Elizabeth by Joan of Navarre, Condé, and the admiral, 12th June, 1569.

[425] Champernon married a daughter of the famous Count of Montgomery.

[426] Raleigh’s Works, vi. pp. 157–158, 211.

[427] Mezeray describes the frost of 1570–71 as lasting three months, during which the fruit-trees, even in Languedoc, were frozen down to their roots. In March, 1572, Smith, the English embassador, writes from Blois, complaining of “thirty days’ continued frost and snow.”

[428] Leicester to Randolph (March 13), blames Condé’s “overmuch rashness,” and says his arm was broken by a shot. Wright’s _Elizabeth_, i. 313.

[429] Champollion-Figéac: _Documents hist. inédits_, iv. p. 486 (4to. Paris, 1848).

[430] When Charles heard the news of Condé’s death “surgit e lecto, properat ad summam ædem, alta voce depromit canticum _Te Deum_, jubet campanas omnes solenniter pulsari.”

[431] One of the medals struck at Rome to commemorate this victory represents the pope and cardinals kneeling and receiving from heaven an answer to their prayers: the inscription is from the _Te Deum_: “Fecit potentiam in brachio suo; dispersit superbos.” Bonanni: _Numism. Pontif. Rom._ No. 14 (2 vols. fol. Romæ, 1699).

[432] Catena, _Vita di Pio V._ p. 85. He wrote to Catherine to fight the enemies of God “_ad internecionem usque_;” and to Anjou to show himself “_omnibus inexorabilem_.” He describes Coligny as “_exsecrandum illum ac detestabilem hominem_, si modo homo appellandus est.” See also No. xi. to Charles (6th March, 1569), in Potter’s _Lettres de Pio V._ (8vo. Paris, 1826), where “punire hæreticos eorumque duces omni severitate” will hardly support the writer in the _Dublin Review_ (October, 1865), who contends that the Church exulted over the St. Bartholomew massacre, not because the victims were _heretics_, but because they were _rebels_. In the prayer ordered by Clement IX. to be read on 1st May, Pius V. is described as elect “ad conterendos ecclesiæ hostes.”

[433] “Death or Victory” had been Henry’s motto in certain court masques, until Catherine, whose curiosity was piqued by the three Greek initials he used, ordered him to discontinue them.

[434] Some years ago there was in the cabinet of Alfred de Vigny, the author of _Cinq Mars_, a portrait, by an unknown painter, of Prince Henry, when not more than three years old. It was full of character and life.

[435] Sir James Stephen says that Andelot was slain at Moncontour. _Lectures, Hist. France_, ii. p. 123. He died at Saintes, 27th May; Moncontour was fought 3d October.

[436] D’Acier was ransomed for 10,000 crowns, on hearing of which the pope wrote angrily to Count Santa Fiore, “che non avesse il comandamento di lui osservato _d’ammazzar subito qualunque heretico_ gli fosse venuto alle mani.” Catena: _Vita Pio V._

[437] _Simancas Archives_, Bouillé, ii. 448.

[438] Henry of Nassau had left his studies to join his brothers: “dantem operam literis Argentorati fratres secum abduxerunt.” Languet: _Epist. Secr._ i. 117.

[439] Raleigh: _Hist. World_, bk. v. ch. ii. sec. 8, p. 356 (fol. 1614).

[440] _Mém. de Perussis_ in Aubais, p. 106. The furniture and valuables--sculptures by Goujon, and pictures by Italian artists--filled 80 wagons, and produced 400,000 dollars by public auction in Paris.

[441] _Epist. Pii papæ V._ Edid. Gouban, Antwp. 1640: “Nihil est eâ misericordià crudelius.” Lib. iii. ep. 45, Octob. 20.

[442] _Hist. France_ (Le Fère and Piguerre), fol. 1581, p. 119, _b_.

[443] De Thou. v. p. 610.

[444] Villegomblain: _Mém. des Troubles_, i. 255.

[445] Gilbert de Voisins: _Traité de Géognosie_.

[446] Weld’s _Auvergne and Piedmont_ contains an interesting and picturesque description of a portion of this district.

[447] Henry and the Prince of Condé had each a regiment at the head of which they made their apprenticeship in arms.

[448] Matthieu, i. liv. v. p. 327.

[449] Chatillon-sur-Loing (not _sur-Loire_), is in Loiret, five leagues S.E. of Montargis, and 16 leagues E. of Orleans, on the left bank of the Loing.

[450] _Simancas Archives_: Bouillé, ii. p. 454.

[451] Le Pipre: _Abrégé chron. de la Maison du Roi_, p. 30. (4to. ed.).

[452] See also J. Rondinelli: _Oratio in exequiis Karoli IX._ Florentiæ, 1574.

[453] Walsingham to Leicester, 29th August, 1570.

[454] Digges: _Compleat Ambassador_, p. 7.

[455] Ad Camer. p. 132. “Omnes affirmant esse eximiæ voluntatis regem; sed potentes sunt factiones eorum qui pacem improbant ... omnia sunt hic tranquilla, nec dubitat quisquam regem esse pacis cupidissimum.” p. 136.

[456] Baschet, p. 252.

[457] “Nullam luci cum tenebris communionem, nullamque catholicis cum hæ. reticis ... compositionem esse posse.” Letter of 29th January, 1570, Potter.

[458] Tours Archives. Luzarche: _Lettres historiques_ (1861), p. 129.

[459] “Voyant maintenant les affaires de mon royaume réduites au bon état qu’elles sont (Dieu merci), après qu’il lui a plu pacifier des troubles qui y étaient.” MSS. Bibl. Imp. in Soldan: _Frankreich und die Bartholomæusnacht_.

[460] Bouillé, ii. 456, _note_. See also _État de France_, i. 12 _b_ (ed. 1579). _Le Tocsain_, p. 93 (ed. 1579).

[461] “Non sine magna procerum indignatione.” Elsewhere he is described as a “monstrum nulla virtute redemptum.”

[462] “Miroir de la Justice divine.” L’Estoile.

[463] Davila, i. p. 500.

[464] He was made Duke of Nevers after his marriage with Henrietta of Nevers, sister of Catherine of Cleves, the widow of Prince Porcien. Henrietta was the eldest daughter of the Duke of Nevers and Margaret of Bourbon, sister to Anthony of Navarre. Maria, the youngest daughter, married Henry of Condé in 1572.

[465] Capefigue.

[466] He is reported to have spent several hours at his forge on the very eve of the massacre.

[467] Under date 22d March, 1751, Smith writes to Burghley from Blois: “Inordinate hunting, so early in the morning and so late at night, without sparing frost, snow, or rain, and in so despotic a manner as makes her (Catherine) and those that love him to be often in great fear.”

[468] “Sanguineum reddebat in feras, _non_ in homines.” Raumer (i. p. 271) suggests the omission of _non_, as being at variance with history.

[469] The _Archives curieuses_ (viii.) contain a statement of the sums paid by the king for the animals thus slain.

[470] _Recueil de ce qui a été faict à l’entrée_, etc., in the Library of Ste. Geneviève.

[471] _Hist. de France_ (by Le Fère de Laval and Piguerre), fol. 1581. _Mém. État de France_, i. 40.

[472] Charronet, p. 65.

[473] A “chanson” of this period strikingly prefigures the massacre of 1572. Here is one verse:

Nos capitaines, corporiaux, Ont des corselets tout nouveaux Et des cousteaux Pour Huguenots egorgetter Et une escharpe rouge Que tous voulons porter, etc.

_Le Roux de Lincy_, ii. 295.

In another chanson (No. xvii.) Coligny is threatened:

Pendu à une potence, Paissant de sa chair et peau Le corbeau.

[474] “There were men near to his sovereign (Charles IX.) who wished to bring him up in the Reformed religion; but he (Philip) would anticipate them, and embroil all the world beforehand.” Letter in Le Plat: _Mon. Hist. Concil. Trident. Collect._ v. p. 571 (4to. Lovain, 1781–1787).

[475] Walsingham, 25th June, 1571.

[476] “Che ’l Francese sia quasi necessitato desiderare la guerra con Spagnuoli.” Tommaseo: _Relations Vénitiennes_, ii. p. 171.

[477] Walsingham to Leicester, 5th March, 1572; Digges, p. 49.

[478] Alberi: _Vita di Caterina de’ Medici_.

[479] Walsingham (6th August, 1571) gives an account of this interview from the report of the prince himself. Digges, p. 174. The _État de France_ (i. 44.) says Catherine was present, which is a mistake.

[480] Walsingham to Burleigh, 12th August, 1571. “Galli apud Hispanos in tantum suspicionem vivere.” _Schardius Rediv._ iv. p. 177.

[481] Walsingham to Leicester (22d April, 1571) shows Teligny’s footing with the king. The embassador hints at opposition to the war against Spain lest it should give the management to other hands and parties.

[482] After Teligny’s murder she married William of Orange. The present Count of Paris is descended from Louisa of Coligny, through his mother Helena of Mecklenburg.

[483] She admired in Coligny “un assortiment rare de vertus et de talens qui lui rendaient la haute idée de l’ancien héroïsme.” Arcère: _Hist. Rochelle_ (4to. 1756), i. p. 392. In order to prevent the marriage, the nuncio Salviati proposed her assassination: “Le remède serait de se débarrasser, par tous les moyens possibles, de cette méchante fiancée.” Coquerel: _La Sainte-Barthélemy_ (Paris, 1859), p. 27, _note_.

[484] Digges, p. 122. Walsingham to Burghley, 12th August, 1571.

[485] About this time Catherine wrote to La Mothe-Fénelon: “L’amiral est ici avec nous, qui ne désire rien plus que d’aider en tout ce qu’il peut ... comme aussi à s’employer en toutes choses concernant le bien du service du roi comme son fidèle sujet.” 27th September, 1571.

[486] Fénelon to the king, 30th September, 1571, repeating Walsingham’s dispatch to his own government.

[487] _Mém. of Coligny._ Translated by D. D. Scott (12mo. Edinburgh, 1844).

[488] Fénelon’s Dispatches, October, 1571.

[489] “La maison de Montmorency étaient ceux qui en avaient porté les premières paroles.” _Mém. de Marguerite._

[490] Chantonnay’s letter of 23d May, 1562; also hinted at in Aubespine, p. 844.

[491] Walsingham to Leicester, 17th February, 1571.

[492] He was married 17th September, 1570.

[493] Popelinière, ii. fol. 44 _b_.

[494] Charles to De Ferrals, 5th October, 1571. “The most eminent and faithful of my servants agree with me that, in the present condition of my kingdom, this marriage is the best means of ending all troubles.” Raumer, i. 277. The correspondence in Digges is to the same effect.

[495] Walsingham writes 16th August: “The queen-mother had provided both jewels and wedding.” Digges, p. 135.

[496] _Le Tocsain_ (ed. 1579), p. 77.

[497] “Linerolles, who by the house of Guise and the rest of the Spanish faction was made an instrument to dissuade his master....” (8th December, 1571.) “Linerolles, the chief dissuader of the marriage.” 31st December, 1571, in Digges. For another account see Freer’s _Henry III._ i. p. 72. Sorbin (_Le vray Resveille-Matin_) says he was killed at Bourgueil, _not_ at Blois.

[498] “Toutes marques, vestiges, et monumens des dites exécutions, etc. ... ordonnons le tout estre osté et effacé.”

[499] Felibien, ii. p. 1112.

[500] There is a letter from Charles to Marshal Cossé (6th November, 1571): “Je veux que vous fassiez ôter la pyramide, et _que vous me fassiez obéir_, car le temps est venu qu’il le faut faire.” Soldan, ii. p. 423.

[501] It stood here until destroyed in the Revolution.

[502] Anquetil, Peyrat, and others say _May_, but Sir Thomas Smith, writing from Blois, 3d March, 1572, says: “This day the Queen of Navarre is looked for;” and Walsingham (29th March) reports an interview with her at Blois. Charles writes to Fénelon (8th March) that the Queen of Navarre arrived eight or nine days ago.

[503] L’Estoile (_Journ. Henri III._) and Sully both give the same story, evidently from common gossip.

[504] The whole tenor of Charles’s letter to Fénelon (8th March, 1572) is in contradiction to the story given in the text. He says: “My aunt shows a good disposition to conclude the marriage.... There is a very good appearance of it.”

[505] _Lettres du Card. d’Ossat_ (fol. Paris, 1641), Lettre 185, p. 426. The Edinburgh reviewer (June, 1826) pressed this very unfairly against Dr. Lingard. The “enemies” might have been Spain. Catena, who had been secretary to the cardinal, speaks out more distinctly, but his report will not bear examination: “Io voglio punir questi malvaggi e felloni, facendogli tagliar tutti a pezzi, o non esser re, perdendo affatto la corona.” _Vita del Papa Pio V._ p. 196 (Roma, 1647).

[506] Davila, liv. v.; Capilupi: _Lo Stratagema_; and De Thou give this story, but the latter does not believe it. Ant. Gabut (_Vita Pii V._) gives the inscription on the ring which Charles sent to Alessandrino after the death of Pius V.: “Non minus hæc solida est pietas, ne solvi.” In the _Mém. Etat de France_, the legate “s’en allait bien content.” I. 150.

[507] Digges, 3d March, 1572, p. 193.

[508] “Il est du tout impossible de l’y disposer si chaudement.” L. Paris: _Cab. Hist._ ii. p. 231.

[509] Soldan treats it as a fable, _note_ 142.

[510] Mackintosh: _Hist. England_, iii. Appendix D. Raumer, i. p. 281. After a description of the admiral’s murder and the massacre, the king “hopes that _now_ the holy father will make no more difficulties about the dispensation.”

[511] “Con alcuni particolari che io porto, de’ quali ragguaglierò N. S^{ne} a bocca, posso dire di non partirmi affatto male expedito.” Letter to Rusticucci (6th March, 1572), in _Lettere del Sr. Ch. Alessandrino_, quoted by Ranke, _Franz. Gesch._ bk. iv. ch. 3.

[512] Her description of Catherine’s facility of lying is short and graphic: “Elle me le renie _comme beau meurtre_ et me rit au nez.”

[513] Baschet, p. 488.

[514] Walsingham to Burghley, 29th March, 1572; Digges.

[515] “Capitis sui jacturam facturum esse” Gabut: _Vita Pii V._ in _Acta Sanctorum_ (Maii), I. cap. v. § 240 (fol. Antverp. 1580).

[516] _Journal de L’Estoile_, p. 73. The words are rather different in the _Reveille-Matin_, but the sense is the same.

[517] Grabut, _Vita Pii V._ cap. v. § 244. If Charles was not misleading the pope, these “designs” may have been the Flemish war.

[518] Bouillé: _Hist. Guise_, ii. 492.

[519] Claude Haton: _Mém._ ii. p. 663.

[520] This is clear from her despairing language to Fénelon: “Vous êtes sur le point de perdre un tel royaume et grandeur pour mes enfans ... nous pourrions avoir ce royaume entre les mains d’un de nos enfans.” 2d February, 1571, _Corresp. diplom._ Paris, 1840–41, ed. by Teulet.

[521] The nuncio promised him 100,000 crowns. Walsingham to Cecil, 8th February, 1572, in Wright’s _Elizabeth_, p. 386. See also letter of 17th February, in Digges, p. 43.

[522] Charles, writing to Fénelon (19th Jan. 1572), mentions a discussion about inserting the words “_of attacks under pretext of religion_,” and what Walsingham had said on the matter about a general Protestant Confederation. See Digges, pp. 169–173.

[523] There is abundant evidence in the Fénelon correspondence. On the 20th March, 1572, Charles writes that Queen Mary “had exhorted the Duke of Alva to hasten to send ships to Scotland to seize her son,” and that “she would commit herself to the King of Spain.” He bids Fénelon tell her to write no more such ciphers, and “de se départir de telles pratiques et menées.” Walsingham’s correspondence shows that Spain, Guise, the pope, and others were conspiring to prevent Elizabeth from helping Flanders by an invasion of Ireland, “to which the king was not privy.” Digges, p. 36 (Letter of 8th February), p. 38.

[524] Charles to Fénelon, 20th March, 1572: “We are in great hope of the marriage (of Alençon).... If it be accomplished, I shall not be ungrateful.”

[525] Raumer, i. 196.

[526] _Simancas_ Archives. Paris: _Cab. Hist._ iii. 67.

[527] Gachard: _Bull. Acad. Brux._ xvi. 1849 (pte. 1).

[528] _Simancas Archives._ Paris: _Cab. Hist._ iii. 67.

[529] “Quelque bon jeu.” Bouillé.

[530] Gachard: _Corresp. de Philippe II._ 4to. Bruxelles, 1848, t. ii. p. 269.

[531] Ellis’s _Letters_, p. 10; see also pp. 16 and 18.

[532] _Mém. de Duplessis-Mornay_, Paris, 1824.

[533] Walsingham to Burghley, 18th July, 1572. Grotius, _Ann._ p. 37, says 5000 foot and 500 horse.

[534] Alva’s letters of 13th and 21st June, and 18th July.

[535] The Grand Seignor heard of the proposed Flemish war, and offered to help Charles with two galleys and some troops. Sully: _Mém._ i. p. 15 (Engl. ed.).

[536] Baschet, p. 540: “La guerra per quattro o sei di continui fu tenuta deliberata.” Tommaseo: _Relations Vénitiennes_, ii. p. 171.

[537] “Tuttavia ne far ogni maggiore istanza.” See also his letters dated 20th and 23d August. Alberi: _Vita di Caterina de Medici_, 4to. Florence, 1838.

[538] Digges, p. 231.

[539] Letter to Burghley. Digges, pp. 231–234.

[540] Sir Thomas Smith writes 22d August: “There is no revocation (recall of troops) done nor meant.” Digges, p. 237.

[541] The Memoirs of Tavannes put this beyond a doubt.

[542] Digges, p. 234.

[543] Favyn says 10th June; an inscription in the _État de France_ gives _Idus Junii_ (13th).

[544] Letter to Mdlle. de Guillerville, 12 June, 1572; Paris. _Cab. Hist._ ii. p. 227. Sir H. Norris testifies to the unhealthiness of Paris: he took a house beyond the walls, “to be out of the corrupt air of the town, which surely is such as none other to be compared to Paris.” Wright: _Elizabeth_, i. 306. See also Coryat: _Crudities_.

[545] Mdlle. Vauvilliers, whose conscientious biography of Joan of Navarre is marred by the absence of dates and authorities, says that an autopsy was _several times ordered, but never made_ (iii. p. 194). On the other hand, the _Chronologie Novennaire_ expressly states that Caillard, her physician, and Desnœuds, her surgeon, dissected the queen’s brain, which they found in a sound state. On her death, see Villegomblain: _Mém. des Troubles_, i. 259; Bury: _Hist. Henri IV._ (4to. Paris, 1765); Favyn: _Hist. Navarre_, p. 863 (fol. Paris, 1612).

[546] _Lettres missives de Henri IV._ i. p. 31. _Collect. des Doc. Hist. France._

[547] Matthieu, I. liv. vi. p. 343. A long list of these warnings will be found in the _Reveille-Matin_.

[548] “Non solo con le parole ma con gli effetti;” and Michieli adds, “quanto agli effetti, quello che è poi seguito contra gli Ugonotti.”

[549] Michieli: _Relazione_; Baschet. Salviati wrote (24th August): “Quando scrissi ai giorni passati che l’ammiraglio _s’avanza troppo_, e che gli darebbero sù l’unghe (a rap on the knuckles), già mi era accorto che non lo volevano più tollerare.” Walsingham was quite of Coligny’s opinion about the war.

[550] Tavannes says: “There was no other resolution for the massacre than what the admiral and his adherents occasioned.”

[551] Grabut says the marriage took place, “Gregorii XIII. permissu.” _Acta Sanctorum._

[552] “Lunedì (25 Agosto) la corte se ritira a Fontanablo, dove la regina farà il suo parto.” Petrucci, letter 20th August. On the 23d, giving Duke Cosmo an account of the attempt on the admiral’s life, he says: “Si pensava che la corte partisse martedì prossimo” (26th August).

[553] Davila says that when she was asked whether she would take Henry for her husband, she made no reply, and that Charles with his own hand bent her head as if to nod assent. Margaret is silent on the matter.

[554] Charles IX. to Ferrails, 24th August: “All my subjects have exhibited the greatest joy and contentment” at the marriage. It is clear from this letter that the dispensation had not arrived. Raumer, i. 281.

[555] This is in direct contradiction to Tavannes, who says: “il continue ses audaces, importune, se fâche, _menace de partir_,” etc. P. 416.

[556] We abridge rather than translate Anjou’s narrative, whose authenticity is doubtful. It will not bear minute comparison with other statements of indisputable truthfulness.

[557] See Salviati’s letter of 24th August. Mackintosh: _Hist. England_. Anjou does not mention the presence of the duke at this meeting.

[558] “Maurevers et non pas Maurevel,” according to the _Art de Vérifier_, but erroneously; he is also called Moruel, Montravel, Maurevert, and Moureveil. His real name was Louvier, sire de Maurevert en Brie. For his murderous services he was rewarded with two good abbeys. L’Estoile’s _Journal_. He accompanied Marshal de Retz on his embassy to England in 1573, and on his arriving at Greenwich, where the court was staying, he was recognized by a page, and pointed out as “the admiral’s murderer!” A shout of execration was raised, he was chased by the rabble, and never dared show himself again. _Etat de France_, ii. 217. He was killed in 1583, in the Rue St. Honoré, by young Arthur Mouy, who was immediately after shot by one of the guards who always attended the _tueur du roi_. Villegomblain, _Mém._ p. 144. _Journal du Règne de Henri III._ p. 71, ed. Cologne, 1672. This last epithet could hardly have been earned by the commission of one murder--that of Mouy. At the siege of Rochelle, none of the principal officers would associate with him, and he was sent to an isolated post. See Bouillon’s _Memoirs_, p. 14.

[559] Some writers have supposed that through her daughter Margaret, Catherine discovered a scheme concerted between Charles and Coligny to banish both her and the Guises from court; and that a common danger made her combine with Duke Henry to crush the Huguenots, trusting to find the means afterward of counterbalancing the house of Lorraine.

[560] It was the hotel of the Counts of Ponthieu; and in the 18th century became an inn, under the title, “Hotel de Lisieux.” _Hommes illustres de la France_, 1747.

[561] He left with a “sad and dejected countenance,” says the _Reveille-Matin_: “Si facesse pallido e restasse smarrito oltro modo, e senza dir parola si ritirasse.” Giovanni Michieli, _Relazioni_, November, 1572.

[562] Letter of Petrucci, 23d August. _Archiveo Mediceo._

[563] Cimber, vii. p. 211.

[564] Michieli, the Venetian embassador, says that Guise had nothing to do with it (Baschet: _Relazioni_, p. 551), and adds that on _Friday_ night the queen and Anjou told Charles of the plot.

[565] The Neustadt letter has “Brüdern und Mütter.” _Archiv. f. Geschichte, etc._ xvii. 1826 p. 278 (8vo. Wien). This periodical contains a curious letter from an eye-witness of the massacre addressed to L. Gruter, bishop of Wiener-Neustadt, entitled _Relation der franz. auff St. Bartholomäi Tag vorgegangenen erschröcklischen Execution über die Hugenoten, 1572, den 24 Augusti, anno 1572_.

[566] With a few verbal changes, the account of this interview is taken from Golding’s _Life of Jasper Coligny_. London, 1576.

[567] La Chapelle des Ursins made the same reproach to Catherine, July, 1572. St. Foix: _Hist. Ordre Saint-Esprit_, i. p. 203.

[568] “So ime auf den Füss trette, wolle er demsellben auf die Versen tretten.” _Neustadt Letter_, p. 278.

[569] “Hic regi in arcano quædam a Colinio insinuata divulgatum est; alii tamen negant et secretum hoc de industria a regina impeditum, ne....” De Thou.

[570] This is from Anjou’s narrative; but whether proceeding from him, or De Retz (as some think), there are no means of testing it.

[571] “Il avait alentour de lui neuf médecins et onze chirurgiens.” _Mém. de l’État de France_, ii. 31 _b._

[572] La Noue.

[573] The Hôtel de Clisson, afterward de la Miséricorde, was purchased by the Duchess of Guise in 1553. The old gate-way forms the entrance to the modern École des Chartes.

[574] “Le malheur avait voulu que Maurevel avait failli son coup.” _Mém. de Marguerite._

[575] “Se l’archibugiata ammazava subito l’ammiraglio, non mi risolvo a credere che si fosse a un pezzo.” Salviati’s letter of August 24.

[576] This meeting is not mentioned in Anjou’s narrative; but there must have been some such preliminary consultation between the conspirators.

[577] Catherine afterward asserted that she had desired the death of six men only: “Reginam dictitare se tantum sex hominum interfectorum sanguinem in suam conscientiam recipere.” Serranus: _Status Reipubl._ x. 29.

[578] It is stated in the Neustadt letter that the Swiss soldiers of Navarre mounted guard inside the house, while the French guard were posted outside, immediately after the king’s visit on Friday, and that the pass-word was very strict, in order to prevent any fresh attempt on the admiral’s life. _Archiv. für Geschichte_, etc. xvii. 1826, p. 278.

[579] Paris: _Cabinet Hist._ ii. 259.

[580] _Archives de Mons._

[581] Digges, p. 254.

[582] Brantome calls De Retz the first and principal adviser of the deed; Davila says that he obtained the king’s consent to the massacre; and Margaret states that the queen-mother sent him to Charles between nine and ten o’clock at night, “because he (De Retz) had more influence with him,” and that he justified his mother and Anjou for trying to get rid of that pest “the admiral.” Tavannes partly supports these statements. I give the preference (reluctantly) to Anjou’s narrative, because it removes much of the confusion which would otherwise envelop the remainder of this eventful day.

[583] On this Menselius remarks, that if the account be true, “Ipse (Anjou) cum matre minime cædis detestandæ particeps habendus esset, sed solus rex Carolus eandem animo concessisset.” _Bibliotheca Historica_, vii. pars 2^a, p. 213. Lipsiæ, 1795. Few will agree with the conclusion.

[584] Juan de Olaegni says that Marcel, “cabeça de los vezinos,” was sent for, but the city registers say Le Charron. Gachard: _Particularités inédites_ in _Bull. Acad. Sci. Bruxelles_, xvi. 1849, p. 235. If the “au soir bien tard” of Anjou’s narrative means “late in the afternoon,” there were probably two meetings, at the latter of which Marcel was present.

[585] “Envoiez et portez ... de fort grand matin.” _Registres_ in Cimber’s _Archives Curieuses_.

[586] _Réveille-Matin._ Margaret, writing twenty-four years after the event, says that Henry, by the king’s advice, had invited them to the Louvre, where they would be safer in case of tumult. I give the preference to her statement.

[587] Mr. Froude (x. 397) writes _Malin_, which is probably a misprint.

[588] Favyn (_Hist. Navarre_, p. 867) says that after supper, “about eleven o’clock,” the king went down to his forge with Navarre, Condé, and others, where they all worked as usual, until between one and two, when the tocsin was rung.

[589] The _Réveille-Matin_ and the _Mém. État de France_ say, “attended only by a fille-de-chambre.”

[590] “Ainsi que le jour commençait à poindre.” Now as the sun rose that day at five o’clock, this would make it a little after four, which does not harmonize with other statements.

[591] We must remember that Anjou is vindicating himself, and that his narrative, like the confession of a criminal, endeavors to extenuate his crime.

[592] According to Burg, he, Koch, and Grunenfelder were the admiral’s murderers; he does not mention Dianowitz. “At unus [M.K.] e tribus audacior bipenni (_i. e._, halberd) ilium miserum transfixit, tertio ipse [C.B.] eum graviter percussit, itaque septimo tactus tandem (mirum!) in caminum cecidit.” Letter of August 26, from Joachim Opserus, then at the College of Clermont, to the Abbot of St. Gall. _Archives de l’Hist. Suisse_, Zürich, ii. 1827. The Neustadt letter does not corroborate this account.

[593] The Neustadt letter says the admiral was in bed, pretending to be asleep: “Danach wider zu Beth gelegt, und schlaffendt angenomen, dan er woll gedacht es wurde ime ietzo gelten.” P. 279.

[594] A similar story--too well founded on the traditions of Würtemberg to admit of doubt--is told of the reformer Brenz (Brentius); but in his case the period during which the hen supplied him with food was eight days.

[595] “Tened piedad de la vejez,” writes Olaegui.

[596] Beza: _Mors Ciceronis_.

[597] Juan de Olaegui says that Guise “le dió un pistoletazo en la cabeza,” and then flung him from the window. This is probably the pistol-shot which so alarmed the royal murderers at the Louvre, though another report (Alva’s _Bulletin_) says it was fired at the body as it lay dead in the court-yard. The Neustadt letter represents Coligny as struggling vigorously against four Swiss soldiers (das irer vier kümmerlich ime bezwingen mögten), and that a French soldier killed him by shooting him in the mouth. Behm was rewarded with the hand of a natural daughter of Cardinal Lorraine, and Philip II. gave him 6000 scudi (ostensibly as a dowry) for his life. See Petrucci’s letter (September 16, 1572), in Alberi, _Vita di Caterina_, p. 149. In 1575 he was captured by the Huguenots near Jarnac, as he was returning from Spain, and put to death.

[598] Alva’s _Bulletin_. Tavannes says: “embrasse la fenêtre;” Serranus: “brachio fenestræ columnam complectitur, ibi acceptis aliquot vulneribus.”

[599] It is uncertain to whom the disgrace of this last indignity attaches, some imputing the cowardly act to Angoulême. Alva, who was instructed by Gomicourt, says Guise did it; so also the _Journal de Henri III._: “Le roi donna un coup de pied ... ainsi que le Duc de Guise en avait donné au feu amiral,” p. 118. (Cologne, 1672.)

[600] The Neustadt letter says it was cut off for the sake of the reward: “damit noch 2000 Kronen zu gewinnen.” Alva says: “la mettant au bout de son épée, la portait par la ville, criant, Voilà la tête d’un méchant.” _Bulletin_, p. 563. He adds the body was torn in pieces by the mob, so that “jamais on n’en sût recouvrer pièce.” At the time Gomicourt wrote to Alva, it was not known what had become of it.

[601] Malgaigne, the latest biographer of Paré, does not believe the tradition that the great surgeon was specially saved from massacre, and denies that he was a Huguenot.

[602] Some writers make him two or three years younger.

[603] _De Civilibus Galliæ dissentionibus_, lib. 2, Nos. 39 and 52, apud Martene, _Veter. Script._ tom. v. 1459. Jacques Coppier, in a versified pamphlet on the massacre, called the _Déluge des Huguenots_, calls the admiral “Ce grand Caspar au curedent.”

[604] Harleian MSS. No. 1625. In the _Complainte et Regretz du G. de C._ (Paris, 1572) the dead admiral is supposed to express his regret: “J’ai honni ma maison en trahissant la France--Et ruiné les miens par mon outrecuidance.” See also another abusive pamphlet: _Le Discours sur la Mort du G. de C._, Paris.

[605] Coryat (p. 16) describes it as “the fairest gallows” he ever saw. It was on a hill, and consisted of fourteen pillars of freestone, and was “made in the time of the Guisian massacre to hang the admiral.” In this he is wrong; other authorities reckon sixteen pillars on a stone platform, tied together by two rows of beams. The bodies were left a prey to beasts and birds; and the bones fell into a charnel where the filth of the streets was shot. _Le Gibet de M._ by Firmin-Maillard, 18mo. Paris, 1863; _Des Anciennes fourches patibulaires de M._, by M. de la Villegille, Paris, 1836.

[606] “After the massacre his body was exposed with the eternal _tooth-pick in his mouth_.” _Edinb. Review_, cxxiv. 1866, p. 369. This is a mistake, the body was headless.

[607] “Graveolentiam scilicet hostilium cadaverum, quibusvis odoribus et pigmentis esse sibi fragrantiorem.”

[608] Even Brantome is disgusted: he says the smell is certainly not sweet; “point bonne, et la parole aussi mauvaise.”

[609] The Neustadt letter says that Teligny offered to ransom his life for 1000 crowns, which the captain agreed to accept if Guise would permit him. “I am a poor fellow, and 1000 will be of great use to me.”--“You are a fool,” answered the duke; “don’t you think the king will reward you better?” Teligny and his wife were poniarded. Teligny’s wife was _not_ killed; she afterward married William of Orange.

[610]

At furiis agitata novis regina superba Signa cani properat, venturæ nuncia cædis, Ne regis mutata loco sententia cedat.

_Tragica historia de miseranda laniena_, by R. Fresner, Emdæ, 1583.

[611] The tower on the Quai de l’Horloge, pointed out to strangers as that from which the signal was given, is of later date.

[612] “Á las iij horas de la mañana.” Olaegui. Beza’s account would place it a little later. “C’était au point du jour.” _Mém. de l’État de France_, i. 217.

[613] Jean de Gorris, years after his conversion, was so terrified at seeing his litter surrounded by soldiers, whom he imagined about to repeat the heresies of the Saint Bartholomew, that he was struck with paralysis.

[614] The sun rose at 5h. 6m. on August 24.

[615] There are great difficulties in fixing the time of this murderous scene. Davila and the Neustadt letter (p. 272) place it _before_ the ringing of the tocsin, that is to say, before day-light; while it is hard to believe that Margaret could be mistaken, or that the murders were committed _after_ the tocsin. Probably it was a little after four o’clock, as from an experiment made last 24th August, it would not have been possible to distinguish the king’s features earlier.

[616] The Neustadt letter says the night was far advanced (folgentz spädt in der Nacht) when the king sent for Henry, after which the Duke of Bouillon posted the soldiers told off to murder the Huguenot gentlemen.

[617] Margaret says thirty or forty, which is more probable.

[618] French history has an unfortunate habit of repeating itself in its worst characteristics:--“He is at the outer gate, conducted into a howling sea; forth under an arch of wild sabres, axes, and pikes; and sinks hewn asunder. And another sinks, and another, and there forms a piled heap of corpses, and the kennels were red.” Carlyle: _French Revolution_ (September 4–6, 1792), pt. 3, bk. 1.

[619] _Etat de Fr._ i. 209 _b_; at ii. 25. Henry of Navarre is said to have witnessed the murders.

[620] _Discours simple et véritable_, p. 36. Only two days before this, Charles and De Pilles had bathed together in the Seine, the latter holding the king’s chin and teaching him how to swim. Brantome: _Hom. Ill._ x. p. 193.

[621] _De Furoribus Gallicis_; _Réveille-Matin, etc._

[622] “Non sine magno et effuso risu.” Serranus.

[623] The name of this individual is not of importance; but he is called _Lerac_ by Brantome, and _Teyran_ by Mongez. _Hist. Marg. de Valois._ He was probably Gabriel de Levis, Viscount of Léran, the “Leiranus” of De Thou, and Leyran of Laval and Piguerre.

[624] Some accounts place this scene on the 26th, after Charles returned from the _lit de justice_. Did he threaten them twice? A similar threat is recorded on September 9, when Elizabeth his queen intervened with tears.

[625] The same figure is used by the author of the _Illustre Orbandole, où Hist. de Châlons-sur-Saone_. Lyon, 1672, b. 1, pt. 2, p. 10. “Une saignée fut si sagement ordonnée pour éteindre la chaleur d’une fièvre que des remèdes plus doux n’avait (_sic_) fait qu’irriter.”

[626] Cimber, _Arch. Cur._ vii. 217, Registres. _Réveille-Matin_, 64. Mezeray, iii. p. 258. _Mém. État de France_, i. 216.

[627] _Comptes de l’Hotel-de-Ville_, Félibien, ii. 1121.

[628] Bussy thus effectually gained his suit about the earldom of Renel. “Hérite-t-on, Seigneur, de ceux qu’on assassine?”

[629]

Comme les autres Pluviaut A, faute de vin, bu de l’eau.

[630] It is written Odet Petit in Duplessis-Mornay’s _Memoirs_.

[631] Supra, p. 343.

[632] Pasquier, _Lettres_, p. 363. Some Englishmen are reported to have defended themselves successfully.

[633] In a receipt for his stipend (_penes auct._) dated 1563, he is called “Seigneur de la Ramée,” and a “noble et scientifique personne.”

[634] There is a picture by Robert Fleury, exhibited about 1840, in which Ramus is represented sitting up in a bed on the floor, while his servant listens anxiously at the door.

[635] _Chronographia_, p. 776, fol. Paris, 1600.

[636] “Nobis vel potius reip. satis pœnarum dedit.” In the dedication of his “Comparison between Plato and Aristotle,” published in January, 1573, Charpentier compliments the Cardinal of Lorraine on the “brilliant and sweet day that shone over France in the month of August last.” Dorat says of Ramus punningly: “Maximum _ramum_ maxima furca decet.”

[637] Claude Haton says he was killed “more than a week after the declaration,” as he was riding to his court.

[638] Now the Quai de la Mégisserie, between the Pont Neuf and the Pont au Change.

[639] Jacques Coppier jests on the bodies “envoyés à Rouen sans bateau.” Another writer thus plays on the memorable _mot_ of Charles IX.:

Cumque tuæ passim submersa cadavera plebis Volvat in æquoreas Sequana tristis aquas, Tu pisces illis vesci, qui mandere pisces Noluerint, Roma præcipiente, refers.

_Illustr. aliquot Germ. Carm. lib. de immani laniena._ Vilnæ, 1573, p. 8.

A pamphleteer declares:

Ha! vous serez ingrats, poissons, vous auriez tort, Si ne les recevez, du moins, après la mort, Puisque tant ils vous ont donné de courtoisie, De ne vouloir jamais vous manger en leur vie.

_Discours sur les Guerres intestines_; par I. T., Paris, 1572.

[640] Agrippa d’Aubigné gives us the sequel of this man’s history. He assumed a hermit’s frock, and murdered the passengers he lured to his hermitage, “so unquenchable was his thirst for blood.” He met his tardy reward on the gibbet.

[641] _Journ. de Henri III._, i. p. 32 (anno 1574).

[642] _Le Tocsain_, p. 145 (Rheims, 1579).

[643] Fronde says hastily, that the story rests only on the “worthless authority of Brantome.” _Hist. Engl._ x. 406. Now Brantome was a terrible gossip, but what could induce him to coin such a detestable story? Smedley (_Prot. Ref. France_, ii. 367) also says, “the fact is not mentioned by D’Aubigné,” which a subsequent note will show to be a mistake. Mezeray (_Abrégé_, 1665) says: “Le roy ... tâchait de les canarder;” Bossuet: “Le roi qui les tirait par les fenêtres.” The _Réveille-Matin_, published in 1574, mentions it: so that the story was at least contemporaneous.

[644] _Mém. État de France_, i. 1579 (2d ed.), 212 _b_.

[645] “De laquelle ce prince _giboyait_ de la fenêtre,” ed. 1626, p. 548. In his poem of _Les Tragiques_ he refers to the same report, using the same characteristic expression:

Ce roy, non juste roy, mais juste harquebusier, Giboyait aux passans trop tardif à noyer, Vantant ses coups heureux.

_Les Fers_, p. 240.

This paints the king firing on the yet living bodies as they floated down the river. Agrippa is not an authority for the fact; but it is something to show that the report existed so early. I am told that a plate of the time represents this window as walled up. If this be true, why was it closed?

[646] Du Cerceau farther tells us that, at the time when the first part of his work appeared, the great gallery intended to unite the Louvre with the Tuileries had been begun.

[647] The time was about five, which gave him two hours’ start of Guise.

[648] _Memoirs of Sully_ (transl.), 4to. London, 1761, p. 27.

[649] _Mém. et Corresp. de Duplessis-Mornay_ (8vo. Paris, 1824–34), i. p. 45. He escaped to Rye, which, after suffering from a severe pestilence, had been “replenished by the French, who sheltered themselves here from the great massacre ...; so that, in 1582, were found inhabiting here 1534 persons of that nation.” Jeake (Sam.): _Charters of the Cinque Ports_ (Lond. 1728), p. 108.

[650] Granvelle, hearing that L’Hopital and his wife were murdered, writes exultingly, and hopes that Catherine will soon be disposed of. See Michelet: _La Ligue_, p. 475.

[651] _Mém. authentiques de Jacques Nompar de Caumont_: ed. by Marquis de la Grange, 8vo. Paris, 1843. Voltaire in his poetry adopts Mezeray’s account, that the father and his two sons lay in the same bed; that two were killed, and the third saved as by a miracle: but in his notes to the _Henriade_ accepts the true version. De Thou and Sismondi also adopt the erroneous story.

[652] Mezeray says that he saved “more than 100 Huguenots.” _Abrégé_, v. 157.

[653] Burghley to Walsingham in Digges, September 9, 1572.

[654] To them of the Castle of Edinburgh, August 25, at noon. _MSS. Mary Q. of Scots_, Record Office.

[655] Ad Annam Æstensem.

[656] Mezeray, who half believes in the miracle, tries to account for it on natural causes: “On pourrait dire que la cause qui avait excité dans les esprits ce violent et extraordinaire accès de fureur, était aussi celle qui avait échauffé cet arbre, soit qu’elle procédât de la terre, soit qu’elle vînt de quelque influence des astres.” _Abrégé_, iii. 1085. Favyn (_Hist. Navarre_), then a boy six years old, was taken to see the thorn. His memory must have been very strong to retain the circumstances he records.

[657] Henault, _Abrégé_, p. 443.

[658] Sully, _Mém._ i. p. 30.

[659] Charles reminds us of Nero after his mother’s murder: “modo per silentium defixus, sæpius pavore exsurgens, et mentis inops lucem opperiens tanquam exitium allaturam.” Tacitus, _Annal._ xiv. 10.

[660] Agr. d’Aubigné (_Hist. Univ_.) heard the story from Henry himself.

[661] _De Statu Religionis_, iv. 33. Guise also said “qu’on avait fait plus qu’il ne voulait ... qu’il n’en voulait qu’à l’amiral.” _Mélanges: Journ. de Leipsic_ (June, 1693), p. 293. This is confirmed by a sort of newsletter from Paris, preserved in the Record Office (_MSS. France_, September, 1572.) “For the admiral’s death he was glad; but he thought for the rest that the king had put such to death as, if it pleased him, might have done good service.”

[662] The Catholics condemned “non tanto il fatto quanto il modo e la maniera del fare ... chiamano questa via di procedere con assoluta potestà, senza via di giudizio, via di tirannide, _attribuendolo alla regina come Italiana_.” Baschet: _Relazioni_, p. 295.

[663] _Corresp. de Charles IX. et de Mandelot_, p. 39. _Mém. de l’État de France_, f. 215. _Recueil de Lettres, etc._, ed. by Merlet.

[664] “Lasché la main à MM. de Guise.” _Fénelon Corresp._ See also _Revue Rétrosp._ v. 1834, p. 358, Charles to Matignon, August 26.

[665] “Nous préservant de leurs mains.” Cath. to Philip, August 25. _Simancas Papers_ (_Bibl. Nat._), B, No. 144.

[666] See the “Official Declaration.”

[667] “_Ces grimaces_ n’imposèrent à personne,” says Bossuet. Montluc disbelieved the story; “Je sais bien ce que j’en crus.”

[668] _Discours sur les Causes de l’Exécution, etc._ Rouen, 1572.

[669] In a circular to the churches dispatched in his name on the 23d, Coligny really used this phrase, but it was to quiet, not to excite them.

[670] This was the meeting at which Bouchavannes played the spy.

[671] Eytzinger got his information from a pamphlet, probably the royal justification, published at Paris, “cui lector tantum fidei tribuat quantum volet,” which is pretty plain, considering he was a Catholic. _Leo Belg._ p. 127.

[672] Félibien, a Benedictine monk, evidently disapproves of the “discours sur lequel il ne nous appartient pas de porter notre jugement” (ii. 1122).

[673] It is said in the _Mém. de l’État de France_, that one Rouillard was killed “at the instigation of the first president,” a statement we gladly believe unfounded.

[674] Statius: _Silv._ v. 2, l. 88.

[675] Others call him Bishop of Orleans.

[676] An account of this violation of asylum must have been reported by Walsingham, but I have sought for it in vain. Sir Philip Sydney was then in Paris: Charles had appointed him one of his gentlemen of the bed-chamber only a few days before.

[677] Tacitus: _Agricola_. _Choisnin_ in his _Mémoires_ describes the king and Anjou as “marris de ce que les exécuteurs n’étaient assez cruels.”

[678] Walsingham to Smith, November 1, 1572. Digges, p. 278.

[679] The cost of this banquet is given by Sauvai, iii. 368.

[680] The Bull (6 Kal. November, 1572) was never registered in Parliament. I may add that Sureau, unable to stifle his conscience, fled to Germany, recanted, and died neglected by all.

[681] Digges, p. 267. Letter to Smith, October 8. On September 7 he had written, “that there is a compact to destroy all persons that be of the religion.” _Archæologia_, xxii. 1829, p. 325.

[682] See _Martyrologue_, respecting Orleans, p. 712 _recto_; respecting Bourges, 724 _recto_; respecting Bordeaux, “il n’entendait pas que cette exécution passât outre et s’étendît plus avant que Paris,” p. 730 _recto_.

[683] It is given in Olagharray, p. 628, and the _Réveille-Matin_.

[684] _Vita di C. de’ Medici_, p. 155.

[685] Tom. vi. lib. 52, p. 421.

[686] Paris: _Cabinet Hist._ ii. 258.

[687] Raumer, i. 282.

[688] _Revue rétrospect._ v. (1834) p. 359.

[689] Raumer: _Hist. 16th and 17th Cent._, Letter 31.

[690] When the Duke of Alençon revolted against Henry III., and the city rose in arms, Matignon was sent to reduce it, and as soon as the Protestants saw his banners, they opened the gates to him. Odolant Desnos: _Mém. Hist. d’Alençon_, ii. p. 285 (8vo. Alençon, 1787).

[691] The account in the _État de France_ varies from that in the text.

[692] There is a curious story of an apothecary who discovered that the fat of the bodies was valuable and would fetch a high price, and of a general scramble for the bodies in the river, which were dragged out, that the fat might be extracted and sold. _Mém. État de France_, i. 263 _b_.

[693] “In one day,” says one account, which is not probable. A contemporary _brochure_ more moderately sets down the total at 1800. _Massacre de ceux de la Rel._ 1572: _Mém. État de France_.

[694] De Thou says that the Huguenots who fled to the Celestine monastery were killed; but Golnitz affirms the contrary: “In hanc evangelicorum truculentam necem noluisse etiam consentire dicuntur canonici in æde Cœlestinorum.” _Ulysses_, p. 331. So also _Mém. État de France_, i. 260 _b_.

[695] Ten leaves, probably containing an account of the massacre, are suspiciously torn out of the _Actes Consulaires_ of the city. The Catholic historian says briefly: “Huit jours après, le même massacre fut fait à Lyon; je n’ai rien à dire là-dessus.” An expressive silence! Montfalcon, _Hist. Lyon_, ii. p. 685.

[696] The order for the massacre was transmitted by Sorbin, the king’s preacher. The author of the _Martyrologue_ says the murders began without orders. P. 712, _recto_.

[697] See Martin: _Hist. France_, t. ix. p. 337, _note_.

[698] “Ne voulait que aulcune chose fust attentée ni innovée contre l’édict de la paix.” _Registre des Conseils_, iv. p. 137. See also the _Registre du Parlement_ for 1572. “Questi ordini (says Homero Tortora) non giunsero a tempo in molti luoghi per che la fama che vola per tutto il reame di quanto era avvenuto a Parigi invita cattolici di molte città a fare il medesimo.” _Ist. di Francia_, 4to. Venezia, 1619.

[699] _Memoirs of Latomy, MSS._ The autograph copy differs materially from the printed text, which is of little value. Jacques Gâches, a Huguenot, has left memoirs, portions of which would repay publication.

[700] Félice in a paragraph of a few lines manages to include almost as many mistakes. The arrests did not take place on August 31; the number of victims was not 300, and d’Affis gave no order for their execution. The magistrates, having no regular police or armed force at their disposal, were unable to resist the mob and the soldiers. _Archives of Toulouse_, ad ann.

[701] This curious story will be found in the Dulaure MSS., preserved in the public library of Clermont-Ferrand. This (to say nothing of the instances already given) disposes of Capefigue’s “inability to find any proof of orders issued by the king to massacre in the provinces.” _Hist. de la Réforme_, iii. p. 229, _note_.

[702] Capefigue says the letter is a forgery of the age of Louis XIV.; but it is published by Agrippa d’Aubigné in 1618. Adiram d’Aspremonte, Vicomte d’Orte (as he is sometimes called), was a cruel man, cruel to both parties. Even Charles IX. was forced to write to him in 1574, and tell him to be more moderate.

[703] The bishop is said to have been in Paris at this time with the court as almoner. This, if true, is fatal to the correctness of the anecdote. I do not lay much stress upon the language of his epitaph: “Contre lesquels [the Huguenots] il ne faisait pas faute de se montrer.”

[704] De Thou, tom. vi. p. 432 (4to ed.). See also, La Virotte: _Annales d’Arnay_, 8vo. 1837.

[705] Journal of Mallet and Vautier, _Esprit de la Ligue_, ii. p. 51 (Paris, 1808).

[706] Long: _Guerres de Religion dans le Dauphiné_. De Thou (vi. 428) says Gordes excused himself on the ground that the Huguenots were too strong.

[707] Chorier: _Hist. Dauphiné_, fol. ii. p. 647.

[708] Long. The historian gives a circular (December 6, 1572), in which Gordes exhorts the Huguenots to return to the Romish religion, “parceque le roi s’est résolu à n’en endurer autre.”

[709] Borrel: _Hist. Église Réf. de Nimes_, 8vo. Toulouse, 1856.

[710] To them of the Castle. Record Office, _MS. Queen of Scots_. He writes at noon on the 25th.

[711] “Seint pleiben bey 1000 Personen und sonst gemeiner Personen über 5000 welche meisten theills ebendig, theils todt ins Wasser geworffen, theils heuffig in Campo Clericorum vergraben worden.”

[712] “Plus de 7000 personnes _bien connues_, sans autres jetées dans la rivière qui ne furent connues.” P. 679.

[713] See note to M. Ath. Coquerel’s monograph, “La St.-Barthélemy,” in the _Nouvelle Revue de Théologie_.

[714] In the _Mém. État de France_ (vol. i.) the names of nearly eight hundred victims all over the kingdom are given. See also ii. 20 and 25.

[715] Bonanni: _Numism. Pontif._ i. 336. Mezeray, iii. 256. _Abrégé_, iii. 1082.

[716] “Fu il sacco e la preda grandissima per due milioni d’oro.” Baschet, p. 549. It is evident that these are mere guesses.

[717] “Il faut juger un temps d’après son esprit, ses émotions et ses mœurs.” Gachard.

[718] “Ut porci cecidere proci.” Exulting over Coligny, he says, with a coarse play upon words:

Parte sacerdotes solitus mutare pudenda, Cuncta pudenda gerens, nulla pudenda gerit.

[719] The year before (1572) he published a _Chant d’Allégresse sur la Mort de Coligny_, with the motto of Judas: “He went to his own.”

[720] He charges Beza with giving orders “qu’on coupast τὰ αἰδοῖα aux prestres et aux moynes, ajoutant qu’il en vouloit remplir un puy.” From the date of the letter (September 15), some are of opinion that it must have been written before the massacre. Portès’s answer is given in vol. ii. of the _Mém. État de France_.

[721] Sorbin was chaplain to Charles IX., and wrote a eulogistic account of his life, in which he skips over the massacre thus: “Le jour de la St.-B. se passe, où les principaux chefs furent châtiés selon leurs mérites, au grand regret de ce bon roy.”

[722] See vignette on title-page.

[723] Ellis: _Letters_ (sec. ser.) iii. p. 23.

[724] Rommel: _Corresp. inéd. de Henri IV._ Paris, 1840.

[725] Bruxelles, _Bulletin_, ix. 1841 (pt. 1), p. 560.

[726] March, 1573; _Revue rétrospect._ iii. 1835, p. 195. Sir Henry Ellis (_Archæologia_, xxii. 1829, p. 323) held it to be “a strong proof of a deliberate plot,” that the documents on this subject had disappeared from the Public Records in France; but we have given ample evidence that such is not the case.

[727] Mezeray and De Sancy call the pope, Innocent XIII.; Brantome and Sully, Pius V.; but the latter died on 1st May, 1572.

[728] Twelve months after the massacre, the cardinal publicly applauded Charles to his face for his “holy dissimulation.” Dale’s dispatch: Macintosh, _Hist. Engl._ iii. 226, _note_.

[729] The genuineness of this medal has been disputed on very insufficient grounds. It is engraved in Bonanni’s _Numismata Pontificum_ (2 vols. fol. Romæ, 1689) tom. i. p. 336. It is No. 27 of the series of Gregory XIII. L’Estoile mentions it, under “Lundi, 30 juin, 1618,” as the “pièce que le pape Grégoire XIII. fit faire à Rome l’an 1572.”

[730] “In Constantini quæ nunc et visitur aula.” Thuanus Posteritati. The outline of one of these frescoes in the frontispiece to this volume is taken from De Potter’s _Lettres de Pie V._

[731] See _Dublin Review_ for October, 1865.

[732] Lucan, iv. 192.

[733] In Gregory’s instructions to Cardinal des Ursins (Fabio Orsini), he is to exhort Charles “ut cœptis insistat fortiter, neque curam asperis remediis inchoatam prospere, perdat leniora miscendo.” Bonanni, i. p. 323, 336, No. xxvii. _Ann. Eccles._ ad ann. 1572, in Potter. _Hist. du Christ._ vii. p. 330.

[734] “Who otherwise never laughed.” St. Goar to Queen; Raumer, i. p. 199.

[735] “Deconcertaron todos los planes del gabinete de Isabel [Elizabeth of England] é impedieron que se realizase su famosa liga con Francia.” _Mem. Acad. Madrid_, vii. p. 374.

[736] Juan de Cuniga, embassador at Rome, writes to Philip II. that “the French _here_ declare that the king meditated this stroke since the day he made peace;” but in another place he adds, that “he was credibly informed, if the assault on the admiral was projected a few days before, and authorized by the king, all the rest was inspired by circumstances.” _Bulletin Acad. Sci. Bruxelles_, xvi. (1849) p. 250.

[737] “Uno de los mayores contentamientos que he recibido en mi vida.”

[738] Letter of August 25. _Simancas Archives._

[739] “La mejor y mas alegre nueve que al presente me pudiera venir.” Gachard: _Simancas Archives_.

[740] Burghley to Walsingham, September 9, 1572, in Digges, p. 247.

[741] M’Crie: _Life of Knox_ (1841), p. 337.

[742] Brandt: _Hist. Ref. of Low Countries_ (Chamberlayne’s transl.), fol. Lond. 1720, vol. i. p. 329.

[743] Walsingham to Smith, 16th and 24th September.

[744] Ranke: _Franz. Gesch._ t. iv. ch. 4. This is said in one account to have occurred on the eve of the massacre, when he was playing with Henry of Navarre. St. Foix: _Essais hist. sur Paris_, i. 74.

[745] Agrippa d’Aubigné, unless he refers to another story, says the child was “disinterred and then devoured” by its parents, who were condemned, the man to be burned alive, and the woman to be hanged. See also _Mém. État de France_, ii. 224. Jean de Leri: _Hist. Siége de R._; Paris: _Cab. Hist._ vii. There is a Latin version, Heidelbg. 1576.

[746] _Discours de l’extrême Famine, etc._ par Jean Leri: _Archives curieuses_, viii. p. 19. _Mém. État de France_, ii. 219 _b_ (ed. 1578).

[747] Among other charges, La Mole was accused of endeavoring to destroy the king’s life by witchcraft; by means of a waxen image having a needle pierced through the heart, which an Italian astrologer, Cosmo Ruggieri, had prepared for him.

[748] “Mollis vita, mollior interitus.” Punning epitaph on La Mole.

[749] His defense was written by his wife Margaret, “God giving her the grace to compose it.” _Mémoires._

[750] This bloody sweat is an ordinary though rare pathological phenomenon. Dr. Bourdin describes the case of a farm-servant, thirty-three years old, from whose forehead blood suddenly began to issue and continued to flow for half an hour (April, 1859). In No. 40 of the _Gazette Hebdomadaire_ (1859), Dr. Jules Parrot gives the case of a lady who had suffered from these hemorrhages from six years of age, and which continued after her marriage. Chemical analysis and microscopic examination combine to prove that the liquid thus secreted is truly blood.

[751] _Journal de L’Estoile._ I am afraid the authority is not very good. See also Peleus: _Vie de Henri IV._ ii. pp. 385–390.

[752] Better known as the translator of Plutarch than as Grand Almoner of France.

[753] The nuncio wrote to the pope that Charles was killing himself with the chase; that he had nearly killed 5000 dogs and broken the wind of all his horses, valued at 30,000 francs. Salviati Cavalli writes to the same effect: “mal modo di vivere,” etc. See Drelincourt: _Libitinæ Trophæa_. Lugd. Bat. 1680. He broke out in large pustules and buboes all over his body: Villegomblain. His stomach was covered with livid spots: De Thou.

[754] There is an old prophecy: “Væ et iterum væ! quando puer sedebit in sede lilii.”

[755] His first tutors were the virtuous Carnavalet, the learned Amyot, and M. de Cipierre, a man of antique type and probity. The latter was succeeded by Gondi, “fin, corrompu, menteur,” who taught Charles to swear and blaspheme, “et le pervertit du tout.” Brantome. “Princeps præclara indole et magnis virtutibus, nisi....” De Thou.

[756] Among others Claude Haton: “fut une grâce de Dieu comment le roi sut si bien dissimuler.”

Transcriber’s Notes:

1. Obvious printers’, punctuation and spelling errors have been corrected silently.

2. Where hyphenation is in doubt, it has been retained as in the original.

3. Some hyphenated and non-hyphenated versions of the same words have been retained as in the original.

4. Italics are shown as _xxx_.

5. Bold print is shown as =xxx=.