ii. 363), while he adopts 17,844 and 10,662, which are approximately

Stowe’s figures, for 1593. As a matter of fact, the weekly figures given do not add up exactly to 25,886 and 11,503; I make them (as does Hull, ii. 427) 26,407 and 11,106; Creighton, i. 354, makes the larger figure 25,817. Finally, the anonymous _Reflections on the Bills of Mortality_ (1665) give 25,886 and 11,503 as the totals for 13 March (Tuesday) to 18 Dec. (Tuesday), not of 1592, but of 1593 again. The authority of these _Reflections_ is not great, and there is a discrepancy between the period they take and that taken in the 1603 bill. But I do not see how the detailed weekly figures of the broadsheets can belong to 1592. The plague deaths are 3 on 17 March and 31 on 24 March. For the rest of the year they only fall below 30 on 31 March, 7 April, 5 May, and finally on 22 Dec. They reach 41 on 28 April, 58 on 26 May, and climb to 118 on 30 June. There is a big jump to 927 on 7 July; they get to a maximum of 983 on 4 Aug. and thereafter decline, dropping below 100 from 24 Nov. and ending with 71 on 15 Dec. and 39 on 22 Dec. These figures cannot apply to 1592, when plague only made its appearance about August. On the other hand, the figures for 4 Aug. (1,503 and 983) and 29 Sept. (450 and 330) do not tally exactly, although they do in general effect, with the 1,603 and 1,135 given as ‘the greatest that came yet’ in Henslowe’s letter of Aug. 1593, or the 1,100 to 1,200 from plague, representing an abatement in two weeks of 435, in his letter of 28 Sept. (_H. P._ 37, 40). On the whole, however, I think that all the figures before us relate to 1593 and not 1592, and that the ascription of the detailed tables to 1592 is due to the fact that they begin with 17 March 159–2/3. Graunt similarly (Hull, ii. 378) quotes 1593 and 1594, where he clearly means 1594 and 1595. The discrepancies between Stowe and the tables are probably due to the different number of parishes covered by different computations. If the larger figures relate to an area wider than that of City and liberties (cf. the P. C. order of 4 Aug. 1593 cited in the _Bibl. Note_), we perhaps get also an answer to the view of Creighton, i. 354, and Hull, ii. 427, that they are neither of 1592 nor 1593, but altogether spurious as representing an impossibly high rate of general mortality for sixteenth-century London, even when allowance is made for the unscientific nature of the ‘plague-tokens’ as a diagnosis and the consequent increase in plague-time of deaths ascribed to other causes.

_1594._ As in 1592–3, the diminution of plague in December allowed of a short winter play season. Henslowe, i. 16, records plays from 26 Dec. to 6 Feb. A restraint was ordered on 3 Feb. It was still thought necessary to inhibit access to court on 21 April (_Hatfield MSS._ iv. 514), but the plague deaths for the year were only 421 (Graunt in Hull, ii. 378; Bell, _London’s Remembrancer_). Plays began tentatively in April and May and regularly in June (Henslowe, i. 17). The systematization of City precautions was under consideration in the autumn.

_1595._ There were only 29 plague deaths (Graunt, in Hull, ii. 378; Bell, _London’s Remembrancer_).

_1596._ Plays were restrained for fear of infection on 22 July, but there is no other evidence of plague.

_1597–1600._ The tables show no plague deaths above 4 in any week.

_1601–2._ There is no evidence of plague.

_1603._ Plague broke out during April (_V. P._ x. 33). Precautions were already being taken on 18 April (_Remembrancia_, 337). Plays had been restrained during the illness of Elizabeth on 19 March and probably not resumed. The terms of the patent to the King’s men on 19 May imply an existing restraint. The epidemic was a bad one; for an account of it, cf. Creighton, i. 474, and Dekker, _The Wonderful Year_ (1603, _Works_, i. 100). The coronation was shorn of its entry and other splendours, and speedy resort to the country enjoined (_Procl._ 961, 964, 967). Bartholomew and other fairs were suppressed or put off (_Procl._ 964, 968). Trinity term was deferred on 23 June (_Procl._ 957) and Michaelmas term deferred on 16 Sept, and transferred to Winchester on 18 Oct. (_Procl._ 970, 973). Stowe, _Annales_, 857, gives the total deaths in the City and liberties as 38,244, including 30,578 from plague. Creighton, i. 478, calculates from the weekly tables that with the addition of those suburbs for which records are available, these figures must be increased to 42,945 and 33,347. The report of 60,000 deaths, which Nicolo Molin (_V. P._ x. 126) found hard to believe, was obviously an exaggeration. The weekly plague bill for the City and liberties reached 30 on 26 May, 43 on 9 June, and rose very rapidly from the end of the month, reaching a maximum of 2,495, with 542 for the recorded suburbs, on 1 Sept. On 22 Dec. the plague deaths for City, liberties, and the suburbs henceforward included in the City lists (120 parishes in all) was still 74. Nicolo Molin’s statements on 5 Dec. that the plague had almost disappeared, and on 15 Dec. that it was never mentioned (_V. P._ x. 124, 126), must have been optimistic.

_1604._ Nicolo Molin (_V. P._ x. 132 sqq.) records the totals of the bills (probably a week or so late) in despatches from 26 Jan. to 23 Oct. He gives 15 on 26 Jan. and 27 for the City only on 8 Feb., and thereafter 20 is only reached in a few weeks of May, August, and September; 30 never. On 23 Oct. there had only been 6 in the last fortnight, and ‘as that is nothing out of the common, I will not make any further reports on this subject’ (_V. P._ x. 190). A play restraint was removed on 9 April, but the reason given was the expiration of Lent, and it is not impossible that the theatres may have been open before Lent, which began on 22 Feb. The warrant of 8 Feb., however, for a special royal subsidy to the King’s men (App. B) suggests that they were still unable to perform in public on that date.

_1605._ Creighton, i. 493, says there was ‘not much’ plague; but a letter of 12 Oct. (Winwood, ii. 140) notes a ‘sudden rising of the sickness to thirty a week’, followed by some abatement, and there was a restraint of plays for infection on 5 Oct. which was removed on 15 Dec.

_1606._ This was a year of plague. The deaths reached 33 on 10 July and 50 on 17 July, rose to a maximum of 141 on 2 Oct., and remained, but for one or two weeks, above 40 to 4 Dec. and above 30 to the end of the year. The total, for 121 parishes, was 2,124. Michaelmas term was adjourned on 23 Sept. (_Procl._ 1038) and access to court restrained on 1 Nov. (_Procl._ 1039). There is no record of a specific order for the restraint of plays; possibly it was automatic as a result of the play-bill.

_1607._ During the first half of the year the plague deaths were under 30, except for 38 on 1 Jan., 33 on 5 Feb., 30 on 12 March, 33 on 19 March, and 43 on 30 April. They increased in the autumn, passing 30 on 9 July and 40 on 23 July, to a maximum of 177 on 24 Sept. After 19 Nov. they fell below 30. The total for the year was 2,352. As early as 12 April the City, unjustified as yet by the plague bill, asked for a restraint of plays. Access to court was restrained on 2 Nov. (_Procl._ 1050).

_1608._ The plague deaths were under 30 until 28 July, when they rose to 50; for the rest of the year they were over 40, with a maximum of 147 on 29 Sept, and a total of 2,262. The King’s men practised privately for about eight weeks this winter (App. B).

_1609._ The plague of this year, the heaviest since 1603, is recorded in Dekker’s _Work for Armourers_ (1609, _Works_, iv. 96). The deaths were over 30, and, with four exceptions, over 40 up to 30 Nov., with a maximum of 210 on 21 Sept. and a total of 4,240. Michaelmas term was deferred on 22 Sept. (_Procl._ 1085). The King’s men practised privately for six weeks this winter (App. B).

_1610._ The plague deaths were between 30 and 40 on 28 Dec. 1609 and on 4 and 18 Jan. 1610; then under 30 to 28 June, passing 30 on 5 July and 40 on 12 July, and remaining there during most of the rest of the year, with a maximum of 99 on 30 Aug. and a total of 1,803. They fell below 40 on 29 Nov. and below 30 on 6 Dec.

_1611–16._ Plague was absent from London (Creighton, i. 496).

APPENDIX F

THE PRESENCE-CHAMBER AT GREENWICH

[Entry for 27 Aug. 1598 in _Pauli Hentzneri J. C. Itinerarium Germaniae, Galliae, Angliae, Italiae_ (1629) 200. The first edition is of 1612. A translation by R. Bentley was printed by Horace Walpole in 1757.]

Venimus deinde, ad Arcem Regiam, Grönwidge seu Grunwidge, vulgo dictam.... Postquam hanc arcem ingressi sumus, ex mandato summi Cubiculariorum Praefecti, quod Dn. Daniel Rogerius impetraverat, in Cameram Praesentationis, undiquaque tapetis preciosis exornatam, (Pavimentum vero, uti in Anglia moris est, foeno erat constratum) quam Regina, quando in sacellum ad preces ire vult, transire solet; Ad ianuam stabat nobilis quidam vestibus holosericis amictus, et catena aurea cinctus, qui Comites, Barones, Nobiles et alios utriusque sexus, Reginam adire cupientes, ad eandem deducebat; (erat tum forte dies Dominicus, quo Magnates plaerumque Reginam invisere solent) in Camera, quam dixi, praestolabantur Reginam, Episcopi, Cantuariensis et Londinensis, Consiliarii, Officiarii, et nobiles magno numero. Postea cum hora precum instaret, Regina ex suo conclavi prodiit, tali cum comitatu; Praeibant Nobiles, Barones, Comites, et Equites Ordinis Periscelidis, omnes splendide vestiti, et capite detecto; Proxime antecedebant duo, alter qui sceptrum Regni, alter qui gladium in vagina rubra aureis liliis distincta, reconditum cuspide sursum versa portabat, inter quos medius procedebat, Magnus Angliae Cancellarius, sigillum Regni in marsupio holoserico rubro gerens; Hos sequebatur Regina, aetatis, uti rumor erat, lxv annorum, magna cum Maiestate, facie oblonga et candida, sed rugosa, oculis parvis, sed nigris et gratiosis, naso paululum inflexo, labiis compressis, dentibus fuliginosis (quod vitium ex nimio saccari usu, Anglos contrahere verisimile est) inaures habens duas margaritis nobilissimis appensis, crinem fulvum sed factitium; Capiti imposita, erat parva quaedam corona, quae ex particula auri celeberrimae illius tabulae Lunaeburgensis, facta esse perhibetur; pectore erat nuda, quod Virginitatis apud Anglos Nobiles signum est; Nam maritatae sunt tectae; Collum torques gemmis nobilissimis refertus circumdabat; manus erant graciles, digiti longiusculi, statura corporis mediocris; in incessu magnifica, verbis blanda et humanissima; induta forte tum temporis erat veste serica alba, cuius oram margaritae preciosissimae fabarum magnitudine decorabant, toga superiniecta ex serico nigro, cui argentea fila admista, cum cauda longissima, quam Marchionissa pone sequens a posteriori parte elevatum gestabat; Collare habebat oblongum, vice catenae, gemmis et auro fulgens; Tum, cum tali in pompa et magnificentia incederet, nunc cum hoc, mox cum alio loquebatur, perhumaniter, qui vel legationis vel alterius rei causa eo venerant, utens nunc materno, nunc Gallico, nunc Italico idiomate; Nam, praeterquam quod Graece, et Latine eleganter est docta, tenet ultra iam commemorata idiomata, etiam Hispanicum, Scoticum, et Belgicum; Omnes illam alloquentes, pedibus flexis id faciunt, quorum aliquos interdum manu elevare solet; Hos inter forte tum erat, Baro quidam Bohemus, Gulielmus Slawata nomine, Reginae literas offerens, cui manum dextram, chirotheca detracta, annulis et lapidibus preciosissimis splendentem porrexit osculandam, quod maximum insignis clementiae signum est; In transitu, quocunque faciem vertit, omnes in genua procidunt; Sequebatur Gynaeceum ex Comitissis, Baronissis, et Nobilibus foeminis, summa pulchritudine et forma excellentibus constans, et maxima ex parte, vestimentis albicans; Ab utroque latere comitabantur eam Satellites nobiles cum hastis deauratis, quorum quinquaginta sunt numero; In praeambulo Sacelli, quod huic atrio contiguum est, porriguntur ipsi libelli supplices, quos benignissime accipit, unde tales fiunt acclamationes; God save the quene Elisabeth, hoc est, Deus salvet Reginam Elisabetham; Ad quae populo sic ipsa respondet; I thancke you myn good peupel, id est, Ago tibi gratias popule mi bone; In sacello habebatur excellens Musica, qua finita una cum precibus, quae vix ultra dimidiam horam durabant, Regina eadem magnificentia et ordine, quo antea discesserat, redibat, et ad prandium se conferebat. Interea vero dum sacris intererat, vidimus illi apparari mensam hac adhibita solemnitate; Primo Nobilis quidam atrium ingressus, sceptrum manu tenebat, adiunctum sibi habens alium quendam Nobilem cum mappa, qui ambo cum ter summa cum veneratione genua flexissent, alter ad mensam propius accedens, eam mappa insternebat; quo facto, rursus poplite flexo discedebant; veniebant post hos alii duo, quorum alter rursum cum sceptro, alter cum salino, orbe, et pane aderat, qui cum, uti priores, ter genua incurvassent, et res modo dictae mensae impositae essent, eadem omnino cum ceremonia abivere. Venit tandem Virgo quaedam Comitissa, uti affirmabatur, eximiae pulchritudinis, vestita veste serica alba, cui erat adiuncta nobilis matrona, cultrum praegustatorium ferens, quae ter summo cum decore in pedes provoluta, postea ad mensam accessit, orbes sale et pane abstersit, tanta cum veneratione, ac si Regina ipsa praesens fuisset; cumque paululum commorata ad mensam esset, venerunt satellites Regii, omnes capite nudi, sagis rubris induti, quibus in postica parte erant affixae rosae aureae, singulis vicibus xxiv missus ferculorum, in patinis argenteis et maxima ex parte deauratis, adferentes; Ab his nobilis quidam, ordine cibos accepit, et mensae imposuit; Praegustatrix vero, cuilibet satelliti, ex eadem, quam ipsemet attulerat, patina, buccellam degustandam praebuit, ne aliqua veneni subesset suspicio; Dum satellites isti, qui centum numero procera corporis statura, et omnium robustissimi ex toto Angliae Regno, ad hoc munus summa cura deliguntur, supradictos cibos adportarent, erant in Aulae area xii Tubicines, et duo Tympanistae, qui tubis, buccinis, et tympanis magno sonitu per sesqui horam clangebant; Caeremoniis autem, modo commemoratis, circa mensam absolutis, aderant illico virgines aliquot nobiles, quae singulari cum veneratione, cibos de mensa auferebant, et in interius et secretius Reginae cubiculum asportabant; Eligere ibi Regina solet quos vult, caeteri pro Gynaeceo servantur; Prandet et coenat sola paucis astantibus, atque nullus admittitur, neque peregrinus, neque Regni quoque incola, nisi rarissime, et quidem ex singulari magnatis alicuius intercessione.

APPENDIX G

SERLIO’S TRATTATO SOPRA LE SCENE

[Extract from Sebastiano Serlio’s _Architettura_ (1551), being the text of ff. 26^v-31^v of _Il secondo libro di Perspettiva_, which also contain five woodcuts, representing (_A_) the _profilo_ or section of a stage (f. 26^v), (_B_) the _pianta_ or ground-plan of the same stage (f. 27^v), (_C_), (_D_), (_E_) elevations of a _scena comica_ (f. 28^v), _scena tragica_ (f. 29^v), and _scena satyrica_ (f. 30). An English translation, through the ‘Dutch’, of the five books of the _Architettura_ was published in 1611, having been entered in the Stationers’ Register by Thomas Snodham on 14 Dec. 1611 (Arber, iii. 473). Each book has a separate imprint, _London Printed for Robert Peake and are to be sold at his shop neere Holborne conduit, next to the Sunne Tauerne. Anno Dom. 1611_. Each has also a colophon, with slight variants; that of the fifth book, which alone names the printer, is _Here endeth the fift Booke: And this also is the end of the whole worke of Sebastian Serlius; Translated out of Italian into Dutch, and out of Dutch into English, at the charges of Robert Peake. Printed at London, by Simon Stafford. 1611. B. W._ I do not know whether B. W. conceals the name of a translator. Robert Peake, who also signs an Epistle to Prince Henry, prefixed to the first book, was not a stationer, but a serjeant painter to James. In this translation the _Treatise of Scenes_ occupies ff. 23^v-27 of Bk. ii, ch. 3. The title of this book is _The second Booke of Architecture, made by Sebastian Serly, entreating of Perspectiue, which is, Inspection, or looking into, by shortening of the sight_. The woodcuts are reproduced, with some modifications, especially in details of heraldic decoration.]

[f. 26^v] Per che ne la seguente carta io trattaro delle Scene e de Theatri che a nostri tempi si costumano, onde sara difficile a comprendere doue et come si debbia porre l’ orizonte delle scene, per essere diuerso modo dalle regole passate, ho voluto far prima questo profilo, accio che la pianta in sieme col profilo l’ un per l’ altro si possino intendere; ma sara perho bene a studiare prima su la pianta, et se quelle cose non si intenderanno ne la pianta, recorrere al profilo doue meglio s’ intendera. Primieramente donque io cominciaro dal suolo dauanti: loquale sara a l’ altezza de l’ occhio et voglio que sia piano et e segnato C, et da B fin a l’ A sara lo suolo leuato dalla parte de A la nona parte; et quel diritto piu grosso sopra del qual e M dinota lo muro nel capo della sala. Quel diritto piu sottile doue e P sara lo pariete della scena cioe l’ ultimo. Il termine doue e l’ O e l’ orizonte. La linea di punti che viene ad essere aliuello da L a O doue essa finira nel pariete vltimo della scena, iui sara l’ orizonte, loqual pero seruira solamente per quel pariete, et questa linea sara quella che sara sempre orizonte, alle faccie de i casamenti che saranno in maiesta. Ma quelle parti de i casamenti che scurtiano lo suo orizonte sara quel piu lontano segnato O. Et e ben ragione se i casamenti in effetto han dua facie, lequai spettino a dua lati, che anchora habbino dua orizonti; et questo e quanto al profilo della scena. Ma lo proscenio si e quella segnata D: la parte E rappresenta l’ horchestra leuata da terra mezzo piede. Doue si vede F sonno le sedie de piu nobili. Li primi gradi segnati G saran per le donne piu nobili, et salendo piu ad alto le men nobili vi si metterano. Quel luoco piu spacioso doue e H e vna strada, et cosi la parte I vn altra strada onde fra l’ una e l’ altra quei gradi saranno per la nobilita de gli huomini. Dal I in su li gradi che vi sonno, li men nobili si metteranno. Quel gran spacio segnato K sara per la plebe, et sara magiore et minore secondo la grandezza del luoco; et lo Theatro, et la scena ch’ io feci in Vicenza, furono circa a questo modo, et de l’ un corno a l’ altro del Theatro era da piedi ottanta, per essere questo fatto in vn gran cortile, doue trouai magior spacio, che doue era la scena per essere quella appoggiata ad vna loggia. Li armamenti et ligature de i legnami furono nel modo dimostrato qui auanti, et per esser questo Theatro senza appoggio alcuno, io volsi (per magior fortezza) farlo ascarpa nella circonferentia di fori.

_Trattato sopra le Scene._

[f. 27] Fra l’ altre cose fatte per mano de gli huomini che si possono mirare con gran contentezza d’ occhio et satisfationi d’ animo: e (al parer mio) il discoprirsi lo apparato di vna scena, doue si vede in picol spacio fatto da l’ arte della Perspettiua superbi palazzi, amplissimi tempij, diuersi casamenti, et da presso, e di lontano, spaciose piazze ornate di varii edificij, dritissime e longhe strade incrociate da altre vie, archi triomphali, altissime colonne, pyramide, obelischi, et mille altre cose belle, ornate d’ infiniti lumi, grandi, mezzani, et piccoli, secondo che l’ altre lo comporta, liquali sono cosi arteficiosamente ordinati, che rappresentano tante gioie lucidissime, come saria Diamanti, Rubini, Zafiri, Smeraldi, et cose simili. Quiui si vede la cornuta et lucida Luna leuarsi pian piano; et essersi inalzata, che gli occhi de i spettatori non l’ han veduta muouersi: in alcune altre si vede lo leuare del sole, et il suo girare, et nel finire della comedia tramontar poi con tale artificio che molti spettatori di tal cosa stupiscono; con l’ artificio a qualche bon proposito si vedera descendere alcun Dio dal cielo, correre qualche Pianeta per l’ aria, venir poi su la scena diuersi intermedij richissimamente ornati, liuree di varie sorti con habiti strani, si per moresche come per musiche. Tal’ hor si vede strani animali entro de i quali son huomini, et fanciulli, atteggiando, saltando, et correndo cosi bene, che non e senza merauiglia de riguardanti, le quai tutte cose dan tanto di contentezza a l’ hocchio, et a l’ animo, che cosa materiale, fatta da l’ arte, non si potria imaginare piu bella; et di quelle cose poi che siamo in proposito de l’ arte della perspettiua, io ne trattaro alquanto. Pure quantunque questo modo di perspettiua di ch’ io parlaro sia diuerso dalle regole passate, per essere quelle imaginate sopra li parieti piani: et questa per essere materiale et di rilieuo e ben ragione a tenere altra strada. Primieramente per il commune vso si fa vn suolo leuato da terra quanto l’ hocchio nostro; cioe dalla parte dauanti et di dietro si fa piu alto la nona parte, partendo in noue parti tutto il piano, et vna di quelle. Sia leuato il detto suolo dalla parte di drieto verso l’ orizonte, et sia ben piano et forte per causa delle moresche. Questa pendentia io l’ ho trouata commoda con la esperientia, perche in Vicenza (citta molto ricca et pomposissima fra l’ altre d’ Italia) io feci vno Theatro, et vna scena di legname, perauentura, anzi senza dubio, la magiore che a nostri tempi si sia fatta, doue per li merauigliosi intermedij che vi accadeuano, cioe carette, Elefanti, et diuerse moresche, io volsi che dauanti la scena pendente vi fosse vn suolo piano, la latitudine del quale fu piede xij, et in longitudine piedi lx, doue io trouai tal cosa ben commoda, et di grande aspetto. Questo primo suolo essendo piano, lo suo pauimento non vbidiua a l’ orizonte, ma li suoi quadri furono perfetti, et al cominciare dal piano pendente tutti quei quadri andauano a l’ orizonte ilche con la sua debita distantia sminui. Et perche alcuni han posto l’ orizonte a l’ ultimo pariete che termina la scena, il qual e necessario metterlo sul proprio suolo al nascimento di esso pariete, doue dimostra che tutti li casamenti se adunano, io mi sono imaginato di trapassare piu la con l’ orizonte, la qual cosa mi e cosi bene reuscita, che a fare tal cose ho sempre tenuto questa strada, et cosi consiglio coloro che di tal arte se diletterano, a tener questo camino, como nella seguente carta dimostraro, et come ne ho trattato qui adietro nel profilo del Theatro, et della Scena. Et perche gli apparati delle comedie sono di tre maniere, cioe la Comica, la Tragica, et la Satyrica, io trattaro al presente de la comica, i casamenti della quale voglion essere di personagi priuati, liquali apparati per la maggior parte si fanno al coperto in qualche sala, che nel capo di essa vi sia camere per la commodita de i dicitori, et iui si fa lo suolo come qui piu a dietro io dissi, e ne dimostrai lo suo profilo, et qui alianti dimostrero la pianta. Primieramente la parte C e quel suolo piano et poniam caso che vn quadro sia dua piedi, et medesimamente quegli del piano pendente son dua piedi per ogni lato, et e segnato B; e (come ho detto nel profilo) io non intendo di mettere l’ orizonte al pariete vltimo de la scena, ma quanto sara dal principio di esso piano B fin al muro sia trapassato altro tanto di la dal muro con l’ orizonte; et quelle dua linee di punti dinotano lo muro in capo di essa sala, e cosi tutti li casamenti et altre cose haueranno piu dolcezza ne i scurcij, doue tirati tutti li quadri ad esso orizonte, et diminuiti secondo la sua distantia, si leuaran su li casamenti, li quali son quelle linee grosse sul piano, per diritto, et per trauerso; et questi tai casamenti io li ho sempre fatti di telari, sopra liquali ho poi tirato tele, facendogli le sue porte in faccia et in scurtio secondo le occasioni, et ancho ci ho fatto alcune cose di basso rilieuo di legnami che han aiutato molto le pitture, come al suo loco ne trattaro. Tutto lo spacio da li telari al muro segnati A seruiranno per li dicittori, et sempre lo pariete vltimo vuol essere discosto dal muro almen dua piedi, accio li diccitori possino passar coperti; dipoi quanto si trouera alto l’ orizonte, sia tanto alzato vn termino al principio del piano B che sara L et da li a l’ orizonte sia tirata vna linea chi e di punti, laquale sara al liuello, et doue questa ferira nel vltimo pariete: iui sara l’ orizonte di esso pariete: et non seruira perho ad altro telaro: ma la detta linea sia vna cosa stabile, perche questa seruira a tutti quei telari che saranno in maiesta, per trouare le grossezze di alcune cose, ma lo primo orizonte di la dal muro seruira a tutti li scurcij de i casamenti. Et perche a far questo saria necessario a rompere esso muro, ilche non si puo fare, io ho sempre fatto vno modello piccolo di cartoni et legnami, ben misurato et traportato poi in grande di cosa in cosa giustamente con facilita. Ma questa lettione forsi ad alcuno sara difficile, nondimeno sara necessario faticarsi nel far de modelli et esperientie, che studiando trouara la via. Et perche le sale (per grande che siano) non son capaci di Theatri, io nondimeno, per accostarmi quanto io possi agli antichi, ho voluto di esso Theatro farne quella parte che in vna gran sala possi capere. Perho la parte D seruira per proscenio. La parte circolare segnata E sara l’ orchestra leuata vn grado dal proscenio, intorno laquale son sedie per li piu nobili, che son F; li gradi primi G son per le donne piu nobili; la parte H e strada et cosi la parte I. Gli altri gradi son per li huomini men nobili, fra liquali vi son scale per salire piu agiatamente. Quei luochi spaciosi segnati K saran poi per la plebe et saranno magiori o minori secondo li luochi, et come il luoco sara magiore, lo Theatro prendera piu della sua perfetta forma.

_Della Scena Comica._

[f. 28] Quanto alla dispositione de i Theatri, et delle Scene circa alla pianta io ne ho trattato qui adietro, hora delle scene in perspettiua ne trattaro particularmente, et perche (com’ io dissi) le scene si fanno di tre sorte, cioe la Comica per rappresentar comedie, la Tragica per le tragedie, e la Satyrica per le satyre, questa prima sara la Comica, i casamenti della quale vogliono essere di personaggi privati, come saria di cittadini auocati, mercanti, parasiti, et altre simili persone. Ma sopra il tutto che non vi manchi la casa della Rufiana ne sia senza hostaria, et uno tempio vi e molto necessario. Per disporre li casamenti sopra il piano detto suolo, io ne ho dato il modo piu adietro, si nel leuare i casamenti sopra li piani, come nella pianta delle scene massime, come et doue si dee porre l’ orizonte. Nientedimeno accio che l’ huomo sia meglio instrutto circa alle forme de i casamenti, io ne dimostro qui a lato vna figura, laquale potra essere vn poco di luce a chi di tal cosa vorra dilettarsi. Pur in questa essendo cosi picola non ho potuto osseruare tutte le misure. Ma solamente ho accennato alla inuentione per aduertir l’ huomo a saper fare elettione di quei casamenti che posti in opera habbino a reuscir bene come saria un portico traforato, dietro del quale si vegga vn altro casamento come questo primo, li archi delquale son di opera moderna. Li poggiuoli (altri dicono pergoli; altri Renghiere) hanno gran forza nelle faccie che scurzano, et cosi qualche cornice che li suoi finimenti vengono fuori del suo cantonale, tagliati intorno et accompagnati con l’ altre cornice dipinte, fanno grande effetto; cosi le case che han gran sporto in fuori riusciscono bene, come l’ hostaria della luna qui presente; et sopra tutte le altre cose si de fare elettione delle case piu piccole, et metterle dauanti, accio che sopra esse si scuoprano altri edificii, come si vede sopra la casa della Ruffiana, l’ insegna della quale sono li rampini, o vogliam dire hami, onde per tal superiorita della casa piu adietro viene a rappresentar grandezza, et riempisse meglio la parte della scena, che non farebbe diminuendo, se le summita delle case diminuissero l’ una dopo altra; et benche le cose qui disegnate habbino vn lume solo da vn lato, nondimeno tornano meglio a dargli il lume nel mezzo: percioche la forza de i lumi si mette nel mezzo, pendenti sopra la scena, et tutti quei tondi, o quadri, che si veggono per gli edificii sono tutti i lumi artificiati di varii colori transparenti: de i quali daro il modo da fargli ne l’ estremo di questo libro. Le finestre che sono in faccia sara bene a mettergli de lumi di dietro, ma che siano di vetro, et ancho di carta ouero di tela dipinta torneran bene. Ma s’ io volessi scriuere di tutti gli aduertimenti che mi abbundano circa a tal cose, io sarei forsi tenuto prolisso, perho io le lassaro nel’ intelletto di coloro che in tal cose si voranno essercitare.

_Della Scena Tragica._

[f. 29] La Scena Tragica sara per rappresentare tragedie. Li casamenti d’ essa vogliono essere di grandi personagi; percioche gli accidenti amorosi, et casi inopinati, morte violenti et crudeli (per quanto si lege nelle tragedie antiche, et ancho nelle moderne) sonno sempre interuenute dentro le case de signori, duchi, o gran principi, imo, di Re; et perho (come ho detto) in cotali apparati non si fara edificio che non habbia del nobile: si come se dimostra nella seguente figura, entro la quale (per esser cosa piccola) non ho potuto dimostrare quei grandi edificij Regij et signorili, che in vn luogo spatioso si potrebbono fare. Ma basti solamente a l’ Arcitetto che in torno a cose simili si vorra essercitare, per hauer vn poco di luce circa alla inuentione, et dipoi secondo li luochi et anchora li sugietti sapersi accommodare; et (come ho detto nella scena comica) sempre si de fare elettione di quelle cose che tornano meglio a riguardanti, non hauendo rispetto a mettere vn edificio piccolo dauanti ad vno grande, per le gia dette ragioni. Et perche tutte le mie scene ho fatte sopra li telari, ci sonno tal volta alcune difficulta, che e ben necessario a seruirsi del rilieuo di legname, come quello edificio al lato sinistro, li pilastri del quale posano sopra vn basamento con alcuni gradi. In questo caso sara da fare il detto basamento di basso rilieuo, leuato sopra lo piano, et poi si faran li due telari, cioe quello in faccia, et quello in scurtio; et stano solamente fin alla summita del parapetto, che e sopra li primi archi. Hora perche gli archi secondi se ritirano per dar luoco al parapetto, cosi li dua telari di sopra si ritiraranno: di maniera che tal opera verra bene, et quello ch’ io dico di questo edificio se intende anchora de gli altri, quando qualche parti si ritireranno, massimamente di quei casamenti che sono qua dauanti. Ma quando tai cose fussero di lontano, vn telaro solo seruiria, facendo tutte le parti ben lineate, et ben colorite. Circa alli lumi artificiati, s’ e detto a bastanza nella scena comica. Tutte le superficie sopra li tetti, come saria camini, campanili, et cose simili (benché quiui non vi siano) se faranno sopra vna tauola sottile, tagliati intorno, ben lineati et coloriti. Similmente qualche statue finte di marmo o di bronzo si faranno di grosso cartone, o pur di tauola sottile, ben ombregiate et tagliate intorno; poi si metteranno alli suoi luochi, ma siano talmente disposti, et lontani che i spettatori non le possino vedere per fianco. In queste Scene, benche alcuni hanno dipinto qualche personagi che rappresentano il viuo, come saria vna femina ad vn balcone, o drento d’ una porta, etiamdio qualche animale, queste cose non consiglio che si faccino, perche non hanno il moto et pure rappresentano il viuo; ma qualche persona che dorma a bon proposito, ouero qualche cane o altro animale che dorma, perche non hanno il moto. Anchora si possono accomodare qualche statue, o altre cose finte di marmo, o d’ altra materia, o alcuna hystoria, o fabula dipinta sopra vn pariete, che io lodaro sempre si faccia cosi. Ma nel rappresentare cose viue lequali habbino il moto, ne l’ estremo di questo libro ne trattaro, et daro il modo come s’ abbino a fare.

_Della Scena Satyrica._

[f. 30] La Scena Satyrica e per rappresentar satyre, nelle quali se riprendono (anzi vero se mordeno) tutti coloro che licentiosamente viuono, et senza rispetto nelle satyre antiche erano quasi mostrati a dito gli huomini viciosi et mal viuenti. Perho tal licentia si puo comprendere che fusse concessa a personaggi che senza rispetto parlassero, come saria a dire gente rustica, percioche Vitruuio trattando delle scene, vuole che questa sia ornata di arbori, sassi, colli, montagne, herbe, fiori, et fontane, vuole anchora che vi siano alcune capanne alla rustica, come qui appresso se dimostra. Et perche a tempi nostri queste cose per il piu delle volte si fanno la inuernata, doue pochi arbori et herbe con fiori se ritrouano, si potran bene artificiosamente fare cose simili di seta lequali saranno anchora piu lodate che le naturali; percioche, cosi come nelle Scene Comiche et Tragiche se imitano li casamenti et altri edificij, con l’ artificio della pittura, cosi anchora in questa si potran bene imitare gli arbori et l’ herbe co fiori. Et queste cose quanto saranno di maggior spesa tanto piu lodeuoli saranno, perche (nel vero) son proprie di generosi magnanimi, et richi signori, nemici della bruta Auaritia. Questo gia vidiro gli occhi mei in alcune scene ordinate da l’ intendente Architetto Girolamo Genga, ad instantia del suo padrone Francesco Maria Duca di Vrbino, doue io compresi tanta liberalita nel prence, tanto giuditio et arte l’ Arcitetto, et tanta bellezza nelle cose strutte, quanto in altra opera fatta da l’ arte che da me sia stata veduta giamai. (O Dio immortale) che magnificentia era quella di veder tanti arbori et frutti, tante herbe et fiori diuersi, tutte cose fatte di finissima seta di variati colori, le ripe et i sassi copiosi de diuerse conche marine, di limache et altri animaletti, di tronchi di coralli di piu colori, di matre perle, et di granchi marini inserti ne i sassi, con tanta diuersita di cose belle; che a volerle scriuere tutte, io sarei troppo longo in questa parte. Io non diro de i satyri, delle Nymphe, delle syrene, et diuersi monstri o animali strani, fatti con tal artificio, che aconzi sopra gli huomini et fanciulli secondo la grandezza loro, et quelli, andando et mouendosi secondo la sua natura, rappresentauano essi animali viui. Et se non ch’ io sarei troppo prolisso, io narrarei gli habiti superbi di alcuni pastori, fatti di ricchi drappi d’ oro et di seta, foderati di finissime pelle d’ animali seluatichi. Direi anchora de i vestimenti d’ alcuni pescatori, liquali non furono men ricchi de gli altri, le rete de i quali erano di fila d’ oro fino, et altri suoi stromenti tutti dorati. Direi di alcune pastorelle et Nymphe, gli habiti delle quali sprezauano l’ Auaritia. Ma io lassaro tutte queste cose ne gli intelletti de i giudiciosi Architetti: liquali faranno sempre di queste cose, quando trouaranno simili padroni conformi alle lor voglie, gli et donanti piena licentia, con larga mano, di operare tutto quello che vorranno.

_Di Lumi arteficiali delle Scene._

[f. 31] Ho promesso piu adietro negli trattati delle scene, di dare il modo come si fanno i lumi artificiali di variati colori transparenti; perche primieramente diro del colore celeste, il quale rappresenta il zafiro et ancho assai piu bello. Prendi vn pezzo di sale ammoniaco, et habbi vn bacile da barbiere o altro vaso di ottone, mettendogli drento vn detto di aqua. Poi questo pezzo di sale va ben fregando nel fondo, et intorno questo bacile, tanto che ’l se consumi tutto: agiungendoli de l’ aqua tuttauia, et quando vorrai piu quantita di questa aqua, et che ’l colore sia piu bello, fa maggiore la quantita del sale ammoniaco. Fatto adonque vno bacile pieno di questa aqua falla passare per il feltro in vno altro vaso, et questa sara di color celeste bellissimo. Ma volendolo piu chiaro vi agiungerai de l’ aqua pura, cosi di questo sol colore ne farai di molti piu chiari et piu scuri quanto vorrai; et se di questa medesima aqua zafrina vorrai fare colore di Smeraldo, mettili drento alquanto di zaffarano, tanto piu o meno, secondo che la vorrai piu oscura o piu chiara. Di queste cose non ti do le proportioni; ma con la esperientia ne farai di piu forte o chiare o pur oscure. Se vorrai fare del colore di Rubino, se sarai in luoco doue siano vini vermigli carichi di colore et chiaretti: questi faranno di rubin maturi et gai cioe acerbi, et se non hauerai de vini, prendi del vergine tagliato in pezzeti, mettendolo in vna caldara piena d’ aqua, con alquanto di alume di rocha, et la farai bolire spiumandola, et poi passare pel feltro, et agiungendoli aqua pura se vorrai colore piu chiaro; et se vorai colore di Balasso, il vino goro, bianco, et vermiglio insieme, fara tal colore. Cosi anchora li vini bianchi piu et meno carichi faran colore de Griso passo, et di Thopasso. Ma (senza dubio alcuno) l’ aqua pura passata pel feltro contrafara li Diamanti. Pure, per farli, sara necessario adoperare alcune forme in punta, et in tauola, et alla fornace de i vetri fare delle bozze che prendano tal forma, et quelle impire d’ aqua. Ma il modo de disporre questi colori transparenti sara questo. Sara di dietro alle cose dipinte, doue anderanno questi colori, vna tauola sottile traforata nel modo che saran compartiti questi lumi, sotto laquale sara un’ altra tauola per sostenere le bozze di vetro piene di queste aque; poi dette bozze si metteranno con la parte piu curua appoggiate a quei buchi, et bene assicurate che non caschino per i strepiti delle moresche; et dietro le bozze si mettera vno cesendelo, overo lampada, accio lo lume sia sempre equale; et selle bozze verso la lampada saranno piane anzi concaue, riceueranno meglio la luce, et li colori saranno piu transparenti, cosi anchora per quei tondi liquali saranno in scurtio sara da fare le bozze di quella sorte. Ma se accadra tal fiata vn lume grande et gagliardo, sara da metterui di dietro vna torza, dopo laquale sia vn bacile da barbiere ben lucido et nuovo, la reflettione del quale fara certi splendori, come di raggi del sole. Et se alcuni luochi saranno quadri come mandola, o altre forme, si prendera delle piastre di vetri di variati colori posti a quei luochi col suo lume di dietro. Ma questi lumi non saran (perho) quelli che allumineranno la scena, percioche gran coppia di torze si metteno pendente dauanti alla scena. Si potra anchora su per la scena mettere alcuni candelieri con torze sopra, ed anchora sopra essi candelieri vi sia vn vaso pieno di acqua, drento laquale metterai vn pezzo di camphora, loquale ardendo fa bellissimo lume, et e odorifero. Alcuna fiata accadera a dimostrare qualche cosa che abbruscia (sia che si voglia); si bagnara benissimo di aqua vite della piu potente, et apizatogli lo fuoco con vna candeletta: ardera per vn pezzo. Et ben che quanto alli fuochi si potra dire assai piu, voglio questo sia basteuole per presente. Ma parliamo di alcune cose lequali sono di gran diletto a spettatori. Mentre la scena e vota de dicitori, potra l’ Arcitetto hauer preparato alcune ordinanze di figurette, di quella grandezza che si ricercara dove hauranno a passare, et queste saranno di grosso cartone colorite et tagliate intorno, lequali posaranno sopra vn regolo di legno a trauerso la scena, doue sia qualche arco, fatto sopra il suolo vno incastro a coda di Rondina, entro lo quale si mettera detto regolo; et cosi pianamente vna persona dietro al detto arco le fara passare, et tal fiata dimostrare che siano musici con istrumenti et voci, onde dietro alla scena sara vna musica a somissa voce. Tal volta fara correre vn squadrone di gente chi a piedi et chi a cauallo, lequali con alcune voci o gridi sordi, strepiti di tamburi, et suono di trombe, pascono molto gli spettatori. Et se tal volta accadera che vno Pianeta, o altra cosa per aria si vegga passare, sia ben dipinta quella cosa in cartone et tagliata intorno; poi dietro la scena (cioe a gli vltimi casamenti) sia tirato a trauerso vn filo di ferro sottile, et con alcuni aneletti in esso filo attacati dietro il cartone, nel quale sia un filo negro, et da l’ altro lato sara vna persona che pian piano lo tirara a se, ma sara di forte lontano, che ne l’ uno ne l’ altro filo sara veduto. Tal fiata accadera tuoni, lampi et folgori a qualche proposito; li tuoni cosi si faranno. Sempre (come ho detto) le scene si fanno nel capo di vna sala, sopra laquale gli e sempre vn suolo, sopra del quale si fara correre vna grossa balla di pietra, laquale fara bene il tuono. Lo lampo cosi si fara. Sara vno dietro alla scena in luoco alto, hauendo nella mano vna scatoletta, entro laquale vi sia polue di vernice: et il coperchio sia pieno di busi: nel mezzo del coperchio sara vna candeletta accesa: et alzando in su la mano, quella polue salira in alto, et perchuotera nella candela accesa, di maniera che fara lampi assai bene. Circo al folgore, sara tirato vn filo di ferro lontano a trauerso la scena, che descenda a basso, entro del quale sara aconcio vn rochetto, o raggio, che si sia, ma questo sara ornato di oro stridente, et mentre si fara lo tuono, nel finir di quello sia scaricata vna coda, et nel medesimo tempo dato il fuoco al folgore, et fara buono effetto. Ma s’ io volessi trattare di quante cose similimi abbondano, io saria troppo longho; pero faccio fine quanto alla perspettiua.

APPENDIX H

THE GULL’S HORNBOOK

[Chapter vi from T. Dekker, _The Gull’s Hornbook_ (1609). There is no entry in the Stationers’ Register. Editions are by J. Nott (1812), J. O. Halliwell (1862), C. Hindley (1872, _Old Book Collector’s Miscellany_, ii), A. B. Grosart (1884, _Dekker’s Works_, ii), G. Saintsbury (1892), O. Smeaton (1904), and R. B. McKerrow (1904, _King’s Library_; 1905, _King’s Classics_). I have adopted two trifling emendations; ‘Plaiers are’ for ‘Plaiers and’ in the first paragraph, and ‘Stage, like time’ for ‘Stagelike time’ in the ninth. McKerrow reprints the chapter on the Stage from S. Vincent’s Restoration adaptation of the pamphlet in _The Young Gallant’s Academy_ (1674).]

_How a Gallant should behaue himself in a Playhouse._

The Theater is your Poets Royal Exchange, vpon which, their Muses (that are now turnd to Merchants) meeting, barter away that light commodity of words for a lighter ware then words, _Plaudities_ and the _Breath_ of the great _Beast_, which (like the threatnings of two Cowards) vanish all into aire. _Plaiers_ are their _Factors_, who put away the stuffe, and make the best of it they possibly can (as indeed tis their parts so to doe). Your Gallant, your Courtier, and your Capten, had wont to be the soundest paymaisters, and I thinke are still the surest chapmen: and these by meanes that their heades are well stockt, deale vpon this comical freight by the grosse: when your _Groundling_, and _Gallery Commoner_ buyes his sport by the penny, and, like a _Hagler_, is glad to vtter it againe by retailing.

Sithence then the place is so free in entertainment, allowing a stoole as well to the Farmers sonne as to your Templer: that your Stinkard has the selfe same libertie to be there in his Tobacco-Fumes, which your sweet Courtier hath: and that your Car-man and Tinker claime as strong a voice in their suffrage, and sit to giue iudgement on the plaies life and death, as well as the prowdest _Momus_ among the tribe of _Critick_: It is fit that hee, whom the most tailors bils do make roome for, when he comes should not be basely (like a vyoll) casd vp in a corner.

Whether therefore the gatherers of the publique or priuate Playhouse stand to receiue the after-noones rent, let our Gallant (hauing paid it) presently aduance himselfe vp to the Throne of the Stage. I meane not into the Lords roome, (which is now but the Stages Suburbs). No, those boxes, by the iniquity of custome, conspiracy of waiting-women and Gentlemen-Ushers, that there sweat together, and the couetousnes of Sharers, are contemptibly thrust into the reare, and much new Satten is there dambd by being smothred to death in darknesse. But on the very Rushes where the Commedy is to daunce, yea and vnder the state of _Cambises_ himselfe must our fethered _Estridge_, like a peece of Ordnance be planted valiantly (because impudently) beating downe the mewes and hisses of the opposed rascality.

For do but cast vp a reckoning, what large cummings in are pursd vp by sitting on the Stage. First a conspicuous _Eminence_ is gotten; by which meanes the best and most essenciall parts of a Gallant (good cloathes, a proportionable legge, white hand, the Persian lock, and a tollerable beard) are perfectly reuealed.

By sitting on the stage, you haue a signd pattent to engrosse the whole commodity of Censure; may lawfully presume to be a Girder: and stand at the helme to steere the passage of _Scænes_[;] yet no man shall once offer to hinder you from obtaining the title of an insolent, ouer-weening Coxcombe.

By sitting on the stage, you may (without trauelling for it) at the very next doore, aske whose play it is: and, by that _Quest_ of _inquiry_, the law warrants you to auoid much mistaking; if you know not the author, you may raile against him: and peraduenture so behaue your selfe, that you may enforce the Author to know you.

By sitting on the stage, if you be a Knight, you may happily get you a Mistresse: if a mere _Fleet street_ Gentleman, a wife: but assure yourselfe by continuall residence, you are the first and principall man in election to begin the number of _We three_.

By spreading your body on the stage, and by being a Justice in examining of plaies, you shall put your selfe into such true _Scænical_ authority, that some Poet shall not dare to present his Muse rudely vpon your eyes, without hauing first vnmaskt her, rifled her, and discouered all her bare and most mysticall parts before you at a Tauerne, when you most knightly shal for his paines, pay for both their suppers.

By sitting on the stage, you may (with small cost) purchase the deere acquaintance of the boyes: haue a good stoole for sixpence: at any time know what particular part any of the infants present: get your match lighted, examine the play-suits lace, and perhaps win wagers vpon laying tis copper, &c. And to conclude whether you be a foole or a Justice of peace, a Cuckold or a Capten, a Lord Maiors sonne or a dawcocke, a knaue or an vnder-Sheriffe, of what stamp soeuer you be, currant or counterfet, the Stage, like time, will bring you to most perfect light, and lay you open: neither are you to be hunted from thence though the Scar-crows in the yard, hoot at you, hisse at you, spit at you, yea throw durt euen in your teeth: tis most Gentlemanlike patience to endure all this, and to laugh at the silly Animals: but if the _Rabble_ with a full throat, crie away with the foole, you were worse then a mad-man to tarry by it: for the Gentleman and the foole should neuer sit on the Stage together.

Mary let this obseruation go hand in hand with the rest: or rather like a country-seruing-man, some fiue yards before them. Present not your selfe on the Stage (especially at a new play) vntill the quaking prologue hath (by rubbing) got cullor into his cheekes, and is ready to giue the trumpets their Cue that hees vpon point to enter: for then it is time, as though you were one of the _Properties_, or that you dropt out of the _Hangings_, to creepe from behind the Arras, with your _Tripos_ or three-footed stoole in one hand, and a teston mounted betweene a forefinger and a thumbe in the other: for if you should bestow your person vpon the vulgar, when the belly of the house is but halfe full, your apparell is quite eaten vp, the fashion lost, and the proportion of your body in more danger to be deuoured, then if it were serued vp in the Counter amongst the Powltry: auoid that as you would the Bastome. It shall crowne you with rich commendation to laugh alowd in the middest of the most serious and saddest scene of the terriblest Tragedy: and to let that clapper (your tongue) be tost so high that all the house may ring of it: your Lords vse it; your Knights are Apes to the Lords, and do so too: your Inne-a-court-man is Zany to the Knights, and (many very scuruily) comes likewise limping after it: bee thou a beagle to them all, and neuer lin snuffing till you haue scented them: for by talking and laughing (like a Plough-man in a Morris) you heap _Pelion_ vpon _Ossa_, glory vpon glory: As first, all the eyes in the galleries will leaue walking after the Players, and onely follow you: the simplest dolt in the house snatches vp your name, and when he meetes you in the streetes, or that you fall into his hands in the middle of a Watch, his word shall be taken for you: heele cry, _Hees such a Gallant_, and you passe. Secondly, you publish your temperance to the world, in that you seeme not to resort thither to taste vaine pleasures with a hungrie appetite: but onely as a Gentleman, to spend a foolish houre or two, because yoe can doe nothing else. Thirdly you mightily disrelish the Audience, and disgrace the Author: mary, you take vp (though it be at the worst hand) a strong opinion of your owne iudgement and inforce the Poet to take pitty of your weakenesse, and, by some dedicated sonnet to bring you into a better paradice, onely to stop your mouth.

If you can (either for loue or money) prouide your selfe a lodging by the water-side: for, aboue the conueniencie it brings, to shun Shoulder-clapping, and to ship away your Cockatrice betimes in the morning, it addes a kind of state vnto you, to be carried from thence to the staires of your Playhouse: hate a Sculler (remember that) worse then to be acquainted with one ath’ Scullery. No, your Oares are your onely Sea-crabs, boord them, and take heed you neuer go twice together with one paire: often shifting is a great credit to Gentlemen; and that diuiding of your fare wil make the poore watersnaks be ready to pul you in peeces to enioy your custome: No matter whether vpon landing you haue money or no, you may swim in twentie of their boates ouer the riuer upon _Ticket_: mary, when siluer comes in, remember to pay trebble their fare, and it will make your Flounder-catchers to send more thankes after you, when you doe not draw, then when you doe; for they know, It will be their owne another daie.

Before the Play begins, fall to cardes, you may win or loose (as _Fencers_ doe in a prize) and beate one another by confederacie, yet share the money when you meete at supper: notwithstanding, to gul the _Ragga-muffins_ that stand aloofe gaping at you, throw the cards (hauing first torne foure or fiue of them) round about the Stage, iust vpon the third sound, as though you had lost: it skils not if the foure knaues ly on their backs, and outface the Audience, theres none such fooles as dare take exceptions at them, because ere the play go off, better knaues than they will fall into the company.

Now sir, if the writer be a fellow that hath either epigramd you, or hath had a flirt at your mistris, or hath brought either your feather or your red beard, or your little legs, &c. on the stage, you shall disgrace him worse then by tossing him in a blancket, or giuing him the bastinado in a Tauerne, if, in the middle of his play (bee it Pastoral or Comedy, Morall or Tragedie), you rise with a skreud and discontented face from your stoole to be gone: no matter whether the Scenes be good or no, the better they are the worse do you distast them: and, beeing on your feet, sneake not away like a coward, but salute all your gentle acquaintance, that are spred either on the rushes, or on stooles about you, and draw what troope you can from the stage after you: the _Mimicks_ are beholden to you, for allowing them elbow roome: their Poet cries perhaps a pox go with you, but care not you for that, theres no musick without frets.

Mary if either the company, or indisposition of the weather binde you to sit it out, my counsell is then that you turne plain Ape, take vp a rush and tickle the earnest eares of your fellow gallants, to make other fooles fall a laughing: mewe at passionate speeches, blare at merrie, finde fault with the musicke, whew at the childrens Action, whistle at the songs: and aboue all, curse the sharers, that whereas the same day you had bestowed forty shillings on an embrodered Felt and Feather, (scotch-fashion) for your mistres in the Court, or your punck in the city, within two houres after, you encounter with the very same block on the stage, when the haberdasher swore to you the impression was extant but that morning.

To conclude, hoard vp the finest play-scraps you can get, vpon which your leane wit may most sauourly feede for want of other stuffe, when the _Arcadian_ and _Euphuisd_ gentlewomen haue their tongues sharpened to set vpon you: that qualitie (next to your shittlecocke) is the onely furniture to a Courtier thats but a new beginner, and is but in his A B C of complement. The next places that are fild, after the Playhouses bee emptied, are (or ought to be) Tauernes, into a Tauerne then let vs next march, where the braines of one Hogshead must be beaten out to make vp another.

APPENDIX I

RESTORATION TESTIMONY

i.

[Extracts from _A Short Discourse of the English Stage. To his Excellency, the Lord Marquess of Newcastle_, attached to Richard Flecknoe’s _Love’s Kingdom_ (1664), and reprinted in Hazlitt, _E. D. S._ 275. Flecknoe, who died _c._ 1678, was old enough to travel abroad in 1640.]

They Acted nothing here but Playes of the holy Scripture, or Saints’ Lives; and that without any certain Theaters or set Companies, till, about the beginning of Queen Elizabeth’s Reign, they began here first to assemble into Companies, and set up Theaters, first in the City, (as in the Inn-yards of the Cross-Keyes, and Bull in Grace and Bishops-Gate Street at this day is to be seen) till that Fanatick Spirit which then began with the Stage, and after ended with the Throne, banisht them thence into the Suburbs, as after they did the Kingdom, in the beginning of our Civil Wars. In which time, Playes were so little incompatible with Religion, and the Theater with the Church, as on Week-dayes after Vespers, both the Children of the Chappel and St. Pauls Acted Playes, the one in White-Friers, the other behinde the Convocation-house in Pauls, till people growing more precise, and Playes more licentious, the Theatre of Pauls was quite supprest, and that of the Children of the Chappel converted to the use of the Children of the Revels....

It was the happiness of the Actors of those times to have such Poets as these to instruct them, and write for them; and no less of those Poets to have such docile and excellent Actors to Act their Playes, as a Field and Burbidge; of whom we may say, that he was a delightful Proteus, so wholly transforming himself into his Part, and putting off himself with his Cloathes, as he never (not so much as in the Tyring-house) assum’d himself again until the Play was done: there being as much difference between him and one of our common Actors, as between a Ballad-singer who onely mouths it, and an excellent singer, who knows all his Graces, and can artfully vary and modulate his Voice, even to know how much breath he is to give to every syllable. He had all the parts of an excellent Orator (animating his words with speaking, and Speech with Action) his Auditors being never more delighted then when he spoke, nor more sorry then when he held his peace; yet even then, he was an excellent Actor still, never falling in his Part when he had done speaking; but with his looks and gesture, maintaining it still unto the heighth, he imagining Age quod agis, onely spoke to him: so as those who call him a Player do him wrong, no man being less idle then he, whose whole life is nothing else but action; with only this difference from other mens, that as what is but a Play to them, is his Business: so their business is but a play to him.

Now for the difference betwixt our Theaters and those of former times, they were but plain and simple, with no other Scenes, nor Decorations of the Stage, but onely old Tapestry, and the Stage strew’d with Rushes (with their Habits accordingly) whereas ours now for cost and ornament are arriv’d at the heighth of Magnificence.... For Scenes and Machines they are no new invention, our Masks and some of our Playes in former times (though not so ordinary) having had as good or rather better then any we have now.

ii.

[Extracts from _Historia Histrionica: an Historical Account of the English Stage, shewing the Ancient Use, Improvement, and Perfection of Dramatick Representations in this Nation. In a Dialogue of Plays and Players_ (1699). A facsimile reprint was issued by E. W. Ashbee in 1872. The text is also given in Dodsley^4, xv. I use, with a correction, the modernized text of A. Lang, _Social England Illustrated_ (1903, Arber, _English Garner_^2), 422. The _Historia Histrionica_ is ascribed to James Wright, an antiquary and play-collector (1643–1713), who can only have recorded what he learnt from others. He is, of course, writing primarily of the Caroline, rather than the Elizabethan or Jacobean period.]

_Truman._ I say, the actors that I have seen, before the Wars, Lowin, Taylor, Pollard, and some others, were almost as far beyond Hart and his company; as those were, beyond these now in being....

_Lovewit._ Pray, Sir, what master-parts can you remember the old ‘Blackfriars’ men to act, in Johnson’s, Shakespeare’s, and Fletcher’s plays?

_Truman._ What I can at present recollect I’ll tell you. Shakespeare (who, as I have heard, was a much better Poet than Player), Burbage, Hemmings, and others of the older sort, were dead before I knew the Town. But, in my time, before the Wars; Lowin used to act, with mighty applause, Falstaff; Morose; Vulpone; and Mammon in the _Alchemist_; Melancius in the _Maid’s tragedy_. And at the same time, Amyntor was played by Stephen Hammerton: who was, at first, a most noted and beautiful Woman-Actor; but afterwards he acted, with equal grace and applause, a young lover’s part.

Taylor acted Hamlet incomparably well; Jago; Truewit, in the _Silent Woman_; and Face, in the _Alchemist_.

Swanston used to play Othello.

Pollard and Robinson were Comedians. So was Shank; who used to act Sir Roger in the _Scornful Lady_. These were of the ‘Blackfriars’....

_Truman._ Before the Wars, there were in being, all these Play Houses at the same time.

The ‘Blackfriars’ and ‘Globe’ on the Bankside. A winter, and summer house belonging to the same Company; called ‘The King’s Servants’.

The ‘Cockpit’ or ‘Phoenix’ in Drury Lane; called ‘The Queen’s Servants’.

The Private House in Salisbury Court; called ‘The Prince’s Servants’.

The ‘Fortune’ near White Cross Street: and the ‘Red Bull’ at the upper end of St. John’s Street. The two last were mostly frequented by citizens, and the meaner sort of people.

All these Companies got money, and lived in reputation: especially those of the ‘Blackfriars’, who were men of grave and sober behaviour.

_Lovewit._ Which I much admire at. That the Town, much less than at present, could then maintain Five Companies; and yet now Two can hardly subsist.

_Truman._ Do not wonder, but consider! That though the Town was then, perhaps, not much more than half so populous as now; yet then the prices were small (there being no scenes), and better order kept among the company that came: which made very good people think a play an innocent diversion for an idle hour or two; the plays being then, for the most part, more instructive and moral.... It is an argument of the worth of the Plays and Actors of the last Age, and easily inferred that they were much beyond ours in this, to consider that they could support themselves merely from their own merit, the weight of the matter, and goodness of the action; without scenes and machines....

_Lovewit._ I have read of one Edward Alleyn.... Was he one of the ‘Blackfriars’?

_Truman._ Never, as I have heard; for he was dead before my time. He was Master of a Company of his own; for whom he built the ‘Fortune’ playhouse from the ground: a large round brick building....

_Lovewit._ What kind of Playhouses had they before the Wars?

_Truman._ The ‘Blackfriars’, ‘Cockpit’, and ‘Salisbury Court’ were called Private Houses; and were very small to what we see now. The ‘Cockpit’ was standing since the Restoration; and Rhodes’s Company acted there for some time.

_Lovewit._ I have seen that.

_Truman._ Then you have seen the other two, in effect; for they were all three built almost exactly alike, for form and bigness. Here they had ‘Pits’ for the gentry, and acted by candlelight.

The ‘Globe’, ‘Fortune’, and ‘Bull’ were large houses, and lay partly open to the weather: and there they always acted by daylight....

_Truman._ Plays were frequently acted by Choristers and Singing Boys; and several of our old Comedies have printed in the title-page, Acted by the Children of Paul’s (not the School, but the Church); others, By the Children of Her Majesty’s Chapel. In particular, _Cynthia’s Revels_ and the _Poetaster_ were played by them; who were, at that time, famous for good action.... Some of the Chapel Boys, when they grew men, became Actors at the ‘Blackfriars’. Such were Nathan Field and John Underwood.

iii.

[Extracts from John Downes, _Roscius Anglicanus, or, an Historical Review of the Stage_ (1708), reprinted by Joseph Knight (1886). An earlier reprint is in F. G. Waldron, _Literary Museum_ (1792). Downes became prompter to the Duke of York’s men under Sir William Davenant at Lincoln’s Inn Fields in 1662.]

In the Reign of King _Charles_ the First, there were Six Play Houses allow’d in Town: The _Black-Fryars_ Company, His Majesty’s Servants; The Bull in St. _John’s-street_; another in _Salisbury Court_; another call’d the _Fortune_; another at the _Globe_; and the Sixth at the Cock-Pit in _Drury-Lane_; all which continu’d Acting till the beginning of the said Civil Wars. The scattered Remnant of several of these Houses, upon King _Charles’s_ Restoration, Fram’d a Company who Acted again at the Bull, and Built them a New House in _Gibbon’s Tennis Court_ in _Clare-Market_; in which Two Places they continu’d Acting all 1660, 1661, 1662 and part of 1663. In this time they Built them a New Theatre in _Drury Lane_....

Sir _William_ [Davenant] in order to prepare Plays to Open his Theatre, it being then a Building in _Lincoln’s-Inn Fields_, His Company Rehearsed the First and Second Part of the Siege of _Rhodes_; and the Wits at _Pothecaries-Hall_: And in Spring 1662, Open’d his House with the said Plays, having new Scenes and Decorations, being the first that e’re were Introduc’d in _England_.

APPENDIX K

ACADEMIC PLAYS

[The academic drama only lies on the fringe of my subject, but I have included notes on extant English plays in chapters xxiii and xxiv, and give below, for the sake of convenience, a list of these, and another of those Latin plays which there is any positive evidence for assigning to the period 1558–1616 and to English authorship. Fuller treatment will be found in G. B. Churchill and W. Keller, _Die lateinischen Universitäts-Dramen in der Zeit der Königin Elisabeth_ (1898, _Jahrbuch_, xxxiv. 220); G. C. Moore Smith, _Notes on Some English University Plays_ (1908, _M. L. R._ iii. 141), and _Plays performed in Cambridge Colleges before 1583_ (1909, _Fasciculus J. W. Clark dicatus_, 265); L. B. Morgan, _The Latin University Drama_ (1911, _Jahrbuch_, xlvii. 69); and F. S. Boas, _University Plays_ (1910, _C. H._ vi. 293, with full bibliography), and _University Drama in the Tudor Age_ (1914). Further material from Cambridge archives is in preparation by G. C. Moore Smith. In addition to the plays given in this list, some are incorporated in the description of _The Christmas Prince_ (cf. ch. xxiv, s.a. 1607–8.]

ENGLISH PLAYS

_Albumazar._ By T. Tomkis.

_Antipoe._ By F. Verney.

_Birth of Hercules._ Anon.

_Caesar’s Revenge._ Anon.

_Claudius Tiberius Nero._ Anon.

_Club Law._ Anon.

_Lingua._ By T. Tomkis.

_Narcissus._ Anon.

_1, 2, 3 Parnassus._ Anon.

_Queen’s Arcadia._ By S. Daniel.

_Ruff, Cuff and Band._ Anon.

_Sicelides._ By P. Fletcher.

_Timon_ Anon.

_Work for Cutlers._ Anon.

LATIN PLAYS

_Adelphe._ By S. Brooke (q.v.).

_Atalanta._ _Harl. MS._ 6924, with dedication to Laud, President of St. John’s, Oxford, 1611–21, signed by Philip Parsons, of St. John’s, B.A. 1614, M.A. 1618.

_Bellum Grammaticale._ _S. R._ 1634, April 17. ‘A booke called Bellum grammaticale &c by Master Spense’, authorized by Herbert. _John Spenser_ (Arber, iv. 317).

1635. Bellum Grammaticale sive Nominum Verborumque discordia civilis Tragico-Comoedia. Summo cum applausu olim apud Oxonienses in Scaenam producta et nunc in omnium illorum qui ad Grammaticam animos appellant oblectamentum edita. _B. A. and T. Fawcet, impensis Joh. Spenceri._

_Editions_ of 1658, 1698, 1718, 1726, 1729, and in J. Bolte (1908, _Andrea Guarnas B. G. und seine Nachahmungen_, 106).

A performance was given before Elizabeth at Ch. Ch., Oxford, on 24 Sept. 1592, with a prologue and epilogue by Gager, which are printed with his _Meleager_. But the play was not new, for Sir John Harington, who records the 1592 performance in his _Metamorphosis of Ajax_ (1596), 127, had already named ‘the Oxford Bellum Grammaticale’ as ‘full of harmeles myrth’ in his _Apologie of Poetrie_ (1591). The ‘Master Spense’ of the S. R. entry may be a confusion with the publisher’s name. Wood, _Ath. Oxon._ ii. 533, was told by Richard Gardiner of Ch. Ch. that the author was Leonard Hutten, who took his B.A. from Ch. Ch. in 1578, and his M.A. in 1582. He was known as a dramatist by 26 Sept. 1583, when Gager wrote of him (Boas, 256),

Seu scribenda siet Comoedia, seu sit agenda, Primum Huttone potes sumere iure locum.

The source was the Latin prose narrative _Bellum Grammaticale_ (1511) of Andrea Guarna. Ralph Radclif (_c._ 1538) seems to have also treated the theme, but not necessarily in dramatic form (_Mediaeval Stage_, ii. 197).

_Britanniae Primitiae, sive S. Albanus Protomartyr_ (_c._ 1600).

_Bodl. Rawl. Poet. MS._ 215. The Bodleian Catalogue dates the MS. _c._ 1600. The play, described in _Jahrbuch_,