xxi. 10-21, 371
INDEX OF PASSAGES FROM RABBINICAL LITERATURE
MISHNAH
Aboth i. 9, 393
“ ii. 4, 132
Eduyoth v. 3, 170
Jadaim iii. 2, 5, 175
“ iii. 5, 170
“ iv. 5, 6, 175
Niddah iv. 2, 131
Sanhedrin vi. 2, 392
“ x. 1, 192
TALMUD
Jebamoth 49_b_, 194
Sanhedrin 11_a_, 173
“ 90_b_, 147
“ 100_a_, 173
“ 100_b_, 340
Shabbath (Talm. Jer.) xvi., 193
Yoma 21_b_, 173
MIDRASH
Sifre 143_b_, 83
_Printed for_ ROBERT SCOTT, _Publisher_, PATERNOSTER ROW, LONDON, E.C., _by_ BUTLER & TANNER, FROME.
FOOTNOTES:
[1] His first victory was in B.C. 334 on the river Granicus, where he overcame the generals of Darius. In 333 came the decisive victory at Issus, when Darius himself was defeated. In 332 Alexander marched victoriously down the coast of Syria. In 331 he became master of Egypt; and later in the same year he inflicted a crushing defeat again on Darius, taking Babylon and Susa. In 330 he continued his victories in Persia. During the next five years he was occupied in the further east, fighting with invariable success. He died suddenly in 323.
[2] _Roman Society from Nero to Marcus Aurelius_, pp. 4 ff.
[3] See, e.g., Wendland, _Op. cit._, pp. 2-11, and the works of Wilamovitz referred to by him.
[4] _The House of Seleucus_, I, p. 17.
[5] Swete, _Introduction to the Old Testament in Greek_ (1st ed.), p. 294.
[6] _The Philology of the Greek Bible_, p. 61. See also an interesting article by M. F. Jones, “The Language of the New Testament,” in the _Church Quarterly Review_, October, 1913, pp. 113-133.
[7] Cp. Krüger, _Op. cit._, p. 9.
[8] Cp. Wendland, _Op. cit._, p. 54.
[9] The city was founded in B.C. 331.
[10] Zeno, the founder of the Stoic school, was born in B.C. 342, and died in B.C. 270. Cp. Bevan, _Stoics and Sceptics_, Lecture ii. pp. 47-81.
[11] Cp. Wendland, _Op. cit._, p. 49.
[12] Bevan, _The House of Seleucus_, pp. 9, 10.
[13] Cp. Wendland, _Op. cit._, p. 107.
[14] B.C. 341-270, his lifetime thus coincided almost exactly with that of Zeno.
[15] This had, it is true, to some extent taken place in earlier times as well; but not in the way in which it was done during the Hellenistic period, of which it was _characteristic_.
[16] Cp. Kaerst, _Op. cit._, II, i. pp. 279 ff.
[17] See Kaerst, _Op. cit._, II, i. p. 279; and on the general subject, Rev. G. Friedländer, _Hellenism and Christianity_, chap. II.
[18] Wendland, _Op. cit._, p. 128, where references to original authorities will be found. We are reminded of Acts xvii. 23, where St. Paul speaks of an altar which he had seen with the inscription: “To an unknown god.” On the whole subject of altars dedicated to “unknown gods” an immense deal of valuable matter will be found in Norden’s _Agnostos Theos_, pp. 31-124 (1913).
[19] Ezra vii. 10, x. 11.
[20] See Ezra ix. 1, 2.
[21] Cp. Ezra x. 17.
[22] Cheyne, _Job and Solomon_, p. 181.
[23] It may be well to recall here the following facts; at the death of Alexander in B.C. 323 his empire was divided thus among his generals: Antigonus obtained the provinces of Greater Phrygia, Lycia, and Pamphylia; Seleucus, Babylonia; Ptolemy, Egypt; Lysimachus, the Hellespont; and Cassander, Macedonia (cp. Josephus, _Antiq._, XII. i. 1). Incessant wars, however, went on among these rulers. But in B.C. 302 an alliance against Antigonus was made, or rather renewed, by the four other kings; and in the following year, as a result of the battle of Ipsus, the kingdom of Antigonus (he, in common with the other rulers, had assumed the title of king) came to a final end. The victorious allies divided his kingdom among themselves thus: Seleucus got Syria proper; Lysimachus, a large portion of Asia Minor; Cassander, Macedonia and Greece; while to the Egyptian kingdom of Ptolemy was added Cœle-Syria (not, however, without a protest from Seleucus), which remained in the possession of the Ptolemys for a century; it was finally conquered by Antiochus III (the Great), through his victory at Panias (B.C. 198), and it thus reverted to the Syrian kingdom.
[24] Cp. Schechter, _Studies in Judaism_ (Second Series), p. 72.
[25] He had, for example, settled Macedonians in Samaria.
[26] See further, Grote, _The History of Greece_, X, pp. 208 ff.
[27] _Op. cit._, II, i. pp. 57-58, German ed. II, p. 95. Cp. also Josephus, _Antiq._, XIII, xiii. 3, _Bell. Jud._, II, xxi. 9.
[28] “So long as the Jewish State existed the principle of solidarity remained in force.... But as soon as the nation is dead, when the bonds that unite men in the organism of national life are dissolved, then the idea of individual responsibility comes into immediate operation” (_Expositor’s Bible_, p. 143; ed. by W. Robertson Nicoll).
[29] Fairweather and Black, _The First Book of Maccabees_, p. 60 (Cambridge Bible).
[30] _Jerusalem under the High-priests_, p. 35.
[31] See Josephus, _Antiq._, XII, v. 1; see also Büchler’s _Die Tobiaden und die Oniaden_ ..., pp. 8 ff.
[32] Josephus, _Antiq._, XII, iii. 1, says that in Antioch the Jews had privileges equal to those of the Macedonians and Greeks.
[33] A broad-brimmed hat which, as the mark of Hermes, was the badge of the _palæstra_ (wrestling-school).
[34] See also verses 18-20, and vi. 1-11; and cp. 1 Macc. xi. 21.
[35] Though Hellenistic influence asserted itself again at the beginning of the Christian era; it was, in effect, never wholly thrown off.
[36] _Op. cit._, II, i. pp. 31-47, German ed. II, pp. 59-89; and see also Krauss, _Talmudische Archäologie_, II, pp. 349 ff.
[37] _Op. cit._, II, i. p. 30, German ed. II, p. 57.
[38] _Israelitische und jüdische Geschichte_, pp. 297 f. (1907).
[39] Cp. what was said in the preceding chapter about religious syncretism being a characteristic of the Hellenistic Movement.
[40] _Transactions of the International Congress for the History of Religions_, I, pp. 276 f. (1908).
[41] _Op. cit._, pp. 488 f.
[42] For details see Oesterley and Box, _The Religion and Worship of the Synagogue_, pp. 195-221 (1911).
[43] _Jerusalem under the High-priests_, pp. 41 f., and see Lecture III in the same writer’s book, _Stoics and Sceptics_, pp. 85-118.
[44] Quoted by Reinach, _Textes d’auteurs grecs et romains relatifs au Judaisme_, pp. 20 f. (1895).
[45] See, for other theories regarding the derivation of the name, Lightfoot, _Colossians_, pp. 349 ff.
[46] Zeller says: “They exhibit so important a relationship to the Neo-Pythagoreans that we can only assume that they arose under the influence of Orphic Pythagorean asceticism, and subsequently, after the formation of a Neo-Pythagorean philosophy, adopted many of its doctrines” (_Outlines of Greek Philosophy_, p. 317). Wendland (_Op. cit._, p. 191, note 2) disagrees with this; he believes it improbable as being a hypothesis insufficiently supported by the facts.
[47] _Bell. Jud._, II, viii. 2.
[48] _Quod omn. prob._, ii. 457. Josephus (_Bell. Jud._, II, viii. 4) says, on the other hand, that “they have no one certain city, but many of them dwell in every city”; but even if they did live in cities in the time of Josephus, they kept entirely to themselves, for he says elsewhere of them that “as they live by themselves they minister one to another” (_Antiq._, XVIII, i. 5).
[49] _De septen._, ii. 279, quoted by Friedländer, _Die rel. Bewegungen_, p. 124.
[50] _Bell. Jud._, II, viii. 2; cp. also _Antiq._, XVIII, i. 5; Philo, _Frag._, ii. 632 (quoted by Friedländer, _Op. cit._, p. 143); Pliny, _Hist. Nat._, v. 17.
[51] Friedländer, _Op. cit._, p. 43.
[52] _Antiq._, XIII, v. 9.
[53] _Bell. Jud._, II, vii. 11.
[54] _Antiq._, XIII, xi. 2, XV, x. 5, XVII, xiii. 3.
[55] _Die rel. Bewegungen_, p. 8.
[56] From a slab-inscription found at Nimroud; see Pinches, _The Old Testament in the Light of the Historical Records of Assyria and Babylonia_, p. 363.
[57] He reigned from B.C. 358-338.
[58] Syncellus, i. 486 (ed. Dindorf).
[59] The ancient Jêb, situated at the southern extremity of a small island in the Nile, between two and three miles long, not far below the first cataract and opposite Assouan, the ancient Syene.
[60] These _papyri_ belong to the period B.C. 494-400, i.e., from the twenty-seventh year of the reign of Darius I, through the reigns of Xerxes (485-465), Artaxerxes I (465-424), Darius II (424-405), to the fifth year of Amyrtæus, who threw off the Persian yoke and made Egypt independent.
[61] The Jewish governor under Darius II was, according to the _papyri_, one Jedoniah.
[62] A detailed account of the excavations at Elephantiné during the years 1906-1908 is given in the _Zeitschrift für ägyptische Sprache_, vol. xlix. (1909). The most elaborate work on the subject is Sachau’s _Aramäische Papyrus und Ostraka aus einer jüdischen Militärkolonie zu Elephantine_ (1911). An excellent smaller work is Ed. Meyer’s _Der Papyrusfund von Elephantine_ (1912), which has been translated into English. A valuable text-book for students is Ungnad’s _Aramäische Papyrus aus Elephantine_ (1911).
[63] Guthe, in the _Encycl. Bibl._, I, 1110.
[64] Quoted in Josephus, _Antiq._, XIV, vii, 2; cp. 1 Macc. xv. 16-24, from which it can be seen that Jewish settlements existed not only in Egypt, but also in Syria, Asia Minor, along the Mediterranean coast, and elsewhere.
[65] Quoted in Josephus, _Antiq._, XIX, v. 2.
[66] _Bell. Jud._, II, xviii. 7.
[67] _In Flaccum_, § 8 (ed. Mangey, II, p. 525).
[68] _In Flaccum_, § 6 (ed. Mangey, II, p. 523).
[69] For full details see Schürer, II, ii. pp. 219-327, German ed., III, pp. 1-188.
[70] Cp. Josephus, _Bell. Jud._, VI, ix. 3.
[71] See further § IV of this chapter.
[72] This document belongs roughly to about the year B.C. 100; though Schürer would place it a century earlier; many modern scholars, however, disagree with him in this.
[73] Cp. Bousset, _Die Religion des Judenthums_, pp. 405 ff.
[74] When we find that in the first centuries of Christianity even orthodox Rabbis were to be found who held that Baptism without Circumcision sufficed for proselytes we may well ask whether the result of the Hellenistic spirit was not a contributory cause of such a lapse from traditional Judaism.
[75] _Transactions of the Third International Congress for the History of Religions_, I, p. 277.
[76] It is dealt with in Schürer, II, iii. pp. 156-320; German ed., III, pp. 420-633.
[77] Some account of the _Pseudepigrapha_, which are partly Palestinian, but mainly Græco-Jewish, is given below, Chap. X.
[78] B.C. 285-246.
[79] Some scholars assign this to the reign of Ptolemy VI (Philometor), B.C. 182-146.
[80] _Philo and Holy Scripture_, p. 32 (1895); see also Swete, _Op. cit._, pp. 25 f.
[81] Cp. Meyer, _Der Papyrusfund von Elephantiné_, p. 19.
[82] For the further history of the Septuagint, and for the labours of Aquila, Symmachus, Theodotion, and above all of Origen, Swete’s book, already mentioned, should be consulted.
[83] _The Philology of the Greek Bible_, p. 8.
[84] Cohn and Wendland’s edition.
[85] _Antiq._, XVIII, viii. 1 ff.
[86] “The philosophy which Philo expounds is essentially the popular Greek philosophy, a blend of Platonism, Pythagoreanism, and Stoicism, slightly modified by the Hebrew belief in God” (Edwyn Bevan, _Stoics and Sceptics_, p. 94).
[87] It is of importance for Christian theology to notice that in several passages (see Lightfoot, _Colossians and Philemon_, p. 216) Philo interprets “the image of God” to mean the “Logos”; so that when, in Gen. i. 27, man is said to have been created in “the image of God,” it means that he was created in the likeness of the “Logos.”
[88] _De Migratione Abrahami_, § 18, quoted by Lauterbach.
[89] On the whole subject of the relation between the Philonian and the Johannine Logos doctrines see Réville, _La doctrine du Logos dans le quatrième évangile et dans les œuvres de Philon_ (1872); Baldensperger, _Der Prolog des Vierten Evangeliums_ (1898).
[90] For the influence of Philo upon St. Paul see Thackeray, _The Relation of St. Paul to Contemporary Jewish Thought_, passim (1900).
[91] Cp. Ed. Meyer, _Geschichte des Alterthums_, I, pp. 490 ff.
[92] Cp. Robertson Smith, in the _Encycl. Brit._, XIII, p. 705.
[93] Box, _The Book of Isaiah_, p. 113.
[94] Kamphausen in the _Encycl. Bibl._, I, 1009.
[95] To give but two examples: Robertson Smith (_The Old Testament in the Jewish Church_, p. 212), after having examined the subject carefully, says: “We are thus led by a concurrence of arguments to assign the collection of Psalms xc.-cl. and the completion of the whole Psalter to the early years of the Maccabee sovereignty.” Briggs (The Book of Psalms, I, pp. xc., xci.) assigns a large number of the Psalms to the Greek period.
[96] Cp. Stade, _Geschichte des Volkes Israel_, ii., p. 215 (1888).
[97] _Griechische Philosophie im Alten Testament_, pp. 25 f. (1904).
[98] Friedländer, in his book just referred to, sees many other signs of Greek influence in the Psalms (pp. 15-58); it is probable that in some cases he is right; in others this is doubtful.
[99] Cp. O. Holtzmann in Onken’s _Allgemeine Geschichte in Einzeldarstellungen_, II, p. 295.
[100] Cp. Friedländer, _Op. cit._, p. 72.
[101] e.g. Clement of Alexandria, _Stromateis_, I., v. 29, quoted by Friedländer, _Op. cit._, p. 73.
[102] Cp. Stade, _Op. cit._, II, p. 216; O. Holtzmann, _Op. cit._, II, p. 297; M. Friedländer, _Op. cit._, pp. 79 ff.
[103] _Op. cit._, II, p. 351.
[104] _Op. cit._, p. 107. Friedländer’s contentions are combated by Krüger, _Hellenismus und Judentum im neutestamentlichen Zeitalter_, pp. 22 ff.
[105] _Ecclesiastes_, pp. 11 ff; he is followed by Plumptre in his _Ecclesiastes_; Siegfried, _Prediger und Hoheslied_, and Haupt, _Koheleth_; Krüger and Friedländer hold the same view.
[106] See further, Haupt, _Op. cit._, p. 6.
[107] _The Book of Ecclesiastes_, pp. 34-43.
[108] _Op. cit._, p. 38.
[109] _Einleitung in das Alte Testament_, p. 262 (1896); Friedländer puts it more strongly, see _Die rel. Bewegungen_ ..., p. 1, _Griechische Philosophie_ ..., pp. 131 ff.
[110] _Comm. in Eccles._, quoted by Cheyne, _Job and Solomon_, p. 262.
[111] _Op cit._, p. 262.
[112] _Op. cit._, p. 271.
[113] Few, we imagine, would date Ecclesiastes earlier than the middle of the third century B.C. at the _earliest_.
[114] Cheyne, _Op. cit._, p. 265.
[115] See the present writer’s Ecclesiasticus in the _Cambridge Bible_, p. xxv.
[116] _Jewish Encycl._, XI, 390_a_.
[117] This is an exaggeration; what Ben-Sira says is:
Speak, O elder, for it is thy privilege; But be discreet in understanding, and hinder not song.... Speak, O young man, if thou art compelled.... Sum up thy speech, say much in little (xxxii. 3-8, in Hebrew).
[118] Cp. Ecclesiastes xii. 7: “... and the dust return to the earth as it was, and the spirit (_rūach_) return to God Who gave it.”
[119] _Outlines of Greek Philosophy_ (English translation, 1909), pp. 152 f., where references to Plato’s works are given in support of what is said.
[120] Unless _nĕphĕsh_ is used in the sense of _nĕshāmāh_ in 1 Samuel xxv. 29, where Abigail says to David: “... Yet the soul (_nĕphĕsh_) of my lord shall be bound in the bundle (or bag) of life with the Lord thy God; and the souls of thine enemies, them shall He sling out, as from the hollow of a sling”; but it is probably a quite different set of ideas which comes into question here. At the same time the idea of God’s solicitude for the souls of His beloved which He takes care of in the “bundle of life,” and which are thus separable from the body even during life, might easily, with the advance of thought on the subject, suggest the pre-existence of the soul.
[121] Cp. Weber, _Jüdische Theologie_, 2 ed., p. 205.
[122] Menzel, _Op. cit._, p. 58.
[123] Zeller, _Op. cit._, p. 155.
[124] _Op. cit._, p. 155.
[125] _Op. cit._, p. 147.
[126] Cp. Zeller, _Op. cit._, pp. 229-255; Wendland, _Die Hellenistisch-Römische Kultur_ ... pp. 110-115.
[127] _Op. cit._, p. 532.
[128] The same as the Assidæans referred to in 1 Maccabees ii. 42.
[129] _Die rel. Bewegungen_, p. 22.
[130] _Op. cit._, p. 23.
[131] The quotations from this book are from Charles’ translation.
[132] _The Ezra Apocalypse_, pp. 35, 36.
[133] Though this book is late it reflects earlier thought and practice.
[134] Cp. also the verses which follow, and xlviii. 1, lviii. 1-4, etc.
[135] _Die rel. Bewegungen_ ..., p. 25.
[136] The verses which follow deal with the same subject; cp. the Book of Jubilees v. 13 ff., Syriac Apocalypse of Baruch lxxxv. 9.
[137] Cp. xlviii. 7: “For in His name they are saved.”
[138] See also the Psalms of Solomon, xvii., xviii.
[139] The Pauline conception of a “spiritual body” was unknown to the Apocalyptists. The fact that this expression is a contradiction in terms need not trouble us; that is simply due to the impossibility of expressing spiritual truths adequately in human language.
[140] As early as the end of the fourth century B.C. the Jews of Palestine became acquainted with the Platonic doctrine of immortality, though it was some time before this teaching was accepted, cp. Friedländer, _Griechische Philosophie_ ..., p. 12.
[141] Quotations from the Apocalyptic Literature dealing with the subject of this section have been collected in the present writer’s _The Doctrine of the Last Things_, pp. 72-121.
[142] i.e., “Governor.”
[143] We have no information of what happened during the Exile itself regarding the teaching of the Law; but it is difficult to believe that such a zealous scribe and legalist as Ezra could have been inactive; his knowledge of the Law was not merely the result of his coming to Palestine, cp. Ezra vii. 6: “This Ezra went up from Babylon, and he was a ready scribe in the Law of Moses.”
[144] Cp. Josephus, _Antiq._, XVIII, i. 3.
[145] See, for details, Ryle, _Ezra and Nehemiah_, p. xxxv.
[146] This is in accordance with Ben-Sira’s identification of Wisdom with the Law, see xv. 1, xxxiv. 8, etc.
[147] It will be remembered that the Hebrews reckoned the historical books among the Prophets.
[148] Assidæans, also written Hasidæans, is merely the Græcized form of the Hebrew _Chassidim_; in the Authorized Version the word is rendered “saints.”
[149] Made high-priest by the Syrian king.
[150] One of the Syrian generals.
[151] Cp. 2 Maccabees xiv. 6.
[152] In the original constitution of the Sanhedrin this was probably not the case; for, as first constituted, the priestly aristocracy, i.e., the Sadducæan party, dominated the Sanhedrin. The Sadducees were, however, unable to resist the growing power of what came to be the popular party, and before the New Testament period began both Scribes and Pharisees were fully represented in the Sanhedrin.
[153] It is sometimes said that they were “separatists” in the sense that they desired Israel to be separate from all the world; but this ignores the fact that the Pharisees pursued an active missionary _propaganda_ among the Gentiles, which is witnessed to, e.g., in Matthew xxiii. 15, where Christ says that the Pharisees “compass sea and land to make one proselyte.”
[154] _Antiq._, XIII, x. 6.
[155] This is the explanation given by some of the Church Fathers, e.g., Epiphanius, _Haer._ xiv., and Jerome, _Comm. in Matth._, xii. 23 (Schürer), as well as by some modern scholars.
[156] _Encycl. Bibl._, iv. 4236. The present writer, in conjunction with Mr. Box, was inclined to accept this interpretation (_The Religion and Worship of the Synagogue_, p. 134), but further study of the subject has compelled them to revise their former view.
[157] See the words of Josephus, _Antiq._, XIII, x. 6, quoted below.
[158] Cp. Josephus, _Antiq._, XI, viii. 7; XII, ii. 5, iv. 1, 10.
[159] Antiochus made Menelaus, who was not of priestly family, high-priest; after him Alkimus filled the office (1 Macc. vii. 5, 9); though a priest he was not of the sons of Zadok (Josephus, _Antiq._, XII, ix. 7). On the death of Alkimus (1 Macc. ix. 54-57) the Hasmonæan high-priesthood began (1 Macc. xiv. 30, 35, 41 ff.; cp. Josephus, _Antiq._, XIII, ii. 3).
[160] Two objections have been raised against the view that the term Sadducees (_Zaddūkim_) takes its origin from the personal name Zadok. One is that the double _d_ in _Zaddūkim_ does not permit of its being derived from Zadok with only one; this objection would be serious were it not that in the Septuagint and in Josephus Zadok is spelled with two d’s. This objection, therefore, falls to the ground. The other is that there is nothing to show that the Sadducees were ever regarded as the sons of Zadok, nor that they themselves made such a claim. This _argumentum e silentio_, always precarious, is upset by the evidence of the _Zadokite Fragments_. Hölscher’s contention (_Op. cit._, pp. 102 ff.) that the term “sons of Zadok” was one of reproach does not appear to us to be necessary.
[161] Vita, § 2, cp. _Antiq._, XVIII, i. 3.
[162] _Antiq._, XV, x. 4.
[163] Cp. _Antiq._, X, xi. 7 (towards the end), XIII, v. 9; _Bell. Jud._, II, viii. 14, where he speaks of these three as “the philosophic sects among the Jews.”
[164] _Vita_, § 2.
[165] _Op. cit._, p. 16.
[166] This was first pointed by Jost, _Blicke in die Religionsgeschichte_, ii. p. 93, referred to by Leszynsky, p. 25.
[167] Not to be confused with the _Tosaphôth_, i.e. the “additions” made to Rashi’s Commentary on the Talmud by his disciples, who for this reason are known as the _Tosaphists_.
[168] Other Rabbinical sources, of less importance, are given by Leszynsky, _Op. cit._, pp. 36 ff.
[169] See further, Hölscher, _Op. cit._, pp. 16 ff.; Leszynsky, _Op. cit._, pp. 36 ff.
[170] The name applied to a room adjoining the synagogue in which were stored disused manuscripts of the books of the Bible which had been used in public worship and had become worn out; heretical Hebrew books were also placed in the _Genizah_.
[171] Büchler holds that this sect “lived in Damascus in the seventh or eighth century A.D.,” and that the manuscripts contain “a picture artificially drawn to reflect assumed conditions shortly before the destruction of the second Temple.” Interesting and learned as Büchler’s article is, the present writer is not convinced that Schechter’s main contentions have been weakened by it.
[172] Some of the Apocalyptic books may also be regarded as sources of information; but the evidence in these is largely of an indirect character; and as regards authorship differences of opinion exist; so we have thought it best to restrict ourselves to the sources mentioned. In dealing, however, with these Apocalyptic books in