CHAPTER XV. RELATIONSHIP WITH THE COMMUNIST YOUTH CORPS[8

[Footnote 8: _Kung-ch'an Ch'ing-nien T'uan_.]

ARTICLE 53. The District or Central Party Organs shall send Delegates to the Communist Youth Corps for exchanging ideas. At the same time the Communist Youth Corps can also send their members to attend the various meetings of the different Councils of the Party Delegates.

APPENDIX III. MATERIALS ON POLICY

_A._ REPLY TO QUESTIONS (CHIANG K'AI-SHEK)[1]

[Footnote 1: Private communication by and to the present author, and in his possession.]

Replies to the following questionnaire were very kindly supplied by Generalissimo Chiang K'ai-shek. The questions by the present author were submitted to him on July 23, 1940; the replies were transmitted through the Vice-Minister of Publicity, Mr. Hollington Tong, on November 26, 1940.

(1) Do you believe that the _San Min Chu I_ are suited to China alone, or do you think it possible that they represent a golden mean between totalitarianism and democracy?

_San Min Chu I is a type of democracy particularly suited to China. In its general features, I think, it is similar to Western democracies._

(2) Do you feel that a _San Min Chu I_ China will have any positive proposals to make concerning the subject of world federation or confederation, if that subject is raised at the end of the current European war?

_In as much as cosmopolitanism and world peace are two of the main aims of San Min Chu I, China will naturally be disposed to participate in any world federation or confederation based on the principle of equality of nations and for the good of mankind._

(3) Do you believe that the inauguration of the constitution and of a constitutional period will lead to the uncontrolled freedom of minor parties, including the Communist? Is there not a danger that the minor parties, because they do not share the responsibility for government, will be able to exploit formal democratic rights more unscrupulously than the Kuomintang?

_No, because democracy in itself has the ability to work out the solutions for those problems if there are any._

(4) What do you regard as the clearest factual indication of the growth of democracy in Free China?

_The following are the clearest indications of the growth of democracy in China: 1, the convocation of the People's Political Council; 2, the convocation of the Provincial Political Councils; 3, the growth of popular interest in both public and national affairs; 4, the growth of the sentiment of national solidarity; 5, the spontaneous response to the call for public services._

(5) Within the army, what democratic tendencies have you fostered or observed?

_Since the army is now recruited from the different walks of life, it naturally shares the growing democratic sentiment. Within the army, however, the soldiers and officers are of course trained and disciplined in strict accordance with military regulations._

(6) When the war against Japan is successfully concluded, do you believe that the National Government will have any difficulty in re-establishing its full authority over the guerrilla-governed areas, which will have tasted autonomy?

_No, because all these forces are fighting for the liberty and independence of China._

(7) Do you believe that the bogus Government at Nanking is intended by the enemy to deceive the Chinese, to fool the Japanese home public, or actually to govern China? Why do you think that a man as ambitious as Wang Ch'ing-wei put himself in such a humiliating and ridiculous position--before the world, and before history?

_Whatever may be the intention of the Japanese in putting up Wang Ch'ing-wei as the head of the bogus government, they certainly have no idea of letting him or any other puppet govern China in reality. As to the latter part of the question, I prefer that you would ask Wang directly._

_B._ WHAT I MEAN BY ACTION, OR A PHILOSOPHY OF ACTION (CHIANG K'AI-SHEK)[1]

[Footnote 1: Chiang K'ai-shek, _A Philosophy of Action, or What I Mean by Action_, Chungking, 1940; p. 7-20. The accompanying foreword and notes are here omitted. The translation is the work of Mr. Ma P'in-ho, a naturalized Chinese scholar but of European race and nativity.]

The following essay, delivered as a speech, represents the clearest formulation by Generalissimo Chiang of his own philosophy. To this must be joined his exegesis on the San Min Chu I, quoted in part above, p. 270.

THE TRUTHS WE MUST ENDEAVOR TO GRASP ANEW

In 1932 I delivered a lecture on the subject "Stages in the Development of Revolutionary Philosophy." In it I dealt with two points of especial importance. Firstly, I tried to explain how the actual grasp of what we know comes only with positive action. I said: "The universe contains spirit in addition to matter. Spirit implies mind, and mind implies conscience. Conscience must find its expression in action, in the practice of what it urges. Otherwise the conscience would be a barren thing, and there would be no way of avoiding a futile idealism on the one hand or determinist materialism on the other." Secondly, I explained the importance of the philosophy of action in regard to the Revolution. I said: "Only the word 'action' covers the meaning of what has brought into being all things in space and time. Our philosophy therefore takes as the one central principle of human life and thought the maxim: 'From true knowledge action naturally proceeds.' In short, any philosophy of ours must be a philosophy of action. The consummation of the Republican revolution and the overthrow of Japanese Imperialist aggression depend upon our putting into practice Dr. Sun's principle of action as the natural product of knowledge."

Since I suggested this term _philosophy of action_ and became the advocate of _positive action_ as the course the revolutionary must follow, a considerable effect has been visible in our ranks. The spirit of positive action has been intensified among us. In the army and in schools, and in political and social life generally, a gradual transformation has taken place in the state of inert frustration, vagueness and depression formerly prevalent. There has been a general tendency to take the initiative, to express ourselves in positive action. Such indeed was my aim in promoting this _philosophy of action_. When I take note of the results achieved by our _action_, however, I remain unsatisfied on a number of points. For instance, there is sometimes mere action without clear realization of its why and wherefore, resulting in what the ancients called "unreal action." With others there is initial vigor and great positive effort, followed by impatience of checks and failure to persevere in the face of difficulties, leading some to throw the blame on circumstances and others upon their fellow-men. The irritable then proceed to arguing and quarrels; while the sweeter-tempered lose heart. In this way the real issue is lost to sight and obstacles unnecessarily multiplied; or the individual may be overcome with outright disgust and take on a completely negative attitude, the initial speed of his progress being in the end equalled by the speed of his subsequent retrogression. Another kind of failure comes with a man who impulsively imitates others; who when he sees others on the go feels any move on their part calls for some move on his; who spends all his time in acting on the spur of some transitory stimulus or exigency, forgetful of our broad revolutionary conceptions and far-reaching aims.

In seeking the reasons for such faulty conduct, I have been forced to the conclusion that it is due to imperfect knowledge of the essential meaning of _positive action_, and to imperfect realization of the significance and nature of _action_, that there is lack of determination, faith and perseverance among us.

ACTION IS LIFE ITSELF: THE TIRELESS PERTINACITY OF NATURE OUR EXAMPLE

According to my own individual experience, our first step must be to draw a clear distinction between _action_ and _motion_. The monosyllabic structure of the Chinese language has occasioned the use of substantival phrases consisting of two words. One of these phrases is _hsing-tung_ (action-motion), which in common parlance often has the meaning properly covered only by the word _hsing_ alone, a word of far deeper and wider meaning than the word _tung_. In fact, we may say that action is _human life_ itself. An antithesis is commonly implied between the words _action_ and _thought_, and between _word_ and _act_. In reality, however, thought and word are processes of action, and are properly to be considered as included within the scope of _action_, rather than as foreign to it. From birth to death, while he is subject to space and time, a man cannot withdraw himself from the sphere of action; he grows up in action and his character is formed and elevated by action. All saintly and heroic men, like the devoted revolutionary, attain their ends and achieve their nobility of character only through their planned and determined actions.

If we wish to realize the true nature of _action_ we can do no better than take as the _point-de-départ_ for our thinking the words of the _I-ching_ or _Book of Changes_: "Let the superior man exert himself with the unfailing pertinacity of Nature." For the most obvious thing in the universe, the very principle animating all its phenomena, is the activity of the forces of Nature. The gloss reads: "Day by day the heavens revolve, with a constancy that only a supreme pertinacity could maintain. The superior man models himself upon it in the unceasing exertion of his energies." This _pertinacity_ is something perennially unimpaired and ever changeless, greatest strength united to greatest durability, and moreover an absolute thoroughness and completeness. And we must model ourselves on the activity of nature, on its spontaneous and unremitting flow of energy. If there is this realization of the value and place of human life in the universe, action will appear to us something inevitable, and there will follow as a matter of course single-minded devotion to purpose, a completely natural attitude, and resolute advance with firm strides towards our ends--we shall have achieved, in the words of the _Chung-yung_, "the highest integrity, unfailing and enduring." Man's existence and progress depend entirely upon his perception of these truths.

_Action_, therefore, differs from _motion_. _Motion_ is by no means necessarily _action_, though _action_ may on occasion include some form of _motion_. Action is continuous, whereas motion is intermittent; action is essential, whereas motion is accidental; action is spontaneous, whereas motion is usually due to the application of external force. Action is in response to the supreme order of things and in harmony with the nature of man. Motion is impulsive response to some fortuitous external stimulus. Action we may describe as more natural and smoother intrinsically than motion; and extrinsically it is wholly good in its outcome, whereas motion may be good or may be evil. Action unfolds in uninterrupted continuity; motion proceeds by fits and starts. As an illustration, action may be compared to a ceaseless flow of water, in the words of Confucius, "racing on, unpausing day and night." The unremitting and insistent character of _positive action_ may thus be figured forth. Motion on the other hand may be compared to the impact of a stone upon water into which it is thrown. The water is violently agitated and leaps high into the air; its movement is tumultuous while it lasts, but subsides when after a moment or so the extraneous force that caused it is expended. Such motion is, therefore, transitory, simply because its motive force comes from without.

ACTION IS NOT MERE MOTION

We cannot of course say that all _motion_ is bad, but we can at least say that the value of _motion_ is never comparable with that of _action_. What we commonly call _impulse_ is a manifestation of the reflex action of some sense or faculty. When we speak of a man's motions as "blind," "wild," or "furious," it is always a case of response to external stimulus or of the application of external force. Such motions are not spontaneous and they therefore pursue no definite course; they have no basis in the consciousness of the individual and no precise direction or aim; the individual's concern with them is limited to the passing moment of their duration; he envisages nothing as to what may be their result. There may be great initial activity and force, but because there is no basis in reason, consciousness and spontaneity, momentary agitation is succeeded by relapse into quiescence. A man who lives by passion and impulse, who _moves_ rather than _acts_ is like a bell, which when struck vibrates and emits sound but unless struck is silent. All passive and transient activity, arising from mere impulse and sense-stimulation, is in opposition to the positive action required of us by our revolutionary philosophy, for such _motion_ has no lasting effect and is powerless to transform the lives of men.

It is imperative therefore that there should be no confusion of what we mean by _action_ with what is better termed _motion_. The action of which I have been speaking is the operation of man's innate faculties according to the true natural laws of his being; it is what I have called the expression of conscience in practice, the exercise of conscience. Although we colloquially speak of "violent actions" and "wrong-minded action" in describing men's conduct, such conduct, being that of men acting under the influence of impulse or illusion, should properly be classed as a form of _motion_. It is not what we mean by action.

ACTION IS NATURE AT WORK IN MAN: THE WHOLE UNIVERSE IS THE SCENE OF ACTION

Genuine action is necessarily ordered, rhythmical, systematic and directed towards some aim. It arises from that fullness of consciousness described as the "calm of mature reflection." It is inevitably straightforward and continuous, undeviating and unhesitating. Such motion as that of the revolving globe we ought not to call mere motion; that ceaseless axial and orbital rotation is a phenomenon called in ancient times the _activity_ of nature; and it may serve us as the best possible illustration of the qualities of action. We may proceed to a fuller description of the nature of action by saying it is always marked by a certain regularity and order in the course of its fulfilment. Human life in all its aspects of growth and development, in each transition from stage to stage, in the preparatory and supplementary acquisitions of substance and experience between phase and phase,--all this is action. The normal routine of daily life,--sleeping, resting, eating and working,--is all to be considered within the scope of action. For the meaning of action may apply equally well to what occurs both in states of repose and in states of movement. While work throughout the process of carrying out a given task may clearly be action, recreation may also be action. States of motion and repose are of course to a superficial view opposites. Moreover in the modern world _motion_ is especially set up in opposition to _repose_, and emphasized almost to the exclusion of the latter. This has caused the importance of _stability_ to be lost to view.

For the truth of the matter is: "stability allows of repose; repose allows of calm; calm allows of reflection, and reflection gives grasp." It should be realized that repose can have a positive function. And what I call the philosophy of action permits of no distinction between motion and repose, a distinction which is superficial. A course of action may involve intervals of both motion and of repose, just as the invisible working of living matter contributes to the visible growth of the body. We need only concern ourselves as to whether what is done is in harmony with the laws of man's innate character.

The natural processes of the universe and of human life go on unceasingly, and in trying to ameliorate human life by positive action we must realize that such action to be effectual must be similar to those processes in its continuity and tenacity. Positive action in its every phase, whether outwardly visible or impalpable, never ceases to be action, never really for a moment comes to a halt. The whole universe is the scene of such action, and man in so far as he truly acts participates in its immense activity. Let us therefore distinguish clearly between mere _motion_ and the true _action_ that works by a steady advance in an undeviating course, with the timeless inexhaustibility of flowing water towards its appointed aim.

And now I have something more to add in definition of the essential meaning of action and its relation to life. The ancients said "Man's innate character is given him at birth together with life itself." I consider _action_ to be the expression of that innate character, and so as inseparable from life as it. Man in his earliest infancy can laugh and cry, eat and drink; as he grows up he learns to gaze and listen, speak and walk; and once grown up, no matter whether he be intelligent or stupid, he strives for existence, progress, and development. Or, in other words, he seeks to conform to the elementary needs of human life. All these phenomena are phenomena of _action_, the action of the faculties for discerning moral and material good, with which man is naturally endowed.

It is apparent to me that love of ease and dislike of exertion are no part of fundamental human nature, but that on the contrary mankind is naturally disposed to labor and work. If you compel a lively man accustomed to be always on his feet and busy with his hands to be idle and sedentary, depriving him of anything to do, he is certain to feel exceedingly unhappy. In the same way, the least intelligent or experienced of men has felt the satisfaction and content that come with work, the joy of contributing to the accomplishment of some undertaking. There is a colloquialism current in certain coastal districts of China which substitutes the word "life" for the word "work"; thus, you may be asked whether you have "lived your life" for the day, in the sense of "have you done your day's work?" Work is indeed life; unless a man be totally incapable he will inevitably require the means of expression for his abilities, and particularly such expression as will accrue to the benefit of somebody beyond himself. Even a little child is conscious of the intense satisfaction to be derived from doing one's best in the service of others. Though no praise be awarded the child it is aware of an extraordinary complaisance within itself.

THE BROADEST SENSE OF LIFE

All these little illustrations bear witness to the fact that action is the object of man's life; and we should, vice versa, make life the object of our action. We are born with faculties for the discernment of moral and material good; life, from childhood to old age, is the energetic, ceaseless, use of them, at first chiefly for the satisfaction of the needs of one's own existence, to secure one's own footing in life, but next, as one's mental perspective broadens, the family, the village, the community, the nation, and mankind become objects of the desire to express oneself and give of oneself. When we speak of _life_ it should mean for us the life of mankind, the life and existence of people and nation, the livelihood of masses and citizenry. And when we speak of _action_, we should mean action performed in the service of life in such a broad sense.

The difference between man and the beasts of the field and the birds of the air consists just in this. We read in the classics of "a virtue of surpassing excellence, which is given to the people as a law of their being," and the virtue alluded to is this propensity to look after one's own welfare and at the same time the welfare of one's fellow-men. We are naturally endowed with the disposition to will the good of others and to act in their service. "Action," with the qualities I have sketched, is something primordially bound up with life.

THE REVOLUTION DEMANDS ACTION OF ALL MEN AT ALL TIMES

The essential meaning of action being once understood we may proceed to inquire into its spirit and wherein it finds its highest expression. How is it that men for all the apparent unity of their existence sometimes live lives of such devotion to the good of mankind and the world that they earn the admiration of posterity, while others live degenerate lives governed by the lowest desires, to the detriment of themselves and their neighbors? Education and environment are factors that play their part in this, but more important is what the ancient called "material desire"--the tendency to seek possession rather than creation, to enjoy rather than contribute. In the words of Dr. Sun, "making one's aim acquisition and not service" leads to degraded and uncontrolled conduct which is an obstacle to human progress and what we as comrades in Revolution must strive our utmost to avoid and eradicate.

Revolutionary motives are motives of service, of self-sacrifice for the good of others. The task the Revolution sets itself is the "practice of goodwill" in the broadest sense of those words,--action inspired by love for men to the exclusion of all that tends to their harm. In our revolutionary zeal to promote _positive action_ throughout our world we aim to create an all-pervading moral attitude to life such as is rationally conformable to man's true nature; and we moreover seek to bring into full play the deep funds of humanity and benevolence in our own people. We push aside considerations of individual ability, of past education and environment, and of how far bad habits acquired may have become ingrained. We appeal to all as they are to take fresh stock of their lives and realize how from the very fact of their being alive they possess the ability to act,--to act in no less a sense than the great deliverers of mankind in their saintly and heroic deeds. The difference between such deeds and the actions of normal daily life is one of degree, not of kind. We are everyone men born of woman and passing our days between heaven and earth; not for us to vex ourselves with fear of failure; the only failure is in failing to act.

THE MEANING OF EASE

Let use take the three key-virtues of judgment, goodwill, and courage as our guides in the task of "playing the man." For the rest, let us follow the dictum of Sun Wên to the effect that "the very clever and able should strive to serve ten million fellow-men; a man of lesser ability may aspire to serve ten hundred men; while a man devoid of talent may content himself with doing the best he can for a single fellow-man." The highly talented may perform their duties with ease; the moderately gifted may make smooth progress with theirs; while the poorly gifted may do so with only a narrow margin of competence; but all that matters is our full use of our faculties in positive action for the good of others. If we advance without ever falling away from a pure and concentrated resolve to do our best, we shall certainly be able to realize the ideal of _action_. In a sense it will prove _easy_, though this does not of course mean that anything can be got without pains or anything managed in a facile and quiescent fashion. Nor does it mean that all will necessarily be plain sailing, fraught with no obstacles. Our path through life is strewn with dangers, hindrances and obstructions. Revolutionary action is attended by many risks; it requires the will to make great sacrifices. Nevertheless, man's capacity for positive action has achieved many a colossal feat in the course of his history, the prodigious hydraulic engineering of the ancients, ascent into the air and penetration of the earth, and revolutionary deeds that have transformed the face of human affairs. The ultimate consideration is always whether we possess thorough determination and a spirit of unflinching zeal, for with these we may overcome towering obstacles as it were "in our stride," and "face dangers with imperturbable calm." A man worthy of his place in the ranks of the Revolution will regard as nothing extraordinary difficulties and dangers that would daunt others. His revolutionary spirit, which is the very spirit of action, gives him a sublime indifference to whatever may be the magnitude of the demands his duty makes upon him; whatever his principles, faith and responsibility involve is "all in the day's work" for him, though it be ordeal by fire and water or the abnegation of everything dearest to him. He takes no account of difficulty, and fear is a thing still stranger to him. It is in the sense that to a man with such an attitude action is _easy_ that I use the word.

Action born of that innate character given us with life, conceived in absolute sincerity, and aimed at the good of others treats things as "all of a piece." From beginning to end of an appointed task it maintains a uniform consistency and integrity of purpose. The seeds of its final success are inherent in its first beginnings. Difficulty and failure as I understand them can have no part in such action.

Positive action with a complete integrity of purpose produces that honesty and trustworthiness which are distinctive marks of all true action. It penetrates to the core of matters, and deals only in realities. It is free from superficial trappings and fuss; permits of no slack approximation and evasion of the point, all of which comes from that shrinking from effort and hardship that is so incompatible with the spirit of positive action. Whereas I have called all true action _easy_, those who go about things without its spirit find themselves confronted with seemingly insurmountable difficulties everywhere. When the ancients said: "There is nothing either difficult or easy in the world," they had in mind this way of thinking, as I had too when I said that wartime and peacetime were one and the same.

SINCERITY THE ROOT OF ACTION AND GOODWILL

The next thing to consider is what is to be the central aim of our action. I would answer if asked this with a single word: "Goodwill." Action is the _practice of goodwill_ in its deepest sense.

Goodwill is grounded in the sense of justice and issues from complete sincerity. The sincere man is necessarily conscious of goodwill and he is necessarily possessed of the moral courage required to practice it. The ancients said "there is completeness in sincerity," and again, "where there is not sincerity there is a void." The place of sincerity in human life is indeed like that of energy in the atom, the structure of which would collapse without it. If a man's life lacks "ardent sincerity," he will likewise be powerless to form and manifest the three key-virtues of judgment, goodwill, and courage. And without the strength to be derived from those virtues, the Three Principles of the People can make no headway. Only by action inspired with perfect sincerity can the splendid truths of those Principles be asserted and translated into fact.

Sincerity is dependent upon the sense of justice. The keynote of our Republican Revolution has been the smashing of selfish individualism and the rescue of our people from their sufferings and of our nation from its peril. To achieve what yet remains to be done, to acquit ourselves well as a section of humanity, and to explore the full scope of possible human well-being, all we do and enact must be grounded in perfect sincerity. Then the pains we take and the plans we devise will prove creative, progressive, and constructive; we shall put flesh on the bones of the egalitarian philosophy of social justice; we shall be clear as to what we think and are aiming at; we shall be able to give full expression to our true nature and faculties, proceeding in all we do resolutely, frankly, and boldly.

Action attains its highest point of intensity in the giving of one's life in the cause of justice, when death in that cause is accepted as sweet and shorn of all its terrors. "One may die in the course of willing men good, but life is not to be purchased at the price of willing them ill" is a classical teaching we may take as a supreme ideal of positive action. Action that lives up to that ideal will inevitably be _revolutionary_, while, vice versa, it is only genuinely revolutionary conduct that possesses the true qualities of positive action. Sincerity is the primal motive force of action. With it, a man is aware only of the interests he has in common with his fellow-men, and of none that conflicts with those of his fellow-men. With sincerity, a man acts his will to good in perfect self-possession, pushing steadily onwards through difficulty and danger to success. This is the bearing of Dr. Sun's teaching on the revolutionary movement.

THE LAWS OF ACTION

In what I have said so far I have sketched the outlines of our conception of action. Men differ in profession, rank and work; but there is not a single one of us but must be a _man of action_ if our revolutionary aims are to be completely realized. Action, however, is subject to certain laws, which I now wish to go into. It must, firstly, have its _point-de-départ_, secondly its regular order of procedure (that is, a methodical and scientific plan), thirdly, its definite goal, and lastly it must possess the qualities of constancy and continuity.

One: The Starting Point

Firstly, by _point-de-départ_ we mean the careful selection of whatever way of approach may be most appropriate, direct, and efficacious for the carrying out of our projects. The same is true of study, affairs, and revolutionary action. The ancients said: "Ascent must start from places low; remote objectives are attained from near beginnings." This was their way of expressing the nature of the _point-de-départ_. If any mistake is made about it we are bound to miss our objective and destination however sure we may be of the direction in which we want to go. Again, if we try to run before we can walk, or skip preliminaries, or gain the heights by some ill-considered short-cut, our work will inevitably prove abortive.

Two: Ordered Unfolding of Plans

Secondly, the necessity for what I have called "a regular order of procedure" means the uselessness of reliance upon mere verve and enthusiasm, and the futility of action taken on the spur of some transitory turn of thought, action which is bound to encounter unforeseen obstacles in its course, be disconcerted by them, and lose its character as action by becoming some irrational form of _motion_. Action must be preceded by the laying down of plans and choice of a mode of procedure whereby all possible contingencies may be allowed for and prepared for. The plans, moreover, must be precise in matters of time and space, and in quantitative and numerical considerations. They must, when decided upon, be carried out with due attention to detail, and with periodical stock-taking of the ground covered. A steady rate of advance will thus be maintained. When it is possible to make plans it is obviously also possible to foresee to a great extent the circumstances of time and place under which the plans will be carried out and the quantitative and numerical requirements that will have to be met. In scientific accordance with these foreseen circumstances and requirements the execution of the whole project should be apportioned among the persons involved so that each has work in all respects congenial to his qualities, while provision is also made for cooperation between all concerned. With order and method in procedure there will be no putting of the cart before the horse, no abrupt intrusion of irrelevancies, no slackening at moments of urgency, or precipitate speed where none is needed; day by day and step by step substantial progress will be made. In this way we shall have no abortive enterprises, nor the disappointment they engender.

Three: Unswerving Aim at the Target

Coming, thirdly, to the matter of _goal_, it should be like a conspicuous target at which one takes steady, unfaltering, aim. No matter whether the work we are engaged in be of vast or slight dimensions, its aim should be seen, as it were, through sights trained on the main target of an ideal goal. To every piece of work there must be a beginning and an end, a clearly-defined destination. Before the destination be reached there can be no pause in our concentrated effort.

Four: The Even Texture of a Life of Action

Lastly, with regard to the fourth and especially important point: perseverance and continuity, the very qualities that, as I said at the beginning, distinguish _action_ from _motion_. I spoke of action as essentially regular, orderly, and purposeful, and said that such action would necessarily be revolutionary action and its influence revolutionary influence. In other words, revolutionary action unfolds in an unbroken uniformity of effort; it draws on the funds of moral vigor in our national genius, and provides a new channel for the expression of the great moral qualities of which that genius is composed, whereby it may rehabilitate the status to which it is properly entitled. It must be realized that our Revolutionary and the reconstructive activities pursue a broad and enlightened policy free from all manner of trickery and opportunism. We are actuated by a spirit of extraordinary power, but what we are doing is nothing abnormal as the word should be understood, and our methods are wholly realistic.

All unnatural and inhuman conduct, and illogical and unscientific methods, result in frustration and can have no place in revolutionary activity. The ancients spoke of "acts of routine virtue" in their emphasis upon the almost _humdrum_, stolid, qualities of true virtue. Our Revolution is likewise dependent upon the capacity to maintain a course of persevering and continuous effort; the behavior required is in no way peculiar or foreign to everyday life. For out of continuity comes perseverance and what we may call _ease_. Tsêng Kuo-fan said: "things should be done soundlessly and as it were 'odorlessly,' with both precision and economy of effort." By this he meant not wooden impassivity or dry-as-dust pedantry but directness, simplicity, and an absence of fuss, a straightforward and unassuming way of going about things. In working for the success of the Revolution we should cultivate the attitude of the nameless hero who braves dangers and endures hardships as matters of course. We shall thus keep in touch with the people and render the influence of what we do in the service of mankind broad and lasting.

FORMATION AND CONSTANCY OF PURPOSE

Unremitting perseverance to the very end of our task, every day we live a day of positive action, and full employment of our powers in harmony with the laws of Nature and Man, are the conditions for our successful accomplishment of our revolutionary mission. Among Tsêng Kuo-fan's self-admonitory words on "Formation of Purpose" there are the following phrases: "To cast away the gifts of Heaven and live in sloth will bring upon me some evil catastrophe.... This I swear never to forget as long as I can still draw breath." That is to say, the formation of our purpose in life requires of us diligent and courageous devotion and the full exercise of our talents. The great writer and statesman also admonished himself on the subject of steadfastness of purpose, reproaching himself: "Again and again have you been delinquent in your duties and endeavors, and been swayed by material temptations; but no one has ever heard of your being unpunctual at mealtimes!" How is it, he meant, that if we can be regular in attending to our material wants we cannot be equally unfailing in the performance of our duties? The full accomplishment of any aim requires strong-minded formation and steadfastness of purpose. The true meaning of the words "let the superior man exert himself with the unfailing pertinacity of Nature" embraces this.

I have now completed my explanation of the fundamental principles involved in positive action. I wish to conclude by once again exhorting you all to firm faith in the Tsung-li's teaching: "From true knowledge action naturally proceeds." The meaning of the Revolution is as bright and spacious as the skies; and the clearer our comprehension of it the more vigor we shall put into the practice of it. Moreover, the methods we are to adopt and the mode of procedure we are to follow have been laid down for us in detail by Dr. Sun Wên. We have only to obey his directions, each of us playing a part for which his temperament, calling and knowledge fits him, relying upon his faculties for the discernment of moral and material good at every step in his bold and resolute execution of his duty to nation and people.

ACTION ENGENDERS KNOWLEDGE

I wish to say another word on the subject of the _knowledge_ from which as we have seen action proceeds; and what I have to say is: that just as action proceeds from knowledge, action in its turn engenders knowledge. Dr. Sun said: "The ability to know implies the ability to act." I would add the words: "without action one cannot attain to knowledge." For knowledge comes with experience, and apart from the broad and fundamental truths of revolutionary thought our knowledge need not necessarily be in the first place very rich. Though, therefore, we must of course do all we can to acquire knowledge for its own sake, we must at the same time seek it as one of the fruits of positive action. Any knowledge acquired in the course of study, research, or experience which we do not proceed to put to the test of practice in the field of actuality is not to be considered with certainty as worthy of being called true knowledge. So it is that in all our undertakings practice will yield us true knowledge, and action alone will give us the ability to extend and enrich our knowledge. Chu Hsi in his commentary on the _Great Learning_ wrote: "By long application of our powers we one day reach a point whence we see the whole scheme of things spread out before us, we perceive the realities underlying phenomena, the relation of accident to essence, and the structure and workings of the human mind." This attainment can come only as the fruit of positive action. If in the course of practice and experience knowledge we have acquired and methods we have based on it prove inefficacious we may take it that what we valued as knowledge was not true knowledge. In this way we shall be constantly broadening the scope and sifting the quality of our knowledge, which is the genuine process of gaining knowledge. "To be aware of ignorance brings knowledge" and "the open mind invites the entrance of information," are maxims than which none are better as guides in the search for knowledge.

COMRADES IN REVOLUTION! RESOLVE ANEW!

I am well aware of the magnitude of our revolutionary task of Resistance and Reconstruction, and I have been no less impressed with recent manifestations of my comrades' will to action. I have felt impelled by the one and encouraged by the other to present you today this exposition of positive action and of what is requisite for its success, in the hope that you will all keep in mind these indispensable principles, gathering fresh knowledge with experience, acting with deliberation, perspicacity, and conscientiousness, spurning all things that tend to distract you from your fixed purpose and involve you in the wild and motiveless conduct of those who possess no such fixed purpose. In the _Chung-Yung_, or _Doctrine of the Mean_, there is a passage emphasizing the importance of "conscientiousness" in action, by which it means the refusal to be satisfied with half-measures, the pursuit of ends to their logical conclusion. If you give earnest thought to what I have said you will realize that very much of what has long passed with us for action has not been true action, that is, not positive action, and that therefore we have failed in much that we have undertaken. It is only because our action has not been really positive that we have allowed our minds to enlarge on the difficulties and dangers of the Revolution. In fact, these difficulties exist only for those whose minds lack resolution, enthusiasm and faith. The ancient adage says: "There's nothing difficult in the world if there's a man of spirit to be found" (where there's a will there's a way). This is a piece of the age-old proverbial wisdom of the people, and it may well serve us as a salutary warning against the slack thinking and evil habits concealed beneath the airy phrase: "It's easy enough to know what should be done; it's acting accordingly that's hard."

We need, therefore, in the revolutionary nation-building we have before us only to assert our wills, inflame our hearts with a fresh sincerity and faith, and give ourselves up to positive action. If everyone of us does so, I have no hesitation in pronouncing it will mean the certainty of our success.

_C._ DEFINITION OF THE PROBLEMS CONCERNING THE ORGANIZATION OF THE VARIOUS CLASSIFICATIONS OF _HSIEN_ (CHIANG K'AI-SHEK)[1]

[Footnote 1: [Chiang K'ai-shek], _Ch'üeh-ting Hsien Ko-chi Tsu-chih Wên-t'i_ (Definition of the Problems Concerning the Organization of the Various Classifications of _Hsien_), [Chungking], 1939, p. 43 and chart.]

One of a series of lectures, each issued separately, entitled _The Conclusions of the Party Chief_, and originally delivered before the Party and Government Training Class of the Central Training Corps. Compare with Appendix I (G), p. 324.

The chart, opposite, is a translation of the chart appended to the original Chinese of the Generalissimo's booklet on _Hsien_. P.M.A.L.

ORGANIZATION OF THE VARIOUS CLASSIFICATIONS OF _HSIEN_

+------------------+ _Hsien_ _Hsien_ |_Hsien_ Government| _Hsien_ Party People'.........................|------------------|.......................Party Supervisory Council | _Hsien_ Chief | Organ Committee | | (Magistrate) | | | | +---------------------------------------------------------------+ | +--+ | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | +---------| | |People's | | | | | | | | | | | | | |People's | | |Organizations |Library|Middle-|Land |Mili- |Edu- |Civic | |Organizations: | | |(_cont'd_): | |School |Section|tary |cation |Affairs| | Ex-Servicemen's | | | Laborers Assn.| | | |Section|Section|Section| | Assn. | | | Farmers' Assn.| Cooperative | | | | | | Elders' Assn. | | | Merchants' | Union | | Reconstruction| Police | Women's Assn. | | | Assn. | | | Section | Bureau | Able-bodied | | | Education | Social | | | Citizens' Corps| | | Assn. | Affairs | Finance | Young Men's Corps| | | Others Experimental Section | Section | | | | Farm | Public | | | +------------------+ Health | | | Reconstruction-----| _Ch'ü_ Bureau | Bureau District| | Committee |------------------| Party | | | _Ch'ü_ Chief | Organ | | +---------------------------------------------------------+ | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | Ch'ü |Military |Education|Director | Health | | | | | Vocational |Director |Director |of Civic | Bureau | | | | | Training | | |Affairs | | | | | | Class | Reconstruction | | Able-bodied| | | | | Director | Police Citizens' | | | Cooperative | Finance Bureau Union | | | Union | Director | | _Hsiang_ +------------------+ | | People's <==================> | _Hsiang_ [or | Sub- | Council | _Ch'ên_] Office | district| | |------------------| Party | | | _Hsiang_ Chief | Organ | | +-----------------------------------------+ | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | People's | School| Division| Division|People's | | | Organizations | System| of | of |Organizations: | | | (_cont'd_): | | Police | Economic| Ex-Servicemen's | | | Laborers' Assn.| | Affairs | Affairs | Assn. | | | Farmers' Assn. | | | | Elder's Assn. | | | Education Assn.| | Division of | Women's Assn. | | | Others | | Cultural | Able-bodied | | | Cooperatives | Affairs | Citizens' Corps | | | | | Young Men's Corps | | _Pao_ +------------------+ | Small- | People's <==================> | _Pao_ Office | Division Group | Council |------------------| of Civic (cell) | | | _Pao_ Chief | Affairs | | | +-----------------------------------+ | | | | | | | | | | | | Party | |Citizen's| Economic| Police | _Pao_ Able-bodied | Super- | |School | Affairs | Section | Citizens' Troop | visors' | | | Section | | | Net | _Pao_ | | Civic | | Cooperatives | Cultural Affairs | | | Affairs Section | | | Section | | | | | +------------------+ _Chia_ Able-bodied | | | _Chia_ Chief |-------------Citizens' Troop | | +------------------+ | | | | |------------------------------------------------------------------------------------| | The People | +------------------------------------------------------------------------------------+

At the fifth meeting of the Fourth Plenary Session of the Central Executive and Supervisory Committees of the Kuomintang on April 8, 1938, I made a speech on "The Reform of Party Affairs and Readjustments for Party and Political Organizations." Attached to that speech was a draft chart showing the interrelations among the Party and political organizations under the _hsien_, with illustrations and explanations. I pointed out then that the chart was only intended as an initial draft. As to promulgating the detailed formulae and laws for execution, I pointed out that the draft was only to serve as a basis and that the wording in which the draft was written should not prove too binding. There should be plenty of room for further study and discussion so that perfection might be obtained. Furthermore, the draft chart was intended mainly as an exposition of the relations between Party and political organizations (hence it was also called "Party and Political Affairs Chart"). The various administrative organizations were attached as an appendix to it.

Since the publication of this draft chart, the serious attention of many of our comrades, scholars and specialists has been aroused. In many districts experiments have been carried on--a fact which is indeed very gratifying and which evidences the earnest desire on the part of various local administrations for reform.

The Party and Political Personnel Training Class was recently inaugurated by the Central Training Corps. In order to lecture on the problems covered in the draft chart and lay out the necessary formulae, I had instructed several of my associates to collect views and data from all possible sources and to make a thorough study of the question. Under my personal supervision, the original draft has been revised and supplemented. The main points contained therein may be summarized as follows:

1. In connection with Party organizations, the _ch'ü_[2] (township) office should be linked up with the _hsiang_ (_chên_), while small units should be established under the _pao chia_ system. Thus the Party organizations are brought to conformity with the political. The network of Party members' supervisory organizations should be placed directly under the Supervisory Committee of the _hsien_ Party headquarters.

[Footnote 2: For explanation of such local government terms as _hsiang_, _pao_, _ch'ü_, see the text, p. 107.]

2. The _hsien_ is the unit of local government autonomy. The _hsien_ should be classified into three to six groups according to their area, population, economic resources, cultural and communication development. Below the _hsien_, the _hsiang_ (_chên_) constitutes the basic lower unit, with _pao_ or village and streets as their constituents. Elasticity may be allowed between the _hsien_ and _hsiang_ according to local requirements. When and where necessary, a _ch'ü_ (township) office may be established to serve as the connecting link, but if this is not needed, the _hsiang_ (_chên_) should be placed under the direct jurisdiction of the _hsien_. The same elasticity may exist between the _hsiang_ (_chên_) and _pao_. In densely populated areas, a village and a street may form one natural unit, inseparable from each other. In such cases, one unit may consist of two or three _pao_ with one _pao chang_ (chief of the _pao_) at the helm of affairs, so that unnecessary breaking-up of the village from the street may be avoided. To eliminate difficulties arising from finances and personnel, all the posts of secretaries (_kan shih_) of the _hsiang_ (_chên_) and _pao_ (or village and street) may be concurrently served by the teachers of primary schools, while the school principals of the _hsiang_ (_chên_) and _pao_ should concurrently serve as leader of the able-bodied citizens' corps (_Chuang ting tui_) in accordance with the principle of unity of administration, instruction, support and protection. In areas with better economic and educational development where affairs concerning local autonomy are multifarious, the principals of _hsiang_ (_chên_) primary schools and pao citizens' [mass education] schools should preferably concentrate on their school jobs with a view to efficiency. The masses should be organized into different groups to undertake different works in order to meet the actual requirements.

3. In connection with organs for expressing the views and opinions of the people, there should be organized the _pao_ people's assembly, the _hsiang_ (_chên_) people's representative assembly, the _hsien_ council, each vested with proper authority, with a view to increasing the people's interest in participating in government affairs. Thus the influence of the masses may be properly magnified and the goal of true democracy attained. With a view to greater alacrity, I wish to explain in further detail as follows:

A. READJUSTMENTS IN THE RELATIONS AMONG THE VARIOUS ADMINISTRATIVE PARTY AND POLITICAL ORGANIZATIONS OF THE _Hsien_

(_This item, consisting of eleven articles, is not intended for publication._)

A routine announcement of Party duties, of Party supervision of local morale, of seniorities as between Party and Government officers, etc. follows. It has been omitted in accordance with the statement in parentheses.

B. POLITICAL ORGANIZATIONS

1. The _hsien_ is the unit of local autonomy. These units can be classified into from three to six groups according to the population, economic status, culture and communication. On the one hand, the _hsien_ governments should handle affairs concerning local autonomy of their respective district under the supervision of the provincial government and on the other hand should carry out the orders of the Central and provincial governments.

_a._ The area of the _hsien_ under the present system should remain the same as before. The cancellation of the _hsien_ and the change in its area are to be decided upon only with the authorization and approval of the Central Government. In the _hsien_ there should be a magistrate, under whom there should be secretaries, section chiefs, directors, police officers, senior and junior staff members in the different sections, technicians and assistants and police patrol officers handling civic, financial, educational, construction, military, land, and social affairs. The number of sections to be provided under the _hsien_ governments and their duties is to be decided by the provincial government which in making decisions is to take into consideration the local requirements of the _hsien_ concerned. The number of staff members, and their ranks and salaries, is likewise to be decided upon by the provincial government.

_b._ In each _hsien_ there should be held _hsien_ political affairs meetings at which decisions concerning the _hsien_ administration are to be reached and proposals made for submission to the _hsien_ People's Council. The _hsien_ political affairs meetings should be held irrespective of whether the _hsien_ Council has been established or not.

_c._ The rules and regulations governing the organization of the _hsien_ governments should be promulgated by the provincial governments and then submitted to the Central Government for approval.

2. The _ch'ü_ (township) office is a subsidiary organization to the _hsien_ government. Its duty is to supervise the affairs of the various _hsiang_ (_chên_) on behalf of the _hsien_ government in connection with the enforcement of local autonomy.

_a._ The scope of the _ch'ü_ should consist of from six to fifteen _hsiang_. In those _hsien_ in which the total number of _hsiang_ is below fifteen, no _ch'ü_ office should be established. The _hsiang_ in such cases are to be placed under the direct jurisdiction of the _hsien_ government. In frontier regions where special conditions obtain, specifications for the number of _hsiang_ for the _ch'ü_ office may be modified.

In _hsien_ where no _ch'ü_ office is established, the _hsien_ government should appoint representatives to supervise the affairs of the different _hsiang_.

_b._ The _ch'ü_ office is headed by a district chief under whom there should be two to five directors handling civic, financial, construction, education, and military affairs. All such personnel are by special appointment with pay, and they should be chosen by the superior organizations from those who have received appropriate training. The district chiefs should preferably be those who come from the districts to which they are designated, their qualifications and treatment to be fixed by law.

_c._ In the place where the _ch'ü_ office is seated, there should be established a police bureau which is to be under the direction of the district chief dealing with the police administration of the place.

_d._ In the _ch'ü_ there should be established the _hsiang_ reconstruction committee comprising local leaders as members. This committee is to conduct research and map out the plans concerning rural reconstruction, the district chief acting concurrently as its chairman.

_e._ In order to increase the vocational ability of the people and develop local industries, there should be established in the _ch'ü_ vocational training classes.

_f._ In addition to the number of policemen as specified, there should be organized in the _ch'ü_ the joint able-bodied citizens' corps (_Chuang-ting lien tui-pu_) office which is to control and supervise the _Chuang-ting_ of the various _hsiang_ (_chên_). Whenever necessary, the _chuang-ting_ may be summoned together for special training and organization.

_g._ The _ch'ü_ office should unite together all the _hsiang_ (_chên_) cooperative societies and organize them into cooperative unions. Each union is to consist of several departments dealing with different cooperative enterprises. The _ch'ü_ office should appoint a supervisor to be stationed in the union.

3. The _hsiang_ (_chên_) is to be defined as the basic administrative unit under the _hsien_, and its organization should be substantiated accordingly.

a. Each _hsiang_ in principle comprises six to fifteen _pao_. In drawing such limits, however, consideration should be given to the historical background and natural conditions of the locality. The demarcation and the organization of the _pao chia_ system are to be decided upon by the _hsien_ government, subject to the approval of the provincial government. Reports must also be submitted to the Central Government.

_b._ The chief personnel of the _hsiang_ guild (_kung so_) should include a director (_hsiang chang_) and one or two vice-directors. They are to be elected from qualified citizens at the _hsiang_ people's representative meetings. In the guild there should be provided four departments, handling civic, police, economic and cultural affairs respectively, each to be headed by one man with several staff members. These posts should be held by the vice-directors and teachers of the _hsiang_ primary schools. The date for the election of the director and vice-directors of the _hsiang_ is to be fixed and announced in orders to be issued by the _hsien_ government. The term of their office will be two years.

_c._ There should be established in each _hsiang_ a central school composed of three divisions for children, women especially, and adults. There should be primary and higher primary classes. The posts of the school principal, leader of the able-bodied citizens' corps, and director of the _hsiang_ are to be concurrently held by one man. The teachers are to undertake the extracurricular duties of training and supervising. They are also to help the _hsiang director_ to handle affairs of the _hsiang_. In the higher primary class of the school stress should be laid on training the masses to enable them to undertake the work of census-taking, promotion of health and sanitation and cooperative affairs.

In places with better economic and educational development, the principals of the _hsiang_ central schools should preferably concentrate on their own duties at school.

_d._ The cooperative societies also have the _hsiang_ as the unit (with branch societies in the _pao_). There should also be established in the _hsiang_ public safe-deposit agencies for the storage of articles. Separate granaries should be set up whenever necessary.

_e._ The leader of the _hsiang_ able-bodied citizens' corps should from time to time summon chosen groups of the _chuang ting_ of the _pao_ to the _hsiang_ to undergo advanced training. During the training period, they are to perform police duties and when the period expires they are to be sent back to take up the work as junior officers of the able-bodied citizens' corps of the _pao_, charged also with the duties of promoting local autonomy in the _pao_. Thus not only will the police force be strengthened, but various activities properly developed. The outposts established in the _hsiang_ by the _hsien_ police bureaus should also be placed under the direction of the _hsiang_ director.

_f._ The _hsiang_ should convene _hsiang_ affairs meetings with the director as chairman and all the department heads and senior members of the staff in attendance. The chiefs of the _pao_ concerning whom proposals are submitted to the meeting should also be present.

_g._ A hospital or clinic should be established for each _hsiang_ or a number of _hsiang_. These hospitals or clinics should be staffed with Western-trained doctors. In case of lack of personnel and finance, [old-style] Chinese physicians may do on a temporary basis.

4. The _pao_ should be defined as a constituent of the _hsiang_ and its organization be substantiated accordingly.

_a._ Each _pao_ is to consist of from six to fifteen _chia_, headed by a _pao chang_ (chief of the _pao_) and an assistant _pao chang_. They are to be elected from qualified citizens at the _pao_ people's meeting, and their names are to be submitted by the _hsiang_ guild to the _hsien_ government. Before the election, the _pao chang_ and assistant _pao chang_ may be nominated by the _hsiang_ guild subject to official appointment by the _hsien_ government. In the office of the _pao_ there should be two to four secretaries (_kan shih_) handling civic, police, economic and cultural affairs. These posts may be concurrently held by the assistant _pao chang_ and teachers of citizens' (mass education) schools. In _pao_ with limited finances, one secretary may suffice.

The term of office for the _pao chang_ and assistant _pao chang_ will be two years. They may be re-elected at the expiration of their term of office.

_b._ All affairs of the _pao_ should be discussed and transacted at _pao_ affairs meeting in which as many capable citizens of the _pao_ as possible are to be asked to participate, in order to hasten progress of the reconstruction of the _pao_.

_c._ All the activities undertaken by the _pao_ are to be under the supervision and direction of the hsiang guild, the _ch'ü_ office and the _hsien_ government. The latter superior organs should give constant help and advice so that the program of work may be carried out step by step as desired.

_d._ Every _pao_ is to have a mass education school, with the principal of the school concurrently serving as the _pao chang_ and as the leader of the _pao_ able-bodied citizens' corps. The school is to comprise three divisions for children, for women especially, and for adults, and its aim is to raise the level of education and vocational ability of the masses. Teachers are also to help the _pao chang_ in dealing with various affairs of the _pao_.

In _pao_ better-developed in economic resources and education, the principles of the mass education schools should preferably concentrate on their school duties.

_e._ Membership of the _pao_ branches of the cooperative societies is composed of the families in the _pao_. The directors of the branch societies are to be elected by members. The _pao chang_ can be elected and concurrently hold this office.

_f._ The _pao_ office, the _pao_ able-bodied citizens' corps and the _pao_ mass education schools should be simultaneously established. They should have a joint office so that affairs of common interest may be pushed from the same center.

_g._ In densely populated areas where a village and a street seem each to be an integral part of the other, two or three _pao_ may be amalgamated, the amalgamation not exceeding three _pao_. The mass education schools, branch cooperative societies and treasuries, likewise, may be amalgamated, with only the _pao_ able-bodied citizens' corps remaining separate. One presiding _pao chang_ is to be elected to take the helm of affairs, and a joint office is to be established.

_h._ The _pao_ should be equipped with a medicine box, with one of the mass education school teachers trained in rudiments of the medical science, in charge. He is to give simple treatment for diseases and to give small-pox vaccination. If this should prove beyond the finances of one _pao_, several _pao_ may join together.

_i._ The organization of the _chia_ is to consist of from six to fifteen families, headed by a _chia chang_. There should be meetings of the heads of families, and general _chia_ conferences, held from time to time.

The _chia chang_ is to be elected at the meeting of heads of families. His name is to be submitted by the _pao_ office to the _hsiang_ guild.

_j._ The _pao_ may retain its old name, such as _ts'un_ (village), _chieh_ (street) or _ch'ang_ (market), but it is desired that they should gradually adopt the official name of _pao_ with a view to uniformity.

C. PEOPLE'S ORGANS THROUGH WHICH POPULAR POLITICAL OPINIONS MAY BE EXPRESSED

1. To increase the people's interest in participation in government affairs and to train their political insight and ability in accordance with the principle of the inherent unity of teaching, learning and practicing, people's organs for discussion of government affairs for the various administrative units under the _hsien_ should be established within specified time limits, and these organs should be vested with the appropriate authority.

2. In the _pao_ should be established the _pao_ people's meeting to elect the _pao chang_; the _hsiang_, the _hsiang_ people's representative meeting to elect the _hsiang chang_.[3] (The qualifications and standards of both the _pao chang_ and the _hsiang chang_ are to be specified by law.) Thus it is hoped to attain the ideal standards of local government and to establish the system of the people's supervision of the government. No people's organ is needed for the _ch'ü_ (district), while the _hsien_ people's council will serve as the general organ for people of the entire _hsien_.

[Footnote 3: Heretofore translated as "director of the _hsiang_."]

3. With a view to flexibility in the exercise of the people's privileges, members of the _hsien_ people's council are to be brought forth at the _hsiang_ people's representative meetings. Each _hsiang_ is entitled to elect one representative as member of the council. The number of representatives of legitimate professional bodies may be increased in order to put representation of the districts and that of the professions on equal footing. Representatives to the _hsiang_ people's meeting are to be produced at the _pao_ people's meeting. Each _pao_ is entitled to two representatives. The _pao_ people's meeting should be attended by one person from each family whose qualifications and position in the family conforms to specifications in the law.

4. The _hsiang chang_ and _pao chang_ who are elected may both act as chairmen of their respective people's organs, namely the _hsiang_ people's representative meeting and the _pao_ people's meeting. The _hsien_ people's council for the time being is not to elect the magistrate. It is to elect its own chairman.

5. Before the _hsien_ people's council is organized, the budget and accounts of the _hsien_ government should be studied and passed by the _hsien_ Administrative Meeting and then submitted by the magistrate to the provincial government for approval.

After the _hsien_ people's council is inaugurated, the budget and accounts of the _hsien_ should be presented to the council for examination and then submitted to the provincial government for approval. When necessary, the budget and accounts may first be sent to the provincial government for approval and then the council may be approached for confirmation and verification.

EXPLANATION

1. The basic spirit of this draft is to arouse and mobilize the masses, to strengthen local organization and hasten district autonomy enterprises so that the cornerstone of the revolution and national reconstruction may be laid. Some may be of the opinion that as education has not been popularized, it would be difficult to allow the masses participation in government affairs. But the political system stressing on people's privileges must be founded on the will of the masses. If participation in government affairs is allowed only after education has been developed on a nation-wide scale, the slogan "revolutionized people's privileges" will be of no meaning. The people need only be trained practically in the exercise of their political privileges, and the main task of the government during the political tutelage period lies in teaching the people how to exercise their four rights [election; recall; initiative; referendum]. Tutelary government [Party-dictatorship] and constitutional government are different only in degree but not in fundamentals. During the period of tutelage, therefore, the interest of the people in participation in government affairs must be gradually aroused and increased. Thus measures enforced with this purpose in view during the political tutelage period may not contravene the aims of constitutional government, and the progress from tutelage to constitutionalism may be attained smoothly. This explains the transitional process from the beginning to the complete realization of autonomous government and it was for such an explanation that this draft was prepared.

2. With a view to the solution of the personnel and financial problems confronting the various basic administrative units, the _hsiang_ chief, _hsiang_ central school principal, and the _hsiang_ leader of the able-bodied citizens' corps, excepting in those areas more highly developed in education and economic resources, should be the same man. The same thing applies to the _pao_. All those charged with administrative duties should pay attention to education which should serve as the means to attain the objectives of the revolution and national reconstruction. Those with educational responsibilities should give their time and energy also to the organization and training of the masses. They should consider the masses as their students, the society as a school and all existing circumstances and conditions as references of instruction. Emphasis should also be laid on instructing the people how to live properly, how to accomplish their duties. The basic principles governing the revolutionary movement and national reconstruction as laid down by our late Leader [Sun Yat-sen], measures on the control of rice and the control of land as stipulated in the ordinances and regulations governing district autonomy, together with the seven measures previously announced by the Central Government, should all be included in the scope of instruction. It was with these considerations in mind that this draft provides that teachers of the _hsiang_ middle [secondary] and _pao_ mass-education schools should concurrently act as secretaries of the _hsiang_ guild and _pao_ office. It would not do to maintain the old system when school teachers only taught in the classroom, with the result that in many places where schools have been conducted for many years people still refuse to be conscripted, to pay taxes, to observe the New Life principles. This could be attributed to the fact that teachers and others in charge of the schools failed to do their duties.

It is also provided in the ordinances and regulations governing the initial enforcement of district autonomy that "aside from enabling people to read and write, schools should also emphasize what has been known as the 'omnipotency of both hands' campaign." We should try to make all the tools or machines that can increase the productive ability of both hands, instead of relying on others. From now on, therefore, local schools should emphasize vocational training by which the students may be taught how to manufacture simple machines. This is not merely scientific education but also an important way of carrying out the doctrine of the people's livelihood. It is therefore provided in this draft that in the _ch'ü_ (township) there should be established the district vocational training class so that education and living may be closely wedded.

In the past, educational organization has been too complicated. Besides primary schools, there have been mass education schools, short-term primary schools, rural schools. Now, since it is stipulated that the _pao_ has _pao_ mass education schools and the _hsiang_ has _hsiang_ middle schools, the children and adults should be taught in separate classes but at the same school so that all the former units of education may be absorbed. The tutor (_tao shêng_) system should be used as much as possible in the hope that the entire people of the nation may be given at least the minimum education for citizenship within a limited period of time. Thus all the personnel and finances may be concentrated; the teachers may conveniently do their duty in directing the masses into proper participation in various local enterprises. In this way, education and autonomy may be closely affiliated with each other.

3. The organization of the various local administrative units is roughly in accordance with the decimal system. In such provisions of this draft, allowances have been made whereby the difficulties in the way of enforcement of the system may be solved. Once the scope of the various local administrative units is fixed, all plans and programs such as establishing schools, training personnel, appropriation of funds and statistics may be mapped out according to definite standards. The conduct of a big nation with its variegated enterprises depends on strict organization in war-time as well as in peace-time. In the army, for instance, the number of units composing each army corps is definitely fixed. Scientific administration must be governed by rules and regulations.

For the convenience of execution, certain elasticity has been allowed in provisions concerning organization in this draft. The _hsiang_, for instance, is composed of from six to fifteen _pao_, and so on with other lower administrative units. In cases where the village and the street cannot be separated, joint organizations for the handling of affairs of common interest is allowed. All these provisions are arrived at in order to allow some flexibility whenever and wherever necessary. Within the bounds of these regulations, the various local district governments may exercise their discretion in disposing their respective affairs without consulting their superior governments. But they will not be permitted to trespass beyond the limits because disorderly organizations will make control and supervision hard.

After the scope of the various local administrative units is fixed, their respective spheres of education, health, cooperative movements and police must also be uniformly determined so that control, instruction, support, and protection may have an equal and well-balanced development.

4. Concerning the organization and training of the masses, it is indeed regrettable that no wholesome accomplishments have been achieved during the past many years. According to this new draft, the following explanations have to be made:

_a._ Demarcation among people's groups and organizations: the former is determined by professions and the latter according to age and sex. From the standpoint of the requirements of the country, the latter should be organized first. Especially urgent is the demand for such organizations as the able-bodied citizens' corps and women's associations. From the standpoint of the needs of the people, the organization of the professional groups should be put on a sound basis as soon as possible, particularly the farmers, laborers, and merchants groups which are vitally concerned with the economic reconstruction movement of the country. Steps, therefore, should immediately be taken in the order of urgency. Next, for people's organizations, emphasis is to be laid on organization and training; for the groups, direction and supervision are to be stressed.

_b._ The work of organizing the various people's groups should proceed from the bottom upwards because wholesome organizations can only be had when the foundation is soundly laid. In peace-time, this will help forward self-rule. In war-time, it will help meet military needs. In the past, the various people's groups (such as farmers' associations and women's associations) had only nominal existence, hanging their shingles in the _hsien_ city, but few really worked. The reasons might be many, but the main one has been the failure on the part of those responsible to penetrate into the lower strata of activities and help develop them. It must be realized that the various people's groups are necessary to the various administrative units in the district autonomous government system just as parts to the main body of a machine. Without the parts, the machine would not be able to operate. From now on, therefore, efforts must be made to substantiate the people's bodies so that they may be enabled to function efficiently.

_c._ The able-bodied citizens' corps are necessary in peace as well as in war-time. Attention should be paid both to training and to the supervision so that their usefulness may be fully developed. The constituents of the able-bodied citizens' corps are the pillars of society, and on them depends the successful realization of most enterprises concerning district autonomy. In this lies the importance of our late Leader's [Sun Yat-sen] teaching about "omnipotency of both hands." During the training, emphasis should not be on military alone but also on general and vocational ability, in order to turn corps members into useful members of society.

5. The people's organs for various local administrative units serve best the purpose of training the people in the exercise of their rights in government affairs. They constitute the prerequisites for democracy. In the past, it has proved difficult to secure _hsiang_, _pao_ and _chia_ chiefs; or, after they were elected to their respective offices, they failed to do their duties and some of them even committed acts harmful to the people which slipped the notice of the superior government offices. All these shortcomings must be overcome by virtue of democratic measures. The higher supervisory organizations, limited in personnel, can hardly keep an eye on every small detail. The _hsiang_ and _pao_ chiefs and other staff members under them are most closely associated with the people. In order to prevent them from undermining the people's interest for their selfish gains, the democratic (_Min-chu_) control and supervision system should be enforced as the most efficient and effective method. That the _pao_ people's meeting should be attended by the families as representative units is a preliminary step. This is so because China is an agricultural country, different from other industrialized nations where the individual citizens constitute the representative units. Representatives to the _hsiang_ people's representative meetings are to be produced at the _pao_ people's meeting. Councilors from the _hsiang_ and higher administrative units for the _hsien_ people's council are to be produced by indirect instead of direct election. Next comes the question of increasing the people's economic stability and developing local enterprises. It is specially provided that adequate representation to the various professional groups should be given in the _hsien_ people's council. (This is limited to the professional groups and their representation is not to exceed thirty per cent.) In this way the district conception and the interests of professions are given equal consideration.

6. To prepare the personnel for the various local administrative government units, the various grades of schools should be adapted to the needs of the local organizations and enterprises. With such adaptation, the school training may not be in vain and young students upon graduation may find appropriate employment. A separate set of rules and regulations should be promulgated whereby these youths may be encouraged and their future welfare safeguarded. At present, the training of such personnel and their future disposal have not been systematically enough planned. Proper remedy must be provided so that definite standards may be fixed. Most important of all, persons properly trained should be assigned to places where are located their native home villages or towns. All such jobs concerning the development of district enterprises like insurance of treasuries or storehouses, transportation of rice and foodstuffs, farmland irrigation, fishing, grazing, and land reclamation, should all be filled by persons with special technical training. As the development of such district enterprises continues, the demand for appropriate personnel will grow as a foregone conclusion.

7. With regard to financial problems, the late Leader instructed that the district self-rule organizations should be founded on the basis of "political and economic cooperation." The sources of finance, therefore, should be derived from the people's public productive enterprises, instead of depending on new taxes. There are many public properties in various localities that should be utilized. Instead, these have mainly been exploited and monopolized by individuals who cared for nothing but their own selfish interests. Henceforth, these properties should be placed under public control. With efficient management, the proceeds from these enterprises should serve as finances for the entire _hsiang_ or _pao_. In case such properties consist of land, they could be turned into experimental farms and be placed under the management of the schools for the improvement of agricultural products and for training the people in reformed farming methods. The joint property of a clan should be dealt with in a similar way so that their income may be increased and the results of agricultural improvement programs may be extended from one locality to another easily. In places where there are no such lands, steps should be taken to reclaim the mountainous or hilly regions or the streams and ponds. Free labor may be utilized with a view to increasing the income. Besides, surplus rice may be stored in the _hsiang_ and the _pao_, under the management of the people of the respective districts. The various cooperative societies transporting agricultural products should also provide granaries and issue mortgage loans. Part of the profits thus derived should be devoted as funds for the development of local enterprises. Thus not only will the financial problem be solved but district autonomy development will follow local needs. Before the local public enterprises (as described above) are so developed that income is sufficient to meet financial requirements, attention should be paid to the following measures:

_a._ Taxes which the _hsiang_ guild may collect independent of the superior government offices.

_b._ The finances of the _hsien_ should be demarcated from those of the province, and the quota of the former should be gradually increased if possible.

_c._ In lean _hsien_, the _hsien_ government should be subsidized by the provincial government.

8. Last of all, it should be pointed out that this draft was drawn up after repeated discussions and studies. Henceforth, all the _hsien_ and lower district government units in the autonomy system should observe this draft as the basis. This is a time of national crisis when the destiny of our entire nation and race is hanging between life and death. It is hoped that all comrades of our Party and our fellow-countrymen should strive with strong determination for nation-wide enforcement of these district autonomy measures. Bold initiative should solve any unforeseen difficulties that may arise. Fear and hesitation should never be allowed to gain the upper hand. Only in this way, may we hope that the cornerstone for various political levels of true democracy is laid on a sound basis, and only in this way may we hope that the stupendous task of national reconstruction can be accomplished.

_D._ A DISCUSSION OF MAO TSÊ-TUNG'S COMMENTS ON THE PRESENT STATE OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS (CH'ÊN KUO-HSIN)[1]

[Footnote 1: Min-i Ts'ung-k'an (Popular Opinion Series), _Mao Tsê-tung Ch'ên Shao-yü Tsui-chin Yen-lun-ti Tsung Chien-t'ao_ (A General Review of the Most Recent Utterances of Mao Tsê-tung and Ch'ên Shao-yü), Chungking, 1940; p. 1-17.]

The following article, expressing the general Kuomintang view, but written and published unofficially, illustrates debate on foreign policy, and the type of discussion between Nationalists and Communists. Written in the autumn of 1939, it was reprinted in 1940 as a part of a symposium, forming a critique of Chinese Communist views. Mao Tsê-tung (see above, p. 166) is the outstanding Chinese Communist leader.

I. THE QUESTION OF UNEXPECTED POLITICAL "COUPS"

As the Central Government has already formulated correct principles of action, the recent German-Soviet Pact has no influence upon our National policies. If we follow these policies, that Pact does not compel our attention. But it is not so with the Chinese Communists and their external organs. They are confounded and struck dumb by this unexpected blow so much that they can only keep their grief to themselves.

In all propaganda literature of the Communist Party, we can easily discern the great confusion resulting from this coup. For example, Hitler was the "Fascist Robber" or the "mad dog," but within these days, he becomes the Führer, with all due respects. The word "Fascist" is still being used, but whether they are planning to discard it altogether, we do not know. For instance, on the day previous to the announcement of the Pact, the Communists were saying, dreamily, that a clause prohibiting Germany's seizure of other countries was included in the Pact. Again, when Germany attacked Poland, the Communists cleverly said that this was caused by Great Britain's playing Judas against Poland, and they decisively said that Great Britain and France would not aid her, and some even said that the two antagonistic fronts were still there, though without giving any reason. When reports of these momentous international changes arrived in quick succession, they tried every means to make them appear unimportant. They did this perhaps to avoid the too much "heating up" of their followers on one side, and to avoid committing blunders before they could receive orders concerning their future policy. They were afraid of punishment, to be sure. Hence many ridiculed these poor people, saying that they were like a herd of sheep without a shepherd, for they showed their ignorance, their childishness, hesitation, and paradoxical thoughts and actions during this period.

Public opinion as a whole praises the policies we now adopt since they are independent of any outside element. On the other side, these praises show that while the principles of National Defense are still as sound as ever, the ten principles of the Communist Party are now just like ten big stones falling on Communist toes. The Communists are about to be killed by their own weapons. Had the Government of China been formed by the Communists, it would, in that event, have collapsed as easily as any Japanese cabinet since the War. What would become of the country, if under the present crisis foreign policy were to be the speculation of foreigners? These are exactly the ideas expressed by public gossip and in discussions in schools. It is true that the Chinese Communists cannot hold power because they lack political training and profound learning. This is their inner, incurable trouble. In fact, many young Communists have also spoken with me, and they show their sorrow when they feel the lack of a really efficient central organ.

But speaking with consideration, we can see their good qualities shown by censoring a great part of the news concerning Moscow's abolition of the Anti-Fascist movement, and on the other hand advertising in a special manner the news concerning the will of the French Communists to fight on the first line of defense, and to help the French Government to destroy Fascism. Perhaps this is a true revelation of the editor's faith in the principle "Country and Nation above all," so that unconsciously he showed it in his actions. This point is worthy of our praise and sympathy.

After about ten days of hesitation and aimless probing, Mr. Mao Tsê-tung, as the head of the Party, issued a lengthy talk entitled "On the Present International Situation and the War of National Resistance," in the form of a catechism in which the questions are asked by a news reporter. In the first section, he explained the German-Soviet Pact; in the second, he predicted the future development of international affairs, in the third he discussed the future of China. His aim in publishing this article is to pacify the agitated hearts of his fellow Communists. But since it is made public, we have the liberty of discussing it, especially so since the Communists themselves have the same habit and they also emphasize free speech. I hope they will not be irritated.

II. IS THE GERMAN-SOVIET PACT CASUAL?

Mr. Mao seems to take it for a treaty that has been signed "all of a sudden." Now this is quite untrue if we consider the facts.

Many periodicals and newspapers have published articles proving that the Pact was long-planned. We shall not consider them. We shall not even consider the original friendship between Germany and monarchic Russia. But we must remember how Germany brought Lenin back to Russia in a sealed train, how the formation of the Red Army was based upon German plans, and the fact that Germany established an aviation school in Russia. We see how Germany helped the Russian Soviet Revolution to succeed. I often think that if we trust the words of a country's foreign minister and the slogans the people shout to provide us an outline of the country's foreign policy, we end in the position of buying goods upon reading an advertisement. In the end we will find ourselves cheated. In fact shops which are "liquidating" their goods may sell their goods at an even higher price than in an ordinary sale. A more reliable way of observation is to judge the policy by studying the secret tendencies in the actions of high military and economic organs which are essential in national defense. If we believe in slogans alone, we might as well ask a salesman about the curative power of his patent medicine. In reality, the salesman is a mere hireling. What pharmacist discloses his real formula and method of combinations? Hence, to probe into the real relation between the two countries, we must ask the smaller nations between them; these make the closest observations.

For two years, these small states have been expecting this treaty. The question of "which to side with" gives them sharp suffering which has made them all the more sensitive. They know what the two countries have been planning when they see so many secret delegates coming and going very busily. Within the last two years, observers in Europe and America have also predicted cooperation between Germany and Soviet Russia. Even in China, did not Mr. Chiang Po-li write an essay to this effect, warning the Chinese people? According to them, the slogans shouted in both countries are strange diplomatic weapons; like the masques worn in a Greek play, they do not show the faces of the actors. When the Jewish Litvinoff went off the stage, it was the sign: "First Act Completed." Now the spectators who wear red glasses are still enchanted by the first act. Anyway, Mr. Mao's explanation that the Pact is a sudden one is unreasonable.

In China, many were doubting the National policy of independent struggle. Not until their "Soviet Help," "Single Alliance with Russia" essays had been erased by the recent coup, did the policy of independent struggle begin to shine in its brilliancy. At first our policy of independent foreign relations lost influence to the better-sounding slogan of "A united foreign front." After this lesson, we can perhaps see more clearly. Such a lesson to a political party not in power is a very wholesome admonition; had the party been in power, we know the damage which could have befallen the nation. Speaking with consideration, I also earnestly hoped for the success in the British-French-Soviet parleys because it would ensure safety in Europe by safeguarding all lesser states. Furthermore, it would help us also by checking Germany and Japan. But this was only a hope, and I seriously doubted its realization. The "united foreign policy front" advocated by the Communists is not too unreasonable; its error lies in stating with certainty the necessity of two international fronts. Some even acknowledged the existence of such a situation two years ago, and they forbade any doubt expressed to fellow-members concerning this point. Even a week prior to the signing of the Pact, they said with certainty that the rumor of such a Pact was a mere invention of Trotskyites and German spies. Such a ban on free speech is not only detrimental to the progress of a nation, but even to the Communists' own welfare. Their members will not only be made to look foolish, but they will even lose their faith by being called upon to change about. For the sake of our national intelligence, for the sake of the Communists themselves, I hope that in the future, such bans will be lifted, thus encouraging freer and more reasonable ideas. I hope this appeal will do some good, even to the editors of their newspapers.

III. WHY THE GERMAN-SOVIET PACT?

Concerning this Pact, Mao Tsê-tung used words like "reactionary," "Capitalistic," "intrigue," etc., about Great Britain and France. On the other hand, he employed words like "great" (to be added "talented" if Ch'ên Shao-yü were to write it), "increasing the power," "more progressive," etc., about Soviet Russia. In the end, he even used the phrase "have laid the foundation for the world's oppressed people to seek for liberty and emancipation." All right! The term does not sound ugly, and to ensure better Sino-Soviet relations, we may leave it at that. But under the present state of affairs, too many attacks directed against Chamberlain and Daladier are certainly not good. As a matter of fact, all this is like sending congratulations to Soviet Russia, and a letter of condolence to those with whom Soviet Russia is dissatisfied. All these are but social affairs, the only point is that in both the ideas are not too logically expressed. That's all!

Now if you look at the Pact in the same way that you look into a kaleidoscope, you can see as many meanings as you want, while turning the thing around. Basically, Germany's only reason for wanting this Pact is, as she has stated, to avoid the British encircling policy. The economic cooperation talked of by politicians can also give further meaning to the Pact. Recently, in the occupation of Danzig and Warsaw, the sound of guns is the wordless explanation. As to the plan of partitioning Poland and absorbing the Eastern European States (enclosed in a secret clause), we do not know yet. Let us for the time being not discuss it.

As to Soviet Russia, her effort at bettering her friendly relationship with China can be no better revealed than in Molotov's own speech. He said: "We have always been trying to increase the amity between the peoples of Germany and Russia. This Pact is important because it means that the two big Powers in Europe have decided to be friends and to live peacefully." Thus we can see that the Pact is not a casual happening. Molotov again says: "There are some who want to take advantage of the strained relationship between Great Britain and Germany.... Such people aim at involving Soviet Russia in a war against Germany by taking sides with Great Britain. How foolish these political speculators for war are!" Hence we know that the Pact was signed according to Soviet Russia's own will, and, unlike what Mao said, it was planned long ago, and not at all after the failure of the British-French-Soviet parleys. Now we only want those who advocate "united foreign policy front" to think of the meaning of words like "foolish" and "war speculators." These words are new compared with "retrograde," "stubborn," "Trotskyites," etc.

Perhaps the greatest part of all in Molotov's speech is: "The Soviet Union will still continue to proceed in her own independent policy which is based upon the welfare of all Soviet Russian citizens." This corresponds exactly with our "Nation and country above all!" Sun Yat-sen also said that the success of the Soviet Russian October Revolution was based upon its ability to apply the laws concerning Nationalism. Leninism corrects Marxism by adding the idea of Nationalism. And Stalinism intensifies Leninism by an even greater emphasis laid on Nationalism. Hence we can say what the Soviet Revolution adopted was Leninism, and that what the Soviet Union is now adopting is Stalinism. The success of Lenin and Stalin is largely due to this reason. This Pact between Germany and Soviet Russia is but the fruit borne out of the principle "national welfare above all." The Soviets believe "The Soviet Government above all." Now what should we in China have?

As for Mr. Mao's reasons concerning the failure of the Three-Power Parley, the explanation he gives is just a reduced and "Chinafied" copy of the Soviet explanation concerning this problem. We can also say it is abridged. Mr. Mao always "Chinafies" things. I am sorry that this article has not been "Chinafied" (much to his distaste, I suppose) so its power must be weaker.

IV. A DISCUSSION ON THE "NEW FRONT" AS MADE IN A CHINESE STORY-TELLER'S WAY

The manner in which Mr. Mao discussed the question resembles that of a Chinese story-teller, though his speech is less vivid. When he spoke of the "future development of the present international situation," it was like talking to a class of naive schoolboys who are always credulous.

He said that the present state of affairs in Europe was caused by the policy of non-intervention. The Second Imperialistic War has already entered the second stage. This is a war of plunder, not a rightful one. Concerning the East, he also made a vain distinction. He said the present state of affairs in China is also a new stage. No other explanation was given. We suppose he is always careful in expressing his ideas, so that if necessary he will have plenty of chances to make a shift. He divided the imperialistic nations into several camps: Germany and Italy belong to the Fascist[2] camp; Great Britain and France belong to the Fascistic[3] camp; the Americas under the U. S. are a capitalistic camp. As to Soviet Russia, she is presumably in another world. Mr. Mao said that she would cooperate with the U. S. to start the world's peace movement. Besides these, there were numerous tales as enchanting as the Arabian Nights. The most important ones: in Europe, a war on the entire front, and the movement planned by English and French Communists and Social Democrats to overthrow the Fascist regime; in the East, British policy was to partition China between herself and Japan. According to him, these are "present" situations, and if we take into consideration his manner of speaking, we can almost say that they meant the "actual" position at present.

[Footnote 2: _Fa-hsi-ssŭ_.]

[Footnote 3: _Fa-hsi-ssŭ-hua-ti_, i.e., changing to Fascism.]

His chess-board analysis of international situations resembles his former "front" theory--perhaps it is his new front theory. His aim, we believe, is to cheat his spectators. Being ignorant of the real situation, he was at first dumbfounded. Now he tries to move our attention to other things, just like a magician at work, who needs a band to create enough noise to shift the audience's attention. We should be considerate, knowing his difficulties. But I suppose such a manner of doing things does not increase the reputation of the Chinese Communists, does it?

In fact, if any one of the following events occurs, his new front will immediately be shattered: 1. Soviet Russia also adopts a non-intervention policy; 2. Italy keeps herself aloof or joins the side of the Allies; 3. A sufficiently large number of European states remain neutral; 4. America cooperates with Great Britain; America or any country in America declares war against Germany; 5. Great Britain does not help Japan in dividing up China; 6. Soviet inclination to sign treaty with Japan is revealed; etc., etc. I believe anyone who has sufficient knowledge of international relations will know that the error in the old "front" theory lies in its presumption that countries of the same systems of government will tend to unite against those of another system. The new front theory is based upon the presumption that the central motivating ideas of different countries will form the basis of separating them between two hostile fronts. This is an even more mistaken conception than the first. It is built on sand. It is easy to teach such a rigidly formulated doctrine of "hostile fronts" but in case they meet with a really intelligent and well-informed member, they will be certainly at a loss. Hence as a matter of fact, such authoritative articles do more harm than good. Mr. Mao has written a great deal since the war for publication; if we now connect all these articles together for a thorough study, we can find numerous places where he is dropping a stone upon his own toe. In fact such a chess-board analysis of the international situation is based upon materials gotten from the G. P. U. plus some "judgment" derived accidentally. As a matter of fact, such G. P. U. reports are unreliable down to the last word. The work of the G. P. U. is to pay special attention in getting the past record of a man or organ important in a given country.

When required, some high-sounding or bad names are added to the personality so as to strengthen the mood of speech in propaganda literature. So somebody even said: "If you wish to follow the propaganda methods of the Communist Party, observe two dogs barking in the street. After due observation you should analyze their points of difference. You should be able to speak like this: This is a dog infused with British, French, American, German or Japanese imperialistic ideas. He is stubborn, retrograde, reactionary, capitalistic, Fascist, and in danger of being a Trotskyite traitor or a person like Wang Ch'ing-wei. Now the other is a Soviet Socialistic dog, talented, progressive, belonging to the world of light, a supporter of world peace, a dog who sides with the poor and oppressed."

In fact how can confused international situations be so simply analyzed by a mere figure drawn on a chess-board? Unless all their members are mechanical men deprived of the power of thinking, they will have their own doubts, especially when Mr. Mao has repeatedly dropped stones on his own toe. The more he shouts the correctness of his views, or the success of his work, the more he will be a laughing-stock to the people. He will be the Don Quixote of China, or Ah-Q,[4] to be ridiculed by all. Yet in fact, there is no necessity for him to make these comments, and such methods of talking without material basis are usually avoided by politicians, especially when they are in service or partly in service. For example, Molotov spoke very cleverly on the Pact: after giving a historical explanation of the necessities for signing the Pact, he concluded, almost carelessly, by saying: "When Germany showed her willingness to improve the friendship between the two countries, Soviet Russia certainly had no reason to refuse. Hence the Pact is made." Besides, he talked of the welfare of the nation, as if to give a further proof of the necessity in signing the Pact. How clever his manipulations are! But the same thing under Mr. Mao's pen becomes a series of hot-faced scoldings, now praising A, then cursing B. And concerning his doctrine that the German-Soviet Pact is caused by the failure of the British-French-Soviet parleys, he expounded and expounded his reasons and proof, only to lead himself into greater confusion, so that fewer will believe him. Now comparing these two events, this will be very detrimental to the Communists, who find it difficult to give a satisfactory explanation. Even from a rhetorical point of view, no matter how Mao curses the British non-intervention policy, no matter how he curses this policy as the reason for Japanese invasion of China, for German occupation of Austria, Czechoslovakia, no matter how he condemns the Munich Meeting, any reader will correspondingly ask: Is Soviet Russia also adopting the policy of non-intervention? How about Poland? What is the difference between the Munich Meeting and the German-Soviet Pact? All these questions will produce the exactly opposite effect in the minds of the readers as that which was wished for by Mao. This is but one point. If we go on to have a closer analysis, we see that Mr. Mao's art of speaking needs more practice. As to his material proof in his article, up to date [September 15, 1939], the Soviet attitude is still the sit-and-look attitude condemned by him, as being the result of non-intervention policy; the countries proclaiming their neutrality are quite numerous; Italian attitude is yet uncertain; the British Communist Party is declaring that full confidence is placed in Chamberlain; the French Communists are on the front to fight for their motherland and the Third International has now no power over them. On the other hand, there are rumors concerning a _rapprochement_ between Japan and Soviet Russia. All these only tend to disprove the sayings of Mr. Mao.

[Footnote 4: The hero of a novella by Lu Hsün, China's outstanding modern writer, Ah-Q is a figure of profound pathos.]

V. A SINGLE ENEMY? OR A SINGLE ALLY?

Everybody knows that our foreign policy during the period of the war is to spot one enemy only. We attack only Japan. We try to be friends with every country other than Japan. This spirit can be seen in the manifestoes and other proclamations of the Government. Hence although Germany and Italy are the allies of our enemy, we still have every wish to bind their friendship, and hope that they will help our enemy the less in her war of aggression, and contribute more materially to our success by selling us armaments. Such a "one-enemy" foreign policy is the basis of our future success. Otherwise, the Nation will easily be led into a path of thorns, if we adopt the policy of allying with one today and cutting another tomorrow. In Molotov's report, there are several sharp sentences: "In foreign policy, the aim is always not to make more enemies, but rather to lessen the number of enemies." This can be jotted down as a note to the "one-enemy" policy.

But what about Mao Tsê-tung's idea? In fact he preaches "one-ally" policy. He has condemned them all, except for the Soviet Union. Now he again places Soviet Russia in another almost intangible world. What does he mean, then? Does he mean that we can satisfy our hunger by looking at a cake? In fact, this was the same old question long before disputed. We can all remember that the Communists were the advocates of a military alliance with Soviet Russia. Now it was Soviet Russia, not we, who declined. Those who were boasting of the alliance were Communists; and so were those who stopped it. Soviet Russia said that she alone was too weak and that she hoped China could find more allies. Because of this, the "one-ally" policy did not gain as much support as the British-American-French-Soviet union. When the British-French-Soviet parleys broke off, Mr. Mao found it difficult to give a good explanation, so that he could not but take up the old theory of "one-ally" to ward off attack.

The chief countries helping China in the war are Great Britain, the U. S. A., and Soviet Russia. In the past, at present, and in the future, their central powers of aiding China are economic power from Great Britain, political power from the U. S. A., and military power from Soviet Russia. It is a fact that even if Soviet Russia remains at peace, she can check Japan (unless Soviet Russia proclaims amity with Japan, and makes adequate assurances, in which case it will greatly influence our condition). But the economic power of Great Britain and the political power of the U. S. A. are also absolutely necessary. At present, we are still enjoying these advantages, and the breaking-up of the British-French-Soviet parleys does not influence this situation. We don't know why Mr. Mao is bent upon rejecting the friendly assistance of Great Britain and the U. S. Should we act like this if we believe that "the country and the nation are above all?" Now suppose we follow the Communists and throw ourselves into the bosom of Soviet Russia, are we sure that she will do everything for us? If she signs a treaty with our enemy, what then?

The most unreasonable point in Mao's discussion is his attitude toward Great Britain. He probably wants to please his superiors by guessing their ideas. Perhaps he thinks that the Third International is going back on the policy adopted years ago--the policy of "Anti-Britain" so much sung by Trotsky and his followers. Hence Mao starts this movement in China, and gathers false proofs that Japan and Great Britain will sooner or later be allies so that they can divide up China. Up to now, Mr. Mao's words have not yet become fact. Furthermore, Great Britain has reassured us that her policy towards China will not be changed. To us this is good news--but perhaps unhappy news for Mr. Mao.

Mr. Mao's opinion that we "may approach Germany" does not sound very safe or very natural. Mr. Mao does not adopt the foreign policy of "befriend those who help us and hate those who help our enemy," but rather of "befriend Soviet Russia's friend, attack Soviet Russia's enemies." This is flatly against the principles of independent foreign policy. The old German-Italian line advocated by Wang Ch'ing-wei is wrong because it makes us bend our knees. But we must also know what the new German line amounts to. Japan's _rapprochement_ with Soviet Russia and Great Britain are rumors scattered out simultaneously, but are things that cannot be possible. According to foreign telegraphic reports, the German foreign minister is now trying to pull together Japan and Soviet Russia, with the hope of forming a future grand alliance among Germany. Italy, Japan, and Soviet Russia. As to the Japan-Soviet line, it is based upon the "double-south policy" of attacking Great Britain. Japan will move south from the Pacific and [Soviet] Russia will move south from Central Asia, so that British interest in all districts lying between the Near and the Far East will be equally divided up by [Soviet] Russia and Japan. Their method of procedure is like this: 1, A treaty will be signed by Soviet Russia, as the protector of Outer Mongolia, and Japan; Soviet Russia will stop enmity against "Manchukuo" and Japan, so that Japan may concentrate her attention on China. 2, A commercial treaty will be signed between them. 3, A final alliance promising mutual non-interference with appended clauses. Of course this is Germany's dream, or may be a flat rumor, since it is unbelievable that Soviet Russia should join Japan. Even from the point of material benefit, why should Soviet Russia act so as to hurt others but remain doubtful that she can derive real benefit? But to insure absolute safety, we must be careful of any German intrigue. We must warn her often. In the past we used to buy munitions from her, so we must have her goodwill. Now with the War, it is unlikely that Germany will still sell us munitions. Hence why must we still follow Germany and "approach her"? After all, what is the difference between this and the German-Italian line advocated by Wang Ch'ing-wei? Now, just a "warning": if [Soviet] Russia and Japan do join up to form an alliance, I must ask the Chinese Communist Party a question: Concerning the name, the Chinese Communist Party, are they going to throw away the word "Chinese" and adopt a Soviet Russian nationality, or, as said in the _Hsin Min Pao_, to be so base as to join Wang Ch'ing-wei's regime, or shall they stick to the word "Chinese" and cancel the word "Communist"? I hope they will reply to my question.

Concerning the theory of a Second Imperialistic War, Mao himself has for two years forbidden his followers to comment, on the charge of being a Rightist, a closed-door Rightest, a childish Rightest, or a Trotskyite who is plotting with Germany. Now we see that he himself has fully adopted a Trotskyite view. In that article he used the words "progressive" and "retrogressive" to suppress any upheaval within his party; but now what he means by "progressive" is exactly "retardation"; what he formerly advocated as "progress" is now a discarded fig. He is just making a circle, like a donkey fastened to turn a grind-stone, pressed onward by whipping and kicking, and when he has turned half a circle, he may be said to have retarded half a circle.

Now Mr. Mao condemns every country as imperialistic. But we must ask, in his opinion, does he think that Poland is imperialistic? Why is the war of national defense on the part of Poland not a rightful war? Under the exactly similar conditions, why did the Communists formerly show sympathy for Abyssinia and Spain, and are now cold toward Poland? He says that Communists always hate wars; then why did he advocate the Help-Abyssinia Movement? This is a paradox. Perhaps the saying that Communists hate war is invented by Mr. Mao himself. So far as we know, the Communists in Poland, Great Britain, and France are absolutely sympathizing with the Poles in their defensive war.

There is another ridiculous point: Mr. Mao also labelled Chamberlain and Daladier as Fascist Reactionaries. Before the German-Soviet Pact, they were hailed as saints, but now they are convicts, as it were. If Mr. Mao is not satisfied with them, then condemn them as he wishes. But why must he put such a "Fascist" hat upon the oldest democratic countries? This spring, one American political commentator predicted jokingly that in the near future Hitler will say that the headquarters of the Communists are located in London and Paris, hence anti-Communist will mean anti-French. Now the direction of this pseudo-prophecy is already established, though Hitler did not give the above reason. But we did not expect that the Chinese Communists would adopt such a belief by calling democratic countries Fascist and by advocating "that we may approach Germany." This is perhaps a conclusion by their special logic.

VI. A REASONLESS CONCLUSION

Concerning the future of China, Mr. Mao made many surface talks, though in general there is no serious fault. But his theories and his conclusions are disjointed. For example, if he makes light of the Polish war, what will be the value of this Oriental war? Besides, is the policy of "single alliance with Soviet Russia" in unison with the principle: "We will befriend those who aid us, and attack those who aid our enemy"? If Soviet Russia aids Japan, what shall then be done? If he opposes the splitting movement, then why not advocate unity? These are but a few of the numerous contradictions that may be found in his article.

Especially strange is his idea that to ally with countries other than Soviet Russia, we should ally with their peoples and not with their governments. But the word "people" is not used in foreign affairs and its meaning is also most indistinct. According to him (I presume) he desires that China fan up revolutions in all countries while carrying on the War of National Resistance. True, the method may apply to Japan, but not to other countries. Otherwise, all world Powers will begin to hate China who is still fighting the War of National Resistance. What will we think of this? Now to speak frankly, the Communists in various countries have not succeeded in fanning up revolutions in their countries, and on the contrary, with their force weakening year after year, what shall we help them for? When we ourselves have not yet stood up firmly, we are already thinking of shouldering a weight of a thousand pounds. Is there a reason in such an attempt? In reality, we know the force of the Chinese proletarian classes. They amount to about two million people, mostly in Shanghai and Tientsin. Now the puppet regimes of Yin Ju-keng and Wang Ch'ing-wei are all formed in these districts. Ch'ên Shao-yü is the chief representative of the Shanghai section of the Communist Party. Has he gone there for an investigation? To whom do those who are performing Anti-Japanese and Anti-Traitor work belong--to the Communist Party, or what? It is better for Communists to moderate their tune and not boast of any more world revolution.

Concerning the present European war, Mr. Mao's attitude is that of a man expressing his joy on seeing others' loss and misfortune. This is not the way of the Chinese people. We always express our sorrow in a war. What General Chiang has said concerning his hope for peace in Europe is the natural revelation of the Chinese moral character based upon love and compassion. What Mr. Mao expresses is something like the spirit of "kill-kill-kill" advocated by the notorious robber Chang Shen-chou. This is because Mr. Mao has not yet thoroughly imbibed the idea of "Chinafying" things. I express my sympathy for him in his policy of "Chinafication." This of course does not mean that I believe in the preachings of old-fashioned Chinese that the eight planets were first discovered by the Chinese because a line can be found in the _Book of Poetry_:[5] "Three and Five stars in the East." What I mean by sympathy is that I like the way he appreciates the Chinese national culture, and wants to be a one hundred per cent Chinese.[6] In this respect he is more worthy than Ch'ên Shao-yü, and hence deserving of greater achievement.

[Footnote 5: _Shih Ching_, one of the Confucian classics.]

[Footnote 6: The Americanism, _i-pai-fên chih pai-ti Chung-kuo-jen_, occurs in the original.]

Lastly, I sincerely hope that Mr. Mao can find a better secretary, without considering the question of class. He must not follow the example of Mr. Lu, the Vice-President of the Anti-Japanese University, who never employs a secretary unless she is beautiful. Though he does not consider the question of class, such actions do not befit Mr. Mao. But speaking about this, we can have a comparison. The second wife of Mr. Mao, Miss Ho, is the heroine who marched with the Red Army for a distance of twenty-five thousand _li_ to North Shensi. But why is it that Mr. Mao sends her to Soviet Russia, and lives together with film actress Miss Lan Pin? The reason is quite simple: considering the question of class, Miss Ho stands higher than Miss Lan; considering the question of sexual love, Miss Lan is much more beautiful than Miss Ho. Hence with similar reasoning, I should say that the standard set by Mr. Mao concerning the employment of a secretary will be whether she can write beautifully, and the question of class must not be considered. If so, I can predict that Mr. Mao's articles will be better written, not like his past ones which arouse a great deal of unnecessary argumentation. I hereby humbly present before him my personal ideas.[7]

[Footnote 7: The conclusion, couched in billingsgate, is less a violation of the unmentionable in China than it would be in America; but it does strike a note sharply discordant to the gently sardonic tone of the main line of debate. A secretary is germane to the point of literary style, however; ghost-writing is a rarely disturbed tradition of Chinese public life. Mao Tsê-tung, according to Western observers, is, with Chiang K'ai-shek, one of the few leaders to write his own speeches, so that the present charge, while familiar, is certainly unjust.]

E. CHINA'S LONG-RANGE DIPLOMATIC ORIENTATION (WANG CH'UNG-HUI)[1]

[Footnote 1: Private communication transmitted from Chungking, September 10, 1940; in possession of the present author.]

This memorandum was graciously supplied by Dr. Wang Ch'ung-hui.

1. OUTLINE OF CHINA'S FOREIGN POLICY

Since the establishment of the National Government, China's foreign policy has been elucidated from time to time. Following the outbreak of the war, the Extraordinary Session of the Kuomintang National Congress convened in 1938 laid down five principles:

"1. China is prepared to ally herself with all states and nations that sympathize with her and to wage a common struggle for peace and justice.

"2. China is prepared to safeguard and strengthen the machinery of peace as well as all treaties and conventions that have the maintenance of peace as their ultimate object.

"3. China is prepared to ally herself with all forces that are opposed to Japanese aggression and to safeguard peace in the Far East.

"4. China will endeavor not only to preserve but also to enhance the existing friendly relations with other countries.

"5. China repudiates all bogus organizations which Japan has created and declares all their actions null and void."

2. CHINA'S STAND VIS-À-VIS JAPAN

From the above outline it can be clearly seen that China's foreign policy aims at achieving independence internally and co-existence externally.

Shortly before the outbreak of the Lukouchiao Incident I told a group of Japanese newspapermen in Nanking that "China's diplomatic policy has always been consistent. It aims at self-existence and co-existence.... It is important to harmonize the friendship between the two peoples; but such a task should not rest only upon the shoulders of one party.... If any foreign country has any designs on China, the Chinese people are determined to resist.... I hope Japan will respect China's territorial integrity and political sovereignty and will seek to readjust Sino-Japanese relations through diplomatic channels and in accordance with the spirit of reciprocity and equality."

Japan was bent on disturbing peace and order and launched her attack on North China on July 7, 1937. Not only had every effort at conciliation failed, but the hostilities were extended to Shanghai on August 13th. On the following day the Ministry of Foreign Affairs made China's position clear in an official statement, an extract of which follows:

"The Chinese Government now solemnly declares that China's territorial integrity and sovereign rights have been wantonly violated by Japan in glaring violation of such peace instruments as the Covenant of the League of Nations, the Nine-Power Treaty and the Paris Peace Pact. China is in duty bound to defend her territory and her national existence, as well as the sanctity of the above-mentioned treaties. We will never surrender any part of our territory. When confronted with aggression, we cannot but exercise our natural right of self-defense. If Japan did not entertain territorial designs on China, she should use her efforts to seek a rational solution of Sino-Japanese problems and at the same time cease all her aggressions and military movements in China. In the event of such a happy change of heart, China would, in conformity with her traditional policy of peace, continue her efforts to avert a situation pregnant with dangerous possibilities both for East Asia and for the world at large.

"In this our supreme fight not only for a national but for a world cause, not only for the preservation of our own territory and sovereignty, but for the maintenance of international justice, we are confident that all friendly nations, while showing sympathy with us, will be conscious of their obligations under the international treaties to which they have solemnly subscribed."

3. NON-RECOGNITION OF PUPPET REGIMES

With regard to Japanese-sponsored puppet regimes in China, the Chinese Government has consistently denounced them as illegal. On December 20, 1937, following the appearance of the so-called "Provisional Government" in Peiping, the National Government solemnly declared that "the establishment of any bogus regime in Peiping or other localities under Japanese military occupation constitutes a violation by Japan of China's sovereignty and administrative integrity. Any action taken by such puppet regimes, whether of an internal or external nature, shall _ipso facto_ be null and void."

Following the installation by the Japanese of Wang Ch'ing-wei as the chief puppet of the bogus "National Government" in Nanking, the Foreign Minister reiterated this stand in his identic notes of March 30, 1940 to the various embassies and legations in China to the following effect:

"The Chinese Government desires to take this opportunity to repeat most emphatically the declaration already made on several occasions that any act done by such an unlawful organization as has just been set up in Nanking or any other puppet body that may exist elsewhere in China, is _ipso facto_ null and void and shall never be recognized by the Chinese Government and people. The Chinese Government is convinced that all self-respecting States will uphold law and justice in the conduct of international relations and will never accord _de jure_ or _de facto_ recognition to Japan's puppet organization in China. Any manifestation of such recognition, in whatever form or manner, would be a violation of international law and treaties and would be considered as an act most unfriendly to the Chinese nation, for the consequences of which the recognizing party would have to bear full responsibility."

4. CHINA'S FOREIGN RELATIONS BASED ON NINE-POWER TREATY

China's foreign policy relating to the Sino-Japanese hostilities is based upon the Nine-Power Treaty, which provides that the contracting Powers, other than China, agreed to the following:

1. To respect the sovereignty, the independence and the territorial and administrative integrity of China;

2. To provide the fullest and most unembarrassed opportunity to China to develop and maintain for herself an effective and stable government;

3. To use their influence for the purpose of effectually establishing and maintaining the principle of equal opportunity for the commerce and industry of all nations throughout the territory of China.

4. To refrain from taking advantage of conditions in China in order to seek special rights or privileges which would abridge the rights of subjects or citizens of friendly States, and from countenancing action inimical to the security of such States.

Under present conditions, the aggressor is still reluctant to attend any international conference for seeking a just settlement. Therefore, the only alternative is for China to continue her war of resistance until Japan comes to her senses or reaches the point of exhaustion, which can be accomplished through the extension of greater assistance to China and the application of an embargo on military supplies to Japan.

There is no need to elaborate on the well-known fact that the role of the United States in the maintenance of peace in the Pacific area is an important one. We have great confidence in the sense of justice of America, our traditional friend, who realizes the full significance of the so-called "New Order in Greater East Asia," which Japanese spokesmen admit applies to the South Seas region.

World peace and peace between China and Japan are indivisible. An era of prosperity in this part of the world, which cannot but be of benefit to the world in general, can only be ushered in after a just and lasting solution to the Sino-Japanese conflict has been found.

GLOSSARY

[Chinese ideographs have been attached to the names of all the more important political terms, as given in the following list. Proper names may be found with their correct ideographs in _Who's Who in China_ and the _Supplement_ thereto, cited above. Place-names have been given in the Chinese Postal transliteration; all other names and terms are given in the Wade-Giles spelling, but with the tones omitted. In a few cases, the spelling of a name has been well established by long newspaper usage, by the caprice or decision of a man in re-spelling his own name, or by common practice which has become standard English. Examples are _tuchün_, Kuomintang (instead of _Kuo-min Tang_ or _Kuo-min-tang_) and T. V. Soong. Capitalization and hyphenation follow, as closely as possible, the practices established by the _Quarterly Bulletin of Chinese Bibliography_, Peking and Kunming.]

_Chan-ti Tang-chêng Wei-yüan-hui_ 戰地黨政委員會 the (Kuomintang) Party and (National) Government War Area Commission; the Chungking agency for the government of those parts of China technically occupied by the Japanese; under the Military Affairs Commission

_chang_ 長 a chief, or head

_Ch'ang-wu Wei-yüan_ 常務委員 a Standing Committee, or administrative committee

_Ch'ang-wu Tz'ŭ-chang_ 常務次長 an Administrative Vice-Minister (of a _pu_)

_chên_ 鎮 a unit of local government; "community"; the equivalent of a _hsiang_

_Chên-chi Wei-yüan-hui_ 振濟委員會 the (National) Relief Commission

_Chêng-chih-pu_ 政治部 the Political Department (of the Military Affairs Commission); the important and powerful agency which coordinates civilian aid to the war from Chungking, in propaganda, civilian mobilization, etc.; competitive with the Chinese Communists

_Chêng-wu Ch'u_ 政務處 a Political Affairs Department; the political secretariat of a _Yüan_

_Chêng-wu Tz'ŭ-chang_ 政務次長 a Political Vice-Minister (of a _pu_)

_Ch'i Chün-tzŭ_ 七君子 the "Seven Gentlemen"; the leaders of the National Salvation movement

_chia_ 甲 a group of households; a unit in the _pao-chia_ system of local government

_Chiao-t'ung Pu_ 交通部 Ministry of Communications

_Ch'iao-wu Wei-yüan-hui_ 僑務委員會 Commission on Overseas Chinese Affairs (under the Executive _Yüan_)

_Chiao-yü Pu_ 教育部 Ministry of Education (under the Executive _Yüan_)

_chien-ch'a_ 監察 one of the five powers of government in the plans of Sun Yat-sen; a combination of impeachment, audit, supervisory investigation and other functions

_Chien-ch'a Yüan_ 監察院 the Control (or Censoral) _Yüan_; one of the five major divisions of the government

_Chien Kuo Ta Kang_ 建國大綱 the _Outline of National Reconstruction_, a manifesto by Sun Yat-sen which charted the subsequent formal policies of the Kuomintang

_ch'ih_ 恥 self-respect; honor

_Chin-ch'a-chi Pien-ch'ü Lin-shih Hsing-chêng Wei-yüan-hui_ 晉察冀邊區臨時 行政委員會 "Provisional Executive Committee of the Shansi-Chahar-Hopei Border Region"; formal style of the Border Region, _q.v._

_Ching-chi Pu_ 經濟部 Ministry of Economic Affairs (under the Executive _Yüan_)

_Chiu Kuo_ 救國 National Salvation; an anti-aggression movement organized outside the Kuomintang

_Chu-hsi_ 主席 chairman; refers particularly to the _Kuo-min Chêng-fu Chu-hsi_ (President of the National Government)

_ch'ü_ 區 a unit of local government above the _pao_, _chia_, and _hsiang_, but below the _hsien_ ("county"); a township; with reference to the Party organization of the Kuomintang, a district

_ch'ü-fên_ 區分 sub-district; the lowest territorial unit in Kuomintang organization

_ch'üan_ 權 "power," _i.e._, of the people, as contrasted with the nêng (capacity) of the government; the distinction is Sun Yat-sen's, and applies to the political process

_Ch'üan-hsü Pu_ 銓敘部 the Ministry of Personnel; under the Examination _Yüan_

_Ch'üan-hsü T'ing_ 銓敘廳 Administration of Personnel (for the military); under the Military Affairs Commission

_Ch'üan-kuo Hui-i_ 全國會議 the (Chinese Communist) National Party Convention

_Ch'üan-kuo Ta-hui_ 全國大會 the (Chinese Communist) National Party Congress

_Ch'üan-kuo Tai-piao Ta-hui_ 全國代表大會 the (Kuomintang) Party Congress

_Chün-chêng-pu_ 軍政部 the Ministry of War; under the joint jurisdiction of the Executive _Yüan_ and the Military Affairs Commission

_Chün-fa Chih-hsing Tsung-chien-pu_ 軍法執行總監部 the Directorate-General of Courts Martial; under the Military Affairs Commission

_Chün-hsün-pu_ 軍訓部 Department of Military Training; under the Military Affairs Commission

_Chün-ling-pu_ 軍令部 Department of Military Operation; office of the Chinese high command; under the Military Affairs Commission

_Chün-shih Ts'an-i-yüan_ 軍事參議院 Military Advisory Council; under the Military Affairs Commission

_Chün-shih Wei-yüan-hui_ 軍事委員會 the Military Affairs Commission; the chief politico-military organ of the National Government

_Chung-hua Min-kuo Kuo-min Chêng-fu_ 中華民國國民政府 literally: the Republic of China, National Government; the style of the National Government under the Kuomintang

_Chung-hua Min-kuo Lin-shih Chêng-fu_ 中華民國臨時政府 the "Provisional Government of the Republic of China," Peking, 1937-1940; pro-Japanese

_Chung-hua Min-kuo T'ê-ch'ü Chêng-fu_ 中華民國特區政府 "Special District Government of the Chinese Republic"; the first formal style of the Chinese Soviet area in the Northwest after the intra-national armistice

_Chung-hua Min-kuo Hsiu-chêng Kuo-min Chêng-fu_ 中華民國修正國民政府 the "Reorganized National Government of the Republic of China"; the National Government of Wang Ch'ing-wei at Nanking; pro-Japanese

_Chung-hua Min-kuo Wei-hsin Chêng-fu_ 中華民國維新政府 the "Reformed Government of the Republic of China," Nanking, 1938-1940; pro-Japanese

_Chung-hua Su-wei-ai Kung-ho-kuo_ 中華蘇維埃共和國 the Chinese Soviet Republic

_Chung-kuo Kê-ming Tang_ 中國革命黨 the Chinese Revolutionary Party; style of the Kuomintang, 1914-1920; style of the Third Party, 1929-1930

_Chung-kuo Kuo-min-tang Kê-ming Hsing-chêng Wei-yüan-hui_ 中國國民黨革命 行政委員會 the Revolutionary Action Committee of the Chinese Kuomintang; first style of the Third Party

_Chung-kuo Kung-yeh Ho-tso Hsieh-hui_ 中國工業合作協會 the Chinese Industrial Cooperatives

_Chung-yang Chêng-chih Hsüeh-hsiao_ 中央政治學校 the Central Political Institute; under the Kuomintang

_Chung-yang Chêng-chih Wei-yüan-hui_ 中央政治委員會 the Central Political Council; the agency whereby the Kuomintang exercised its power over the National Government until the Supreme National Defense Council was created

_Chung-yang Chien-ch'a Wei-yüan-hui_ 中央監察委員會 the (Kuomintang) Central Control Committee

_Chung-yang Chih-hsing Wei-yüan-hui_ 中央執行委員會 the (Kuomintang) Central Executive Committee

_Chung-yang Hsüan-ch'uan Pu_ 中央宣傳部 the (Kuomintang) Party-Ministry of Publicity [or Central Publicity Board]

_Chung-yang Wei-yüan-hui_ 中央委員會 the (Chinese Communist Party) Central Committee

_fa pi_ 法幣 (National Government) legal tender notes

_fang_ 坊 a territorial unit of municipal government; roughly, a precinct

_Fu-hsing Shê_ 復興社 the Regeneration Club; former center of the so-called Blue Shirts

_Fu-hsüeh Wei-yüan-hui_ 撫郋委員會 the Pensions Commission; under the Military Affairs Commission

_Fu I-chang_ 副議長 Deputy Speaker (of the People's Political Council)

_Fu Mi-shu-chang_ 副秘書長 a Deputy Secretary-General

_Fu-yüan-chang_ 副院長 the Vice-President of a _Yüan_ (one of the five divisions of the government)

_Hai-chün Tsung-ssŭ-ling-pu_ 海軍總司令部 Office of the Naval Commander-in-Chief, successor to the Ministry of the Navy which manages the up-river remnants of the Chinese fleet; under the Military Affairs Commission

_Hang-k'ung Wei-yüan-hui_ 航空委員會 the (National) Aviation Commission; under the Military Affairs Commission

_Hou-fang Ch'in-wu-pu_ 後方勤務部 the [Rear-Area] Service Department under the Military Affairs Commission

_hsiang_ 鄉 a unit of local government, also termed _chên_; a village or community

_hsiao-tsu_ 小粗 the "small-group"; the lowest fraction of Kuomintang organization

_Hsieh-ho-hui_ 協和會 the Concordia Society; the propaganda agency of Manchoukuo

_hsien_ 縣 district; roughly comparable to the American county

_Hsien-fa Ts'ao-an_ 憲法草案 the Draft Permanent Constitution; the official sponsored project for the new constitution, known most widely in the version of the Double Five Draft of May 5, 1936

_Hsin-min-hui_ 新民會 a political "party" organized by pro-Japanese elements in North China

_Hsin Min Chu I_ 新民主義 a pro-Japanese doctrine taught in occupied North China

_Hsin Shêng-huo Yün-tung_ 新生活運動 the New Life Movement

_Hsin-ssŭ-chün_ 新四軍 New Fourth Army; a guerrilla force under Communist influence; operating in the Yangtze lowlands, it clashed with Chinese National forces early in 1941, and was formally disbanded

_Hsing-chêng Fa-yüan_ 行政法院 the Administrative Court; under the Judicial Yüan

_Hsing-chêng Yüan_ 行政院 the Executive _Yüan_, greatest of the five divisions of the government

_Hsün-lien T'uan_ 訓練團 the Training Corps (of the Kuomintang)

_Hsün-lien Wei-yüan-hui_ 訓練委員會 the (Central) Training Committee (of the Kuomintang)

_Huangpu_ 黃埔 the name of a military academy (in Cantonese, Whampoa), now applied to the Generalissimo's protégés as a political faction

_hui_ 會 a meeting, guild, league, or society

_Hui-i_ 會議 a deliberative body; particularly, a City Council (Shih-chêng Hui-i)

_i_ 議 propriety; ethics; justice

_I-chang_ 議長 Speaker (of the People's Political Council)

_I Ho Ch'üan_ 義和拳 the "Boxers" of 1900

_Kan Shih_ 幹事 the police executive in a _hsiang_ or _chên_

_K'ang-chan Chien-kuo Kang-ling_ 抗戰建馘綱領 the Program of Resistance and Reconstruction; the formal declaration of government policy during the invasion; adopted at Hankow in March, 1938

_K'ao-hsüan Wei-yüan-hui_ 考選委員會 the Examinations Commission; under the Examination _Yüan_

_K'ao-shih Yüan_ 考試會 the Examination _Yüan_; one of the five major divisions of the government

_Kung-ch'an Ch'ing-nien T'uan_ 共產青年團 the Communist Youth Corps

_Kung-ch'an Tang_ 共產黨 the (Chinese) Communist Party

_Kung-wu-yüan Ch'eng-chieh Wei-yüan-hui_ 公務員懲戒委員會 the Commission for the Disciplinary Punishment of Public Officers (under the Judicial _Yüan_), a lower agency than the Commission for the Disciplinary Punishment of Public Officials (attached to the Council of State)

_Kuo-chia Chu-i P'ai_ 國家主義派 the "Nationalist Party"; Parti Républicain Nationaliste de la Jeune Chine

_Kuo-chia Shê-hui Tang_ 國家社會黨 the (Chinese) National Social(ist) Party

_Kuo-fang Tsui-kao Wei-yüan-hui_ 國防最高委員會 the Supreme National Defense Council; the quasi-governmental agency whereby the Kuomintang controls the National Government; established in 1938 as a war measure, it supersedes the _Chung-yang Chêng-chih Wei-yüan-hui_ (Central Political Council)

_Kuo-li Chung-yang Yen-chiu Yüan_ 國立中央研究院 the Academia Sinica; the national scientific and scholastic body, attached to the Council of State

_Kuo-min Chêng-fu Wei-yüan-hui_ 國民政府委員會 "National Government Council"; commonly termed Council of State, this is the highest strictly governmental agency in China

_Kuo-min Chêng-fu Chu-hsi_ 國民政府主席 "chairman of the National Government"; more formally, President of the National Government of China; _ex-officio_ chairman of the Council of State, and ceremonial chief of the government

_Kuo-min Ching-shên Tsung-tung-yüan_ 國民精神總動員 the National Spiritual Mobilization

_Kuo-min Hui-i_ 國民會議 the National People's Convention of XX (1931), which adopted the Provisional Constitution

_Kuo-min Ts'an-chêng Hui_ 國民參政會 the People's Political Council; advisory legislature inaugurated in Hankow

_Kuo-min Ta-hui_ 國民大會 the National Congress or People's Congress; this term designates both the constituent body which shall adopt the projected Constitution, and a subsequent constitutional legislature meeting triennially

_lao-pai-hsing_ 老百姓 old inhabitants; common people; archaically or etymologically, the Old Hundred Names

_li_ 禮 rites; ceremonies; ideological conformity

_Li-fa Wei-yüan_ 立法委會 members of the quasi-cameral plenary session of the Legislative _Yüan_; experts in legal matters, they combine the function of legislators with that of consultants in codification

_Li-ja Yüan_ 立法會 the Legislative _Yüan_; one of the five divisions of the government

_lien_ 廉 integrity

_lü_ 旅 a brigade

_Mêng-ku Lien-ho Tzŭ-chih Chêng-fu_ 蒙古聯合自治政府 the "Federated Autonomous Government of Mongolia"; pro-Japanese

_Mêng Tsang Wei-yüan-hui_ 蒙藏委員會 Commission on Mongolian and Tibetan Affairs (under the Executive _Yüan_)

_Mi-shu-chang_ 秘書長 a Secretary-General

_Mi-shu Ch'u_ 秘書處 a Secretariat; particularly important in the case of the Executive _Yüan_

_min ch'üan chu-i_ 民權主義 the "principle of democracy," by Sun Yat-sen; second of the _San Min Chu I_

_min-shêng chu-i_ 民生主義 the "principle of the people's livelihood," by Sun Yat-sen; third of the _San Min Chu I_

_Min-ts'u Chieh-fang Hsing-chêng Wei-yüan-hui_ 民族解放行政委員會 the Acting Commission for the National Emancipation of China; third, final, formal style of the Third Party

_min ts'u chu-i_ 民族主義 the "principle of nationalism," by Sun Yat-sen; first of the _San Min Chu I_

_Nei-chêng Pu_ 內政部 the Ministry of the Interior (or of home affairs); under the Executive _Yüan_

_nêng_ 能 "capacity" (see _ch'üan_)

_Nung Lin Pu_ 農林部 Ministry of Agriculture and Forestry (under the Executive _Yüan_)

_Pa-lu-chün_ 八路軍 "Eighth Route Army"; the chief Chinese Communist force, formerly the Chinese Red Army and now the Eighteenth Army Corps

_pao_ 保 a unit of local government; roughly, a neighborhood

_pao-chia_ 保甲 a system of local government embodying principles of collective responsibility and mutual aid within interlocking groups of households and neighborhoods

_Pien-ch'ü_ 邊區 Frontier Area or Border Region; the former translation is used for the Communist zone in the Northwest, and the latter for the guerrilla government in North China

_Pu_ 部 a Ministry (under the _Yüan_), Department (under the Military Affairs Commission), or equivalent organ of government; the term is one of long standing in Chinese government

_Pu Chang_ 部長 Minister; head of a _pu_

_San Min Chu I_ 三民主義 the three principles of the people; Sun Yat-sen's political philosophy, now the official state dogma of China

_San Min Chu I Ch'ing-nien T'uan_ 三民主義青年團 the _San Min Chu I_ Youth Corps

_Shan-kan-ning Pien-ch'ü Chêng-fu_ 陝甘寧邊區政府 the "Government of the Shensi-Kansu-Ninghsia Frontier Area"; second formal style of the Communist zone in the Northwest

_Shan-pei Hsing-chêng-ch'ü_ 陝北行政區 the "Administrative Area of North Shensi"; third formal style of the Communist zone in the Northwest (Frontier Area)

_Shê-hui Yün-tung Pu_ 社會運動部 the (Kuomintang) Party-Ministry of Social Movements

_Shên-ch'a Wei-yüan-hui_ 審查委員會 the (Chinese Communist Party) Control Committee

_Shêng_ 省 a province

_Shêng-chang_ 省長 Governor; the civilian head of a province; now superseded by a Provincial Chairman

_Shêng Chêng-fu_ 省政府 a Provincial Government

_Shih_ 市 a Municipality

_Shih-chang_ 市長 a Mayor

_Sui-ching Chu-jên_ 綏靖主任 a Pacification Commissioner; the chief military officer of a province

_Ssŭ-fa Hsing-chêng-pu_ 司法行政部 the Ministry of Justice, literally the "executive ministry of the judiciary"; under the Judicial _Yüan_ in the National Government, but under the executive in the Reorganized Government of Wang Ch'ing-wei

_Ssŭ-fa Yüan_ 司法院 the Judicial _Yüan_, one of the five divisions of the government

_ssŭ p'ai_ 四派 the "four cliques" (in the People's Political Council)

_ssŭ tang_ 四黨 the "four parties" (in the People's Political Council)

_Ta-min-hui_ 大民會 a political "party" organized by pro-Japanese elements in Central China

_tang chih_ 黨治 "party government"; the single-party tutelary dictatorship of the Kuomintang

_Tai-piao Ta-hui_ 代表大會 the (Chinese Communist) "Council of Party Delegates"

_Tangpu_ 黨部 (local) Party Headquarters of the Kuomintang

_Ti-san Tang_ 第三黨 the Third Party; a popular name

_Ts'ai-chêng Pu_ 財政部 Ministry of Finance

_Ts'an-chêng-hui_ 參政會 a People's Political Council; preceded by a term indicating the level at which established, _e.g._, _Shêng Ts'an-chêng-hui_, Provincial People's Political Council

_Ts'an-chün Ch'u_ 參軍處 Office of Military Affairs; a military secretariat attached to the Council of State

_Ts'an-i-hui_ 參議會 an Advisory Council, as in the Municipality

_Tsui-kao Fa-yüan_ 最高法院 the Supreme Court; under the Judicial _Yüan_

_Tsung-li_ 總理 the [Party] Leader; the formal office held by Sun Yat-sen in the Kuomintang; his in perpetuity, the title is used as a respectful form of reference to Sun

_Tsung-ts'ai_ 總裁 the [Party] Chief, or leader; title vested in Chiang K'ai-shek as formal head of the Kuomintang by the Emergency Party Congress, Hankow, March, 1938

_t'uan_ 團 a regiment

_tuchün_ 督軍 the military chief of a province, a war-lord

_Wai-chiao Pu_ [also written _Waichiaopu_] 外交部 the Ministry of Foreign Affairs; under the Executive _Yüan_

_Wang Tao_ 王道 "the kingly way," a cardinal concept of traditional Chinese political thought; now, reinterpreted, the state philosophy of Manchoukuo

_Wei-shêng Shu_ 衛生暑 National Health Administration (in the Ministry of the Interior)

_Wei-yüan-chang_ 委會長 chairman (of a committee, commission, etc.); this title often refers to Generalissimo Chiang in his capacity of Chairman of the Military Affairs Commission

_Wên-kuan Ch'u_ 文官處 Office of Civil Affairs; a civilian secretariat attached to the Council of State

_wu-ch'üan hsien-fa_ 五權憲法 the "five power constitution"; the five-fold separation of powers taught by Sun Yat-sen and applied by the National Government

_Yüan_ 院 literally "board"; one of the five divisions of the National Government of China

_Yüan-chang_ 院長 the President of a _Yüan_

_Yüeh Fa_ 約法 the Provisional Constitution, adopted in 1931

INDEX

Ability (_nêng_), 253

Academia Sinica (_Kuo-li Chung-yang Yen-chiu Yüan_), 56

_Act Governing the Elections of Representatives to the National Congress_, 302

_Acting Commission for the National Emancipation of China_ (_Min-ts'u Chieh-fang Hsing-chêng Wei-yüan-hui_), 178

Administration of Personnel (_Ch'uan-hsü T'ing_), 62

Administrative agencies, chart, 80

Administrative Area of North Shensi (_Shan-pei Hsing-chêng-ch'ü_), 112

Administrative Court (_Hsing-chêng Fa-yüan_), 67

Administrative: development, 96 law, 65 organs, 69 pattern, 79

Administrative Vice-Minister (_Ch'ang-wu Tz'ŭ-chang_), 96

Adult education, 30

Agitation, 61

Agrarian problems, 104

Agriculture, 91

Agriculture and Forestry, Ministry of (_Nung Lin Pu_), 91

Air communications, 90

Alexander the Great, 239

Alley, Rewi, 224

Amendments to the Constitution (proposed constitutional provisions), 300

American Friends of the Chinese People, 234

American Lease-lend Bill, 217, 274

American loans, 19

Ao-yü-wan, 161

Appointment and discharge of officials, 59

Armistice, intra-national, 10

Army participation in rural reform, 221

Atatürk, Kemal, 272

Audit, Ministry of, 96, 320

Autonomous East Hopei Anti-Communist Government, 185

Bank of China, 87

Bank of Communications, 87

Basic patterns of modern Chinese politics, 8

Bibliographical notes, 20, 21, 160, 190, 221, 223, 242, 256

"Blue Shirts," 144

Border Region, 16, 35, 116 chart of government, 118

Boxers (_I Ho Ch'üan_), 213, 237

Buddhism, 258

Budget, 59, 75

Bureaucracy: traditional ideal, 44 at Chungking, 68

Burma, 189

Burma road, 93, 95, 279

Bukharin, 164

Bus services, 93

Cabinet, 56

Canton, 18

Cantonese clique, 145

Capacity (_nêng_), 43

Capitalism, 30

Caribbean, 188

Carlson, Major Evans Fordyce, 116, 167

"C.C." clique, 142

Censor _Yüan_ (_see_ Control _Yüan_)

Censoral power, 27

Censorship of news, 138

Censure, motion of, 314

Central America, 188

Central Bank of China, 87

Central China clique (_Hua-chung P'ai_), 76

Central Executive Committee of the Kuomintang, 72

Central government (proposed constitutional provisions), 287

Central Secretariat of the Kuomintang (_Chung-yang Mi-shu-ch'u_), 137

Central News Agency, 137

Central Political Council (_Chung-yang Chêng-chih Wei-yüan-hui_), 16, 46

Central Political Institute (_Chung-yang Chêng-chih Hsüeh-hsiao_), 134

Central Publicity Board (_see_ Party-Ministry of Publicity)

Chamberlain, Neville, 15

Chang, Carson (_Chang Chia-shêng_), 179

Chang Ching-chiang, 261

Chang Hsüeh-liang, 9, 200

Chang Kuo-tao, 163, 167, 168

Chang Peh Chuen (Chang Pai-chün), 178

Charts (_see also_ type of government) Control _Yüan_, 318 _Hsien_ classifications, 388 Kuomintang organization, 331 national governmental structure, 330 provincial and urban government, 98

_Chên_ (_see_ Community)

Chen Ch'i-mei, 260

Chen Chi-tang, 91

Chen, Eugene, 178

Ch'ên brothers, 134

Ch'ên Ch'êng, 340

Ch'ên I, 102

Ch'ên Kung-po, 198

Ch'ên Kuo-fu, 84, 134, 142

Ch'ên Kuo-hsin, essay on Mao Tsê-tung, 403

Ch'ên Li-fu, 84, 142

Ch'ên Lo, 204

Ch'ên Shao-yu (Wang Ming), 163

Ch'ên Tu-hsiu, 163

_Ch'ê-yeh Chiao-yü P'ai_ (_see_ Vocational Educationists' Clique)

_Chia_, 107, 324, 395

Chiang Chieh-shih (_see_ Chiang K'ai-shek)

Chiang Ching-kuo, 262

Chiang K'ai-shek: biography, 254 in Canton, 260 character, 255 childhood, 257 Chinese appraisals, 266 and Christianity, 257 on constitutionalism, 32 _Definition of the Problems of Various Classifications of Hsien_, 388 ethical theory, 150 governmental role, 48 historical role, 255 ideals, 257 kidnapped at Sian, 10 in the Kuomintang, 128 life, 256 marriage, 261 military rise, 263 military writings, 260 nature of his power, 268 and the New Life Movement, 149 political theory, 265, 269 present personality, 265 and President Lin, 53 relations with Wang Ch'ing-wei, 201 rise in the Kuomintang, 263 and Roosevelt, 278 secret police, 268 in Shanghai, 261 and the Shanghai Communists, 263 statement to the author, 371 Soviet training, 262 and Sun Yat-sen, 245 training in Japan, 259 _What I Mean by Action (Li-hsing Chê-hsiao)_, 373 writings, 268

_Chiao-shou P'ai_ (_see_ Professors' Clique)

Chicherin, 164

Chief (_Tsung-ts'ai_), 239

_Chien-ch'a_ power, 27

_Chien Kuo Ta Kang_, 6

_Ch'ih_, 150

China Branch of the International Peace Campaign, 234

China Defense League, 119

_China Forum, The_, 235

_China Herald, The_, 234

"China's Long-range Diplomatic Orientation," 418

China National Aviation Corporation, 93

Chinese Central Asia (_see_ Sinkiang)

Chinese Communist Party (_see_ Communist Party)

Chinese ideals, 2

Chinese Industrial Cooperatives (_see_ C.I.C.)

Chinese Mass Education Movement, 218

Chinese National Socialist Party (_Kuo-chia Shê-hui Tang_), 179

Chinese Red Army, 13, 161

Chinese Republic, 2

Chinese Revolutionary Party (_Chung-kuo K'ê-ming Tang_), 178

Chinese Soviet Republic (_Chung-hua Su-wei-ai Kung-ho-kuo_), 13, 112, 161

Chinese Turkestan (_see also_ Sinkiang), 85

Chi, C.C., 139

Chin P'u-yi, 184, 256

Ch'in state and dynasty, 2, 107

Ch'in Po-k'u, 168

Chou En-lai, 64, 168

Chou Fu-hai, 198

Christian activities, 235

Chu Djang, 153

_Chu-Mao_, 166

Chung Fu Joint Mining Administration, 90

Chungking, 1, 15, 18, 56

Chung Shan (_see also_ Sun Yat-sen), 249

Chu Tê, 166, 261

_Ch'ü_, 107, 327, 391

_Ch'üan_ (power), 253

Ch'üan-min K'ang-chan Shê (United Front Club), cited, 37

Ch'u Chia-hua, 136

C.I.C. (Chinese Industrial Cooperatives; _Chung-kuo Kung-yeh Ho-tso Hsieh-hui_): appraisal, 233 distribution of profits, 230 establishment, 224 formation of cooperatives, 226 the Model Constitution, 232 regions, 226 relation to government, 223 social welfare work, 231 the three zones, 224

Citizenship (proposed constitutional provisions), 284

City Council (_Shih-chêng Hui-i_), 104

Civil governor of a province (_Shêng-chang_), 99

Civil service reform, 66

Civil Service Training Corps, 134

Clark-Kerr, Sir Archibald, 224

Class politics in China, 146

Class war, 13

Coal and iron, 228

Coal mining, 90

Collection of revenue, 86

College students, 9

Commission for the Disciplinary Punishment of Public Officers (_Kung-wu-yüan Ch'êng-chieh Wei-yüan-hui_), 67

Commission on Mongolian and Tibetan Affairs (_Mêng Tsang Wei-yüan-hui_), 8

Commission on Overseas Chinese Affairs (_Ch'iao-wu Wei-yüan-hui_), 84

Committee Chairman (_Wei-yüan-chang_; _see_ name of Committee)

Communications, Ministry of (_Chiao-t'ung Pu_), 92

Communications Southward, 95

Communications system, foreign personnel in, 95

Communism, 30, 270

Communist communes, 213

Communist Party (_Kung-ch'an Tang_), 13, 159, 263, 275 and American aid to China, 172 appraisal of, 173 Branch Party Organs, 363 Central Party Committee, 368 chart of structure, 162 and Chiang K'ai-shek, 175 _Constitution_, 359 Council of Party Delegates, 162, 364 foundation, 160 _Hsien_ Organs, 364 international policy, 403 leaders, 166 and Moscow, 163 motives, 164 National Party Congress, 367 National Party Convention, 367 organization, 361 and peasants, 165, 213 in perpetual revolution, 213 policy toward the Kuomintang, 174 potential treason, 172 Provincial Party Organs, 366 purges and schisms, 169 Sun Yat-sen's alliance, 245 Supreme Party Organs, 362 views on Chiang K'ai-shek, 267

Communist Youth Corps (_Kung-ch'an Ch'ing-nien T'uan_), 132, 370

Communist zone (_see_ Frontier Area)

Communists: compared with Kuomintang, 146 and the five-power system, 45 and the guerrillas, 162 in the People's Political Council, 76 policy of collaboration, 121 and the proposed Constitution, 37 rivalry with Kuomintang, 159

"Community" (_hsiang_), 107

Community life in China, 4

Complexity of government structure, 61

Concordia Society (_Hsieh-ho-hui_), 194

Conflict: the term, 11

Confucianism, 2, 3, 45, 189, 250

Confucius, 239

Constitution, Chiang's comment on, 32

_Constitution of the Chinese Soviet Republic_, 31

_Constitution of the_ San Min Chu I _Youth Corps_, 331

Constitutional change, issues of, 31

Constitutionalism, 6, 177, 213, 371

Constitutions (_see also_ Draft Constitution), 21

Constitutions, ineffectual, 39

Consultative organs, 39

_Control_ (_chien-ch'a)_ power, 27

Control _Yüan_ (_Chien-ch'a Yüan_): appraisal, 66 chart of functions, 318 diagram of organization, 319 proposed constitutional provisions, 292 reorganization under the proposed Constitution, 29 war work, 313, 318

Cooperatives (_see also_ C.I.C.), 89, 393

Corruption, 38, 120

Cotton, 228

Council of State (_Kuo-min Chêng-fu Wei-yüan-hui_): administrative and constitutional status, 52 agencies directly attached, 54 functions, 47 proposed constitutional role, 28

County (_see hsien_)

Courts of justice (proposed constitutional position), 292

Credit, national, 86

Currency, Japanese, 186

Currency rivalry, 87

Currents of documents in Chinese government, 55

Customs, 88

Declarations of war and peace, 59

_Definition of the Problems Concerning the Organization of the Various Classifications of Hsien_, 388

Delegates to the constituent People's Congress, 38

Democracy (_min chu_; Sun Yat-sen's term, _min ch'üan_), 270

Democracy in free China, 371

Democracy, inauguration of, 38

Democracy, prospects, 273

Democracy (_min ch'üan_), the theory of, 253

Democratic Centralism, 162

Democratic tendencies in the armies, 372

Democratic toleration, limits of, 40

Department of Military Operations (_Chün-ling-pu_), 62

Department of Military Training (_Chün-hsün-pu_), 62

Deputy Secretary-General (_Fu Mi-shu-chang_) of the People's Political Council, 73

Deputy Speaker (_Fu I-chang_) of the People's Political Council, 72

Dialectical materialism (_see_ Communism, Communists)

Diplomacy, 310

Diplomatic Orientation, China's Long-range, 418

Direct taxes, 87

Director of Political Affairs, 57

Directorate-General of Courts-Martial (_Chün-fa Chih-hsing Tsung-chien-pu_), 62

_Discussion of Mao Tsê-tung's Comments on the Present State of International Relations_ (Ch'ên Kuo-hsin), 403

District (_see hsien_ for government; _ch'ü_ for parties)

Double Five Constitution (_see_ Draft Permanent Constitution)

Draft Permanent Constitution (_Hsien-fa Ts'ao-an_), 25, 283

_Duties and General Activities of the_ San Min Chu I _Youth Corps_, 340

East Hopei Autonomous Anti-Communist Government, 192

Eastern Inner Mongolia, 85

Economic affairs: advance in the West, 89 industrial development, 90 in _Program of Resistance and Reconstruction_, 311 policy and administration, 85 proposed constitutional provisions, 296 war finance, 87

Economic Affairs, Ministry of (_Ching-chi Pu_), 88

Economic cycle in China, 106

Economic groups in politics, 236

Economic theory in the _San Min Chu I Youth Corps_, 351

Economics of old China, 3

Education, 30, 61, 83, 214, 312, 393

Education, Ministry of (_Chiao-yü Pu_), 83

Education: proposed constitutional provisions, 298

Eighteenth Army Corps, 168

Eighth Route Army, 13, 168

Election Committee for Representatives to the People's [Constituent] Congress, 38

Elections, Communist, 163

Elections of representatives to the National [People's] Congress, 302

Emergency Session of the Kuomintang Party Congress, 16

Empire, Chinese, 2

_Erh Ch'ên_ group, 142

Espionage, 61

Establishment, period of, 5

Eurasia airlines, 93

Examination _Yüan_, 56, 66, 68, 134 proposed constitutional provisions, 292

Examinations Commission (_K'ao-hsüan Wei-yüan-hui_), 68

_Exclusive inspection_, 316

Executive _Yüan_ (_Hsing-chêng Yüan_): executive responsibility, 57 functions, 59 Meeting, 58 proposed constitutional provisions, 29, 288 structure, 58

_Fa chih_ (government of laws), 33

Farmers, 218

Farmers' Bank of China, 87

Fêng Yü-hsiang, 104

Fenghua, Chekiang, 262

Farouk, 255

Fascism, 270

Finance, Ministry of (_Ts'ai-chêng Pu_), 86

Five-fold separation of powers, 27, 206, 264

Five-power constitution (_wu-ch'üan hsien-fa_), 42, 68

_Five rights_, 43

Five _yüan_, 253

Foo Shing Corporation, 88

Foochow insurrection, 179

Ford, Henry, 233

Foreign Affairs, Ministry of (_Waichiaopu_), 81

Foreign financial aid, 87

Foreign policy, 403, 418

Foreign trade, 88

Formosans, 187

Four Cliques (_Ssŭ P'ai_), 76

Four Parties (_Ssŭ Tang_), 76

_Four powers_, 43

France, 181

Frederick the Great, 255

Free China, extent of, 98

Free China, prosperity, 89, 222

Freedoms under the proposed constitution: assembly and forming associations, 285 domicile, 284 religious belief, 284 speech, writing, and publication, 284

French Indo-China, 19

Friends of the Wounded Society, 155

Frontier Area (for Chinese, _see_ Administrative District of North Shensi), 13, 16, 111, 115, 162

Fu Hsiao-ên, 212

Fukien province, 102, 217

Function of auditing, 313

Fup'ing, 118

Future development of Chinese politics, 274

_Gaimusho_, 82

Galens, General (Vassili Blücher), 142

Gasoline, 91, 95

Gautama Buddha, 239

_General inspection_, 316

General Staff, 62

General strikes, 39

Generalissimo (_Tsung-ssŭ-ling_), 61

Genghis Khan, 239

Gentry in politics, 106

George, Henry, 30, 254

Germany, 273, 274

Glossary, 423-433

Gold-washing, 228

Government-owned corporations, 90

Government, nature of, 211

Government organization: chart, 330

Grants in aid to the provinces, 109

Grass cloth, 228

Great Revolution, 5, 60, 213

Green Gang, 261

Groups of households (_chia_), 107

Guerrillas: areas, 372 governments, 116 and the Military Affairs Commission, 62 and the National Salvationists, 177 schools, 84 strategy, 12 warfare, 310 zones under Chungking, 64

Guilds, 10

Han dynasty, 3

Han Fu-ch'u, 202

Hankow, 4, 15

Hanson, Haldore, 116

Hedin, Sven, 255

Highway system, 93

Hitler, Adolf, 239

Hong Kong, 4

Honolulu, Sun Yat-sen in, 243

Hopei-Chahar Political Council, 195

Hopei-Chahar-Shansi Border Region (_Chin-ch'a-ch'i Pien-ch'ü Lin-shih Hsing-chêng Wei-yüan-hui_), Provisional, Administrative Committee of, 116

Ho Ying-chin, 63

_Hsiang_ (or _chên_; "community"), 107, 324, 391

_Hsiang_ guild, 393

_Hsiao-tsu_ ("small group") training program, 354

_Hsien_ ("county" or district), 29, 107, 253, 311 area, 391 definition of problems by Chiang K'ai-shek, 388 experimental, 219 governments, 391 organizations of the Communists, 364 proposed constitutional provisions, 294 regulations (text), 324

_Hsin Min Chu I_, 194

_Hsin Min Hui_, 208

Huang, J. L., 149

Huang Hsing, 245, 259, 262

_Huangpu_ (Whampoa) Academy and political group, 142, 262

Huapeikuo, 194

Hu Han-min, 8, 142, 202, 262

_Hui-i_ (a legislative "council"; _see_ level of government concerned)

Hull, Cordell, 278

Hunan, 19

Hung Hsiu-ch'üan, 241

Hu Shih, 215

Hypo-colony, 190

_I_ (ethics), 150

Ideological control, 251

_I Ho Ch'üan_ (Boxers), 237

Impeachment, 313

Impeachment, proposed constitutional provisions, 293

"In accordance with law," 26

Incident, 11

Income taxes, 87

Indirect rule, 183

Indo-China, 183

Indusco (_see_ C.I.C.)

Industrial cooperatives (_see_ C.I.C.)

Inheritance, the Chinese political, 1

Inheritance taxes, 87

Inner Mongolia, Federated Autonomous Government of (_Mêng-ku Lien-ho Tzŭ-chih Chêng-fu_), 192

Inner Mongolia and Chungking, 85

Inspection systems, 108

Institute of National Culture, 179

Intellectual traditionalism, 251

Interior, Ministry of (_Nei-chêng Pu_), 82

Internal revenue, 88

_International Development of China, The_, 244

International relations (_see_ diplomacy, foreign policy, etc.)

Interpretation of statutes and ordinances: proposed constitutional provisions, 291

Invasion, period of, 5

Italy, 274

Japanese: aims in China, 184 army, 18, 276 army as a Chinese government, 185 attitudes to Chinese foreign policy, 82 Imperial Government in China, 183 prospects in China, 274 recognition of Wang Ch'ing-wei, 209 role of the army, 183 subsidiary Chinese governments (_see_ Pro-Japanese Groups) training of Chiang K'ai-shek, 259

Japan's puppets or Japanophiles (_see_ Pro-Japanese Groups)

_Joint inspection_, 316

Judicial _Yüan_ (_Ssŭ-fa Yüan_), 65, 291

Justice, Ministry of (_Ssŭ-fa Hsing-chêng Pu_), 67, 96

K'an Nai-kuang, 137, 140

Kang Tê, Emperor of Manchoukuo, the (_see_ Chin P'u-yi)

Kao Tsung-wu, 198

Kentwell, L. K., 205

Kialing river, 18

Kiang Kang-hu, 181

Kiangsi, 161

Korea, 189

Kung, H. H., 57, 86, 223

Kung, Mme. H. H. (Ai-ling Soong), 248

Kung so, 393

_Kuo-chia Chu-i P'ai_ (_La Jeunesse_ party), 181

Kuomintang: appraisal of, 146 army connections, 143 attitude toward Communists, 144 Bolshevik pattern of organization, 131 bureaucracy, 7 central administrative structure, 72, 131, 137 Central Control Committee (_Chung-yang Chien-ch'a Wei-yüan-hui_), 127, 131 Central Executive Committee (_Chung-yang Chih-hsing Wei-yüan-hui_), 57, 126, 127, 131 Central Political Institute (_Chung-yang Chêng-chih Hsüeh-hsiao_), 134 Central Publicity Board (_see_ Publicity, Party-Ministry of) Central Training Committee (_Hsün-lien Wei-yüan-hui_), 133 chart of field organization, 139 chart of central organization, 131 chart of general structure, 331 and the Ch'ên brothers, 84 and the Communists, 159 Congress (_Ch'üan-kuo Tai-piao Ta-hui_), 57 constitutional status, 124 democratic outlook, 143 and economic classes, 135 Emergency Session of the Party Congress, 69, 128 _hsiao-tsu_ ("small-group"), 140, 354 intra-Party politics, 142 membership, 141 monopoly of government, 41 organization, 125, 129, 331 "Orthodox" fraction, 200 Party cell, 140 Party Chief (_Tsung-ts'ai_), 126, 128 Party Congress (_see_ Congress) Party Constitution, 125 Party democracy, 124 Party-Ministries, 136 Party purges, 141 in the People's Political Council, 76 policy toward Communist Party, 174 purposes, 125 "Reorganized" fraction, 200 rivalry with Communists in the Northwest, 135 "small-group" (_see hsiao-tsu_) Supreme National Defense Council (_Kuo-fang Tsui-kao Wei-yüan-hui_), 132 Training Corps (_Hsün-lien T'uan_), 133 Wang Ch'ing-wei, 197 Youth Corps (_see San Min Chu I_ Youth Corps)

Kwangsi province, 19, 102, 109, 217

Kwangtung province, 102

Labor: law, 39 proposed constitutional provisions, 297

_La Jeunesse_ (Parti ... de la jeune Chine; _Kuo-chia Chu-i P'ai_), 76, 181

Land problem: proposed constitutional provisions, 296 reform, 106, 110, 218

Landlords, 4, 148, 221

_Lao-pai-hsing_ (the common people), 236

Lattimore, Owen, 3

Law: the term, 299

_Laws Governing the System of Organization of the National Government of the Republic of China_ (1925), 23

_Laws Governing the System of Organization of the National Government_ (1931), 24

Leader (_Tsung-li_), 239

League of Nations Union, 234

Left Kuomintang, 264

Leftists and Leftism, 9, 101, 111, 248

Legal Adviser to the National Government (_Kuo-min Chêng-fu Fa-lü Ku-wên_), 54

Legal tender notes (_fa pi_), 87, 312

Legislative _Yüan_ (_Li-fa Yüan_): function, 65

Members (_Li-fa Wei-yüan_), 66 proposed constitutional provisions, 29, 289

_Li_ (ideological conformity), 150

_Li chih_ (government by _li_), 33

Liang, Hubert, 224

_Lien_ (integrity), 150

Li Hung-chang, 189

Li Li-san, 163

Linebarger, Paul M. W., 54, 105, 242, 246

Lin Pai-shêng, 198

Lin Shên (Lin Sen; Lim Sun), 53, 145

Li Shêng-wu, 206

Literacy, 214, 215

Liu, K. P., 224

Local finance, 402

Local government (_see also hsien_): appraisals, 109 chart, 107 Chiang K'ai-shek's comment, 397 general role, 98 under the _Hsien Fa_, 29 proposed constitutional reforms, 294 in the recent past, 104 reform of, 311 reform under the Kuomintang, 137 reform methods, 108

Long March of the Chinese Reds, 119, 161

Long-Range Diplomatic Orientation, China's, 418

Lung Yün, 101

Mahayana Buddhism, 259

Mail censorship, 95

Main Office of the Military Affairs Commission, 62

Malaysia, 183

Malraux, André, 161

Manchoukuo, 98, 183, 189, 256

Manchoukuo-Outer Mongol war, 19

Manchu Empire of China (Ch'ing dynasty), 5

Manchuria, 89

Manchus, 2, 241

Mao Tsê-tung, 166, 403-417

Marx, Karl, 241, 254

Marxism, 160, 234, 258, 263

Marxism and Chinese history, 165

Marxism-Leninism, 84

Marxist effect on the _San Min Chu I_, 252

Mass: action, 10 education, 215 literacy movement, 84 marriages, 153 mobilization, 157 movements, 312 singing, 154

Material and Resources Control and Supervision Ministry, 91

Mayor (_Shih-chang_), 104

Mayors under the proposed constitution, 295

Mazzini, 241

Miao Ping, 194

Migration of schools, 83

Migrations, 88

Militarism in the provinces, 100

Military Advisory Council (_Chün-shih Ts'an-i-yüan_), 62

Military affairs, 310

Military Affairs Commission (_Chün-shih Wei-yüan-hui_), 13, 60, 162

Military governor (_tuchün_), 99

Military jurisdiction under the _Hsien Fa_, 284

Military policy, 61

Military service under the _Hsien Fa_, 285

Military unification, 6

Militia, 393

_Min-ch'üan chu-i_ (_see_ Democracy, Sun Yat-sen, and _San Min Chu I_)

_Min shêng chu-i_, 30, 223, 253

_Min ts'u chu-i_ (_see_ Nationalism, Sun Yat-sen, and _San Min Chu I_)

Ming Emperors, 249

Minister (_Pu Chang_), 96

Ministry of ---- (_see_ name of Ministry)

Ministries, 81

Minor parties: and constitutionalism, 34 at Nanking, 208 in occupied China, 235 representation, 72 status, 160

Minority democracy, 41

Mobilization, economic, 86

Model _hsien_, 109

Modernization of West China, 89

Mohammed, 239

Monarchist legitimism, 184

Morale, governmental, 236

Moscow (_see_ Communism)

Moslem rebellions, 213

Motor communications, 93

Motor fuel trade, 90

Municipal Advisory Assembly (_Shih Ts'an-i-hui_), 72, 104

Municipal food stores, 90

Municipal government, 103

Municipal People's Political Council (_see_ Municipal Advisory Assembly)

Municipalities under the _Hsien Fa_, 295

Munitions, 90

Nanking, capture of, 14

Nanking regimes (_see_ Reorganized Government; Reformed Government)

Napoleon, 239

"National" (_see also_ "People's," "Chinese")

National Aviation Commission, 63

National capital in the _Hsien Fa_, 284

National [Constituent] Congress (_Kuo-min Ta-hui_), 25, 27, 300

National Congress: election of representatives, 302

National Congress: system of organization, 300

National Government (_Kuo-min Chêng-fu_): the term, 52

National Government Committee (_see_ Council of State)

National Health Administration (_Wei-shêng Shu_), 83

National Institute of Rural Reconstruction, 220

National Military Council (_see_ Military Affairs Commission)

National People's Convention (_Kuo-min Hui-i_), 7

National Relief Commission (_Chên-chi Wei-yüan-hui_), 92

National Salvation (_Chiu Kuo_) movement, 175

National Socialism (German), 252

National Socialist Party (_Kuo-chia Shê-hui Tang_), 75, 179

National Spiritual Mobilization (_Kuo-min Ching-shên Tsung-tung-yüan_), 157

National treasury, 88

Nationalism (_min ts'u_), theory of, 252

Negrin, 15

Neighborhood (_pao_), 107

Nêng (ability), 253

New Fourth Army (_Hsin-ssŭ-chün_), 119

New Life Movement (_Hsin Shêng-huo Yün-tung_), 149

New Life Secretaries' Camp, 155

New Life Students Rural Summer Service Corps, 154

New Order in East Asia, 184, 189

News services, 137

North China, 14

North Shensi (_see also_ Frontier Area), 161

Northeastern Clique (_Tungpei P'ai_), 76

Occupied China: Chungking control over, 64 missions, 235 poverty, 92

Office of Civil Affairs (_Wên-kuan Ch'u_), 54

Office of Military Affairs (_Tsan-chün Ch'u_), 54

Office of the Naval Commander-in-Chief (_Hai-chün Tsung-ssŭ-ling-pu_), 63

Office of Political Affairs (_Chêng-wu Ch'u_), 57

Officers' Moral Endeavor Corps, 63, 149

Old China: economics, 3 government, 5 socio-economic structure, 211 in Sun Yat-sen's theory, 251

Old Hundred Names (_lao-pai-hsing_), 236

Opinion, public, 39

Organic Law of XVII (1928), 28

Organization of the Kuomintang, etc. (_see_ relevant group or agency)

"Orthodox" Kuomintang, 200, 207

Outer Mongol People's Republic, 183, 188

_Outline of National Reconstruction_, 6

_Outline of War-Time Controlment_, 313

_Outlines of Political Tutelage_, 24

Overseas Chinese, 84

Pacification Commissioner (_Sui-ching Chu-jên_), 100

Pai Chung-hsi, 102

_pai-hua_ (written vernacular), 215

Pan American airlines, 93

Panchen Lama, 71

Pan Ch'ao, 81

_Pao_ ("neighborhood"), 107, 324, 394

_Pao_ schools, 216

_Pao-chia_ system, 106

Paper money, 86

_Parti Républicain Nationaliste de la Jeune Chine_ (_see Kuo-chia Chu-i P'ai_)

Party Affairs Committee of the Kuomintang (_Tang-wu Wei-yüan-hui_), 133

Party Chief (_Tsung-ts'ai_), 41

Party Constitution (_Tang-chang_): Communist, 359 Kuomintang, 125

Party dictatorship (_tang chih_), 6, 23

Party-government relations, 49

Party and Government War Area Commission (_Chan-ti Tang-chêng Wei-yüan-hui_), 64, 112

Party headquarters, 141

Party-politics, 158

Party-politics in the People's Political Council, 76

Party Supervisor's Net (_Tang-jên Chien-ch'a Wang_), 141

Party-Ministries of the Kuomintang, 136

Party's role in the constitutional system, 23

Peasant rebellions, 4

Pensions Commission (_Fu-hsüeh Wei-yüan-hui_), 62

People's Advisory Political Council (_see_ People's Political Council)

People's Congress (_see_ National Congress)

People's Foreign Relations Association, 234

People's Political Council (_Kuo-min Ts'an-chêng Hui_): competence, 73 election, 72 function of representation, 66 membership, 70 nominations, 71 practicality, 74 procedure, 74 in _Program of Resistance and Reconstruction_, 311 reorganization, 75 sessions, 70

Permanent Constitution, Draft (_Hsien-fa Ts'ao-an_), 5, 25, 283

Personnel, Ministry of (_Ch'üan-hsü Pu_), 68, 96

_Philosophy of Action, A_, 373

_Pi Chiao Hsien Fa_ (_Comparative Constitutions_, by Wang Shihchieh), translated and quoted, 23, 49, 50, 52, 67, 125

Pilsudski, 272

Planning Committee for the Western Capital (_Hsi-ching Ch'ou-pei Wei-yüan-hui_), 56

Pluralism, 3, 211

Policy-making, 47, 74, 79

Political Affairs Department or Office (_Chêng-wu Ch'u_), 57

Political commissars in the army, 63

Political Department (_Chêng-chih-pu_) of the Military Affairs Commission, 64

Political laxity, 251

Political rights: proposed constitutional provisions, 285

Political Scientists' group (_Chêng-hsüeh Hsi_), 145

Political Vice-Minister (_Chêng-wu Tz'u-chang_), 96

Politics of ideology, 8

Popular democracy, 39

Popular Front group, 78, 129

Popular government in the Border Region, 119

Population, 3

Poverty in occupied China, 222

Power (_ch'üan_), 43, 253

Pragmatic utilitarianism of Sun Yat-sen, 252

Presidency proposed under the _Hsien Fa_, 28, 287

President (_Yüan-chang_) of the Executive Yüan, 56

President (_Chu-hsi_) of the National Government, 52

Presidium of the People's Political Council, 73

Pressure politics, 234

Prime movers, 229

Principles of the Great People (_Ta Min Chu I_), 196

Private rights: proposed constitutional provisions, 284

Private property: proposed constitutional provisions, 285

Privy Council, 56

Problems of the _hsien_: comment of Chiang K'ai-shek, 388

Professors' Clique (_Chiao-shou P'ai_), 77

_Program of Resistance and Reconstruction_ (_K'ang-chan Chien-kuo Kang-ling_), 17, 35, 309

Pro-Japanese elements, 186, 192, 212, 276, 310

Propaganda, 61, 137

_Proposition_, 314

Prosperity, 222

Protestant schools, 215

Provincial Governments (_Shêng Chêng-fu_): Chairman (_Shêng Chêng-fu Chu-hsi_), 100, 294 connection with central government, 82 councils, 72 current role, 98 proposed constitutional provisions, 293 Provincial People's Political Councils (_Shêng Ts'an-chêng-hui_), 103 structure, 102

Provincialism, 8, 99

Provisional Constitution (_Yüeh Fa_), 22, 24

Provisional Executive Committee of the Shansi-Chahar-Hopei Border Region (_Chin-ch'a-chi Pien-ch'ü Lin-shih Hsing-chêng Wei-yüan-hui_; _see also_ Border Region), 16

Provisional Government of the Republic of China (_Chung-hua Min-kuo Lin-shih Chêng-fu_), 14, 192, 207

_Pu_ (ministries or departments), 61

Public Administration, School of, 219

Public opinion, 214

Public service: proposed constitutional provisions, 285

Public utilities: proposed constitutional provisions, 296

Publicity, 79

Publicity, Party-Ministry of (_Chung-yang Hsüan-ch'uan Pu_), 137

Publicity of the _San Min Chu I_ Youth Corps, 350

"Puppet states," 188

Purple Mountain, 249

P'u Yi (_see_ Chin P'u-yi)

Races: proposed constitutional provisions, 284

Radio, 94

Railways in Free China, 92

_Resistance and Reconstruction, Program of_, 309

Reformed Government of the Republic of China (_Chung-hua Min-kuo Wei-hsin Chêng-fu_), 17, 192, 195

Regeneration Club (_Fu-hsing Shê_), 144

Regional autonomy, 8

Regular troops, 8

_Regulations Concerning the Organization of the Various Classifications of Hsien_, 324

Relief, 61, 297

"Reorganized Kuomintang," 200

Reorganized National Government of China (_Hsiu-chêng Kuo-min Chêng-fu_): affiliation with Japan, 183 creation and function, 197 personnel, 204 practical work, 205 significance to Chiang K'ai-shek, 372 status, 203

Representation, function of, 66

Republic: the term, 161

Republican revolution, 213

Republicans (_Kung-ho Tang_), 208

Resident Committee of the People's Political Council, 73

Resist-Japan University, 84

Resistance, 12, 213

Revolution by three stages, 6, 22, 35, 253

Revolutionary Action Commission of the Chinese Kuomintang (_Chung-hua Kuo-min-tang K'ê-ming Hsing-chêng Wei-yüan-hui_), 178

Rights, constitutional, 28

Roosevelt, Franklin D., 233, 278

Rosinger, Lawrence K., 81

Rural education, 218

Rural reconstruction, 218, 397

Rural Service Corps, 154

Russian Soviet Federal Socialist Republic, (R.S.F.S.R.), 188

Salazar, Antonio de O., 272

_San Min Chu I_: and Chiang K'ai-shek, 270 explanation and comment, 8, 13, 34, 178, 245, 250, 371 and _Hsin Min Chu I_, 194 proposed constitutional provisons, 287

_San Min Chu I_ Youth Corps (_San Min Chu I Ch'ing-nien T'uan_): appraisal, 352 chart of organization, 345 Constitution, 331 description by General Ch'ên Ch'êng, 340 history, 341 and the Kuomintang, 132 Leader, 342

Salt gabelle, 88

Scholars of old China, 3

Scholastic bureaucracy, 3, 250

School for the Border Provinces, 135

Schools (_see_ education), 216

_Scorched earth_ policy, 12

Second Revolution, 259

Secret societies, 10

Secretariat (_Mi-shu-ch'u_), 57, 73

Secretary-General (_Mi-shu-chang_), 57, 73

Service Department, military (_Hou-fang Ch'in-wu-pu_), 63

Seven Gentlemen (_Ch'i Chün-tzu_), 36, 76, 176

Shanghai, 13

Sharecropping, 91

Sheean, Vincent, 161

Shên Chun-lu, 176

Shêng Shih-ts'ai, 176

Shensi (_see_ Frontier Area)

Shensi-Kansu-Ninghsia Frontier Area (_Shan-kan-ning Pien-ch'ü Chêng-fu_), 112

_Shih_ (_see_ municipality, _q.v._)

Sian affair, 5, 10, 176

Sinkiang (Chinese Central Asia; Chinese Turkestan), 85, 101

Sino-American trade, 88

Sino-Siberian highway, 93, 95

Small-Group Training Program, 354

Smith, Joseph, 241

Snow, Edgar, 146, 160

Social Affairs, Ministry of, 96

Social Movements, Party-Ministry of (_Shê-hui Yün-tung Pu_; also translated Party-Ministry of Social Affairs, Board of Social Affairs), 96, 136

Social Democratic Party, 181

Social rigidity, 251

Social work, 61

Social work of the _San Min Chu I_ Youth Corps, 351

Socialist Party, 181, 208

Soong, C. J., 247

Soong, T. V., 9, 86, 248

Soong Ching-ling, 245

Soong sisters, 248

Sovereignty: proposed constitutional provisions, 283

Soviet China, 275

Soviet form of government in China, 45

Soviet influence in Sinkiang, 101

Soviet-Japanese understanding, 275

Soviet policy in China, 171

Soviet training of Chiang K'ai-shek, 262

Soviet Union (_see also_ Communists; Marxism), 188, 273, 275

Speaker (_I-chang_) of the People's Political Council, 72

Special Administrative District of the Chinese Republic (_Chung-hua Min-kuo T'ê-ch'ü Chêng-fu_), 112

Special-area governments, 98, 111, 120

_Special inspection_, 316

Special Regional Government ... (_see_ Special Administrative District ...)

Specie, 86

Stalemate, 12

Stalin, Joseph, 263

Stalinism (_see also_ Communist Party), 234

State Council (_see_ Council of State)

State examinations: proposed constitutional provisions, 285

State socialism, 30, 89

Steamships, 93

Strategy of the Chinese, 12

Sub-district (_ch'ü-fên_) of the Kuomintang, 126, 139

Subterranean minerals: proposed constitutional provisions, 296

Sung Ai-ling (_see_ Kung, Mme. H. H.)

Sung Ch'ing-ling (_see_ Sun Yat-sen, Mme.)

Sung Mei-ling, 248, 261

Sung Tzu-wên (_see_ Soong, T. V.)

Sun I-hsien (_see_ Sun Yat-sen)

Sun K'ê (Sun Fo), 66, 145, 247

Sun Yat-sen: biography, 240 doctrines (_see also San Min Chu I_), 6 family, 247 historical role, 239 on imperialism, 190 on local government, 105 Provisional President, 244 revolutionary technique, 244 sense of mission, 240 state planning, 245 Western training, 242

Sun Yat-sen, Mme., 145, 178, 247

Supreme Court (_Tsui-kao Fa-yüan_), 67

Supreme National Defense Council (_Tsui-kao Kuo-fang Wei-yüan-hui_), 16, 46

Symbolism of government, 45

System of organization of the National Congress, 300

Szechwan, 181

T'ai Li, 145

T'aip'ing Rebellion, 161, 213, 241

Taiwanese, 187

_Ta Min Chu I_, 196

_Ta-min-hui_, 196, 208

_Tang Cheng Chien Chih T'u-piao_, cited, 46, 54

T'ang Leang-li, 198

Tannu-Tuva, 189

Tao Hsi-shêng, 198

Tayler, J. B., 224

Taylor, George, 116

Taxation: proposed constitutional provisions, 285

Telecommunications, 93

Telegraph, 94

Telephone, 94

Têng Yen-ta, 178

Territory: proposed constitutional provisions, 283

Third International (_see also_ Communist Party), 71, 161, 245

Third Party (_Ti-san Tang_), 178

Three-Power Pact, 274

Three-stage war, 12

Three stages of revolution (_see_ Revolution by three stages)

"Three principles of the people" (_see San Min Chu I_)

Tibet, 85

Tientsin, 4

Tinghsien, 219

Tong, Hollington, 138, 255

Tongs (_tang_), 261

Township (ch'ü), 107

Training Committee (_Hsün-lien Wei-yüan-hui_) of the Kuomintang, 133

Training conferences, 109

Trans-Sinkiang highway, 93

Tridemism (_see San Min Chu I_)

Trotsky, Leon, 164, 263

Truck service, 93

Tseng Chi, 181

Tso Shen-sheng, 181

Tso Tao-fên, 36, 176

_Tsung-ts'ai_, 41

_Tuchünism_, 5, 244

_Tungpei P'ai_ (_see_ Northeastern Clique)

Turksib railroad, 101

Tutelage, period of, 7

Tutelary dictatorship (_tang chih_), 23

Types of government sponsorship, 89

Unearned increment, 30, 296

United Council of the pro-Japanese, 195

United Front, 70, 111, 113, 119, 129

United States of America, 273, 275, 277, 279

Universal Trading Corporation, 88

Urban pattern of local government, 104

_Utterances on Reconstruction, The Party Chief's (Tsung-ts'ai Chien-kuo Yen-lun Hsüan-chi)_, quoted, 33

Vayo, Julio Alvarez del, 15

Vice-President of a _Yüan (Fu-yüan-chang)_, 57

Vocational education, 217

Vocational Educationists' Clique (_Ch'ê-yeh Chiao-yü P'ai_), 77

Wang Ch'ing-wei, 20, 53, 56, 129, 142, 145, 192, 197, 239, 263, 372 agreements with the Japanese, 203 flight from Chungking, 203 following, 197 record of schism, 199 significance, 208

Wang Ch'ung-hui, 82, 418

Wang K'ê-min, 194

Wang Ming, 257

Wang Shih-chieh, 23, 73, 137

_Wang Tao_, 194

War Area Service Corps, 154

War finance, 87

War, Ministry of (_Chün-chêng-pu_), 60, 63, 96

War: the term, 11

War-time Controlment, Outline of, 313

Washington, George, 255

Water-conservancy regions, 4

Western imperialism, 4, 190

Western states, 3

Whampoa (_see Huangpu_)

_What I Mean By Action_, 373

William, Maurice, 254

Wireless, 94

Women's Advisory Council of the New Life Movement, 155

Wong Wen-hao, 91

Wool, 227

Workers' living conditions: proposed constitutional provisions, 296

World federation, 371

World government: comment of Chiang, 281

Wounded Soldiers' League, 155

Wu, Dr. John C. H., 26

Wu-han government, 15

Wu Pei-fu, 198

Yang Kan-tao, 181

Yangtze, 18

Yeh Ch'u-tsang, 137

Yen, Dr. James Y. C, 84, 218

Yenan, 115

Yin Ju-kêng, 185, 192

Y. M. C. A., 149, 235

Young, Brigham, 241

_Yüan_, 24, 28

_Yüan-chang_, 28

Yüan Shih-k'ai, 244, 259

Yü Yu-jên, 145

Yünnan, 101

Zinoviev, G., 164

* * * * * *

Transcriber's note:

Obvious printer's errors have been corrected.

Inconsistent spellings have been kept, as well as inconsistent use of hyphens (e.g., "war-time," "wartime," and "war time"), inconsistent use of space in contractions (e.g., "C. E. C." and "C.E.C.") and inconsistent Chinese transcription (e.g., "Chün-tzŭ" and "Chüntzu").