Chapter 4

In his _Advertencia_ to his translation of it, Senor Gavarrete asserts that the document is in the handwriting of one of the native authors. This is not my opinion. It is in the small, regular, perfectly legible hand of a professional scribe, a notarial clerk, no doubt, thoroughly at home in the Cakchiquel language, and trained in the phonetic characters, introduced with such success by Father Parra, as I have already mentioned. The centre lines and catch-words are in large, clear letters, so as to attract the eye of the barrister, as

VAE MEMORIA CHIRE VINAK CHIJ.

THIS IS THE STATEMENT OF THE TORTS.

or,

VAE MEMORIA [T]ANAVINAKIL.

THIS IS A RECORD OF THE WITNESSES.

The document is made up of the depositions and statements of a number of members of the Xahila family, but that around which the chief interest centres, and that which alone is printed in this volume, is the history of his nation as written out by one of them who had already reached adult years, at the epoch of the first arrival of the Spaniards, in 1524. Unfortunately, his simple-hearted modesty led him to make few personal allusions, and we can glean little information about his own history. The writer first names himself, in the year 1582, where he speaks of "me, Francisco Ernantez Arana."[57-1] The greater part of the manuscript, however, was composed many years before this. Its author says that his grandfather, the king Hun Yg, and his father, Balam, both died in 1521, and his own marriage took place in 1522. As it was the custom of his nation to marry young, he was probably, at the time, not over 15 years of age.[57-2]

That Francisco Ernantez was not the author of the first part of the document seems evident. Under the year 1560 occurs the following entry:--

"Twenty days before the Feast of the Nativity my mother died; soon after, my late father was carried off (xchaptah) while they were burying my mother; my father took medicine but once before we buried him. The pest continued to rage for seven days after Easter; my mother, my father, my brother and my sister died this year."

It could not, of course, be the son of Balam, who died in 1521, who wrote this.

Under 1563 the writer mentions:--

"At this time my second son Raphael was born, at the close of the fourth year of the fourth cycle after the revolt."

The last entry which contains the characteristic words _ixnu[c]ahol_, "you my children," occurs in the year 1559, and is the last given in my translation. My belief is that the document I give was written by the father of Francisco Ernantez Xahila. The latter continued it from 1560 to 1583, when it was taken up by Francisco Diaz, and later by other members of the Xahila family.

The Abbe Brasseur was of the opinion that these _Annals_ carry the record of the nation back to the beginning of the eleventh century, at least. A close examination of the account shows that this is not the case. Gagavitz, the earliest ruler of the nation, can easily be traced as the ancestor in the eighth remove, of the author. The genealogy is as follows:--

1. Gagavitz, "he who came from Tulan."

2. His son, Cay Noh, who succeeded him.

3. Citan Qatu, son of Cay Noh, who also ruled.

4. His son, Citan Tihax Cablah, who does not seem to have enjoyed the leadership. It was regained by

5. His son, Vukubatz, by the aid of the Quiche king, Quikab.[TN-8]

6. Oxlahuh Tzii, eldest son of Vukubatz, died A. D., 1509.

7. Succeeded by his eldest son, Hun Yg, who died, together with his eldest son Balam, the father of the author, in the year 1521.

Allowing to these seven who outlived their parents an average survival of twenty years, we are carried back to about the year 1380, as that on which the migration, headed by Gagavitz, began its wanderings, little more, therefore, than the length of two lives as protracted as that of the author himself. This result is that generally obtained by a careful scrutiny of American traditions. They very rarely are so far-reaching as has usually been supposed. Anything spoken of as more than three or four generations distant, may safely be assumed as belonging to myth, and not to history.

It was the expressed intention of the Abbe Brasseur to edit the original text with his translation, but this he did not live to accomplish. He incorporated numerous extracts from it in his _Histoire des Nations Civilisees du Mexique et de l'Amerique Centrale_, and added a few paragraphs in the original at the end of the first volume of that work; but these did not give much idea of the document as a whole.

When, with the aid of the previous partial translations and the assistance of some intelligent natives, he had completed a version into French, of that portion composed by the first two writers he gave a copy of it to Don Juan Gavarrete. This antiquary translated it into Spanish, and published it serially, in the _Boletin de la Sociedad Economica de Guatemala_, beginning with No. 29, September, 1873, and continuing to No. 43. Copies of this publication are, however, so scarce that I have been unable to learn of a complete file, even in Guatemala. The dissolution of the Sociedad Economica by order of the late President Barrios, scattered the copies in its own archives.

_Synopsis of the Annals of Xahila._

The work opens with a statement that the writer intends to record the ancient traditions of his tribe, as handed down from their early heroes, Gagavitz and Zactecauh. He begins with a brief genealogical table of the four sub-tribes of the Cakchiquels (Secs. 1-3), and then relates their notions of the creation of man at one of the mythical cities of Tulan, in the distant west (4, 5). Having been subjected to onerous burdens in Tulan, they determine to leave it, and are advised to go by their oracles (6-14).

They cross the sea, proceeding toward the east, and arrive at a land inhabited by the Nonoualcats, an Aztec people (15-17). Their first action is formally to choose Gagavitz and Zactecauh as their joint rulers (18-19), and under their leadership they proceed to attack the Nonoualcats. After a severe conflict the Cakchiquels are defeated, and are obliged to seek safety in further wanderings. At length they reach localities in Guatemala (20). At this point an episode is introduced of their encounter with the spirit of the forests, Zakiqoxol (21, 22).

They meet with various nations, some speaking a totally different language; others, as the Mams and Pokomams, dialects of their own. With the last mentioned they have serious conflicts (23-29). During one of their journeys, Zactecauh is killed by falling down a ravine (30). An episode here relates the traditional origin of one of their festivals, that in honor of Gagxanul, "the uncoverer of the fire" (31, 32).

Their first arrival at Lake Atitlan is noted (33), and the war that they waged with the Ikomags (34). Here an episode describes the traditional origin of the festival of Tolgom (35-37). A peaceful division of the lake with the Tzutuhils is effected, and marriages take place between the tribes (38).

The Cakchiquels, Quiches and Akahals now settle permanently in their towns, and develop their civilization (39, 40). They meet with numerous hardships, as well as internal dissensions, the chief Baqahol at one time obtaining the leadership. They succeed in establishing, however, family life and a fixed religious worship, though in almost constant war with their neighbors (41-46).

Gagavitz, "he who came from Tulan," dies, and is followed by Cay Noh and Cay Batz (47). These acknowledge the supremacy of Tepeuh, the king of the Quiches, and are sent out by him to collect tribute from the various tribes. They are seduced and robbed by the Tzutuhils, and conceal themselves in a cave, out of fear of Tepeuh. He forgives them, however, and they continue in power until their death (49-59).

After this, a period of strife follows, and the names of four successive rulers are mentioned, but none of the occurrences of their reigns (60-66).

The narrative is resumed when Qikab, king of the Quiches, orders the Cakchiquels to settle at the town of Chiavar. He appoints, as their rulers, the warriors Huntoh and Vukubatz. A revolt agains[TN-9] Qikab, headed by his two sons, results in his defeat and death (67-81). During this revolt, a contest between the Cakchiquels takes place, the close of which finds the latter established in their final stronghold, the famous fortress of "Iximche on the Ratzamut" (82-85).

At the death of Huntoh and Vukubatz, they are succeeded by Lahuh Ah and Oxlahuh Tzii, who carry on various wars, and especially defeat the Quiches in a general engagement, which is vividly described (86-93). They also conquer the Akahals, killing their king Ichal, and the Tzutuhils, with their king Caoke (94-98).

During their reign, a sanguinary insurrection occurred in Iximche, of such importance that the author adopts its date as the era from which to reckon all subsequent events (99-104). This date corresponded to the year 1496, A. D.(?)

The following years are marked by a series of unimportant wars, the outbreak of a destructive pestilence, and finally, in 1524, twenty-eight years after the Insurrection, by the arrival of the Spanish forces under Alvarado (105-144).

The later pages are taken up with an account of the struggles between the natives and the whites, until the latter had finally established their supremacy.

_Remarks on the Printed Text._

In printing the MS. of Xahila, I have encountered certain difficulties which have been only partially surmounted. As the Cakchiquel, though a written, is not a printed tongue, there has no rule been established as to the separation of verbs and their pronominal subjects, of nouns and their possessive pronouns, of the elements of compound particles, of tense and mode signs, etc. In the MSS. the utmost laxity prevails in these respects, and they seem not to have been settled points in the orthography of the tongue. The frequent elisions and euphonic alterations observable in these compounds, prove that to the native mind they bore the value of a single word, as we are aware they did from a study of the structure of this class of languages. I have, therefore, felt myself free to exercise in the printed page nearly the same freedom which I find in the MS. At first, this will prove somewhat puzzling to the student of the original, but in a little while he will come to recognize the radical from its augment without difficulty.

Another trouble has been the punctuation. In the original this consists principally of dashes and commas, often quite capriciously distributed. Here also, I have been lax in reducing the text to the requirements of modern standards, and have left much latitude to the reader to arrange it for himself.

Capital letters are not often used in the original to distinguish proper names, and as the text has been set up from a close copy of the first text, some irregularities in this respect also must be anticipated.

The paragraphs numbered in the text are distinctly marked in the original, but are not numbered there. The numerals have been added for convenience of reference.

FOOTNOTES:

[10-1] Dr. Otto Stoll, _Zur Ethnographie der Republik Guatemala_, p. 157 (Zurich, 1884), on the phonetic laws which have controlled the divergence of the two tongues, Cakchiquel and Maya. See the same writer in his "Supplementary Remarks on a Grammar of the Cakchiquel Language," translated by Dr. D. G. Brinton, in _Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society_, for 1885.

[10-2] _Recordacion Florida, Discurso Historial, Natural, Material, Militar y Politico del Reino de Goathemala._ Lib. II, Chap. I.

[10-3] _Myths of the New World_, p. 181; _American Hero-Myths_, pp. 44, 73, 80, 162, etc.

[11-1] "Cuatro generosos mancebos, nobles hermanos," says Fuentes y Guzman, _Recordacion Florida_, Lib. I, Cap. II. The story of the four brothers who settled Guatemala is repeated by Torquemada, _Monarchia Indiana_, Lib. XI, Cap. XVII, and other writers.

[11-2] _The Maya Chronicles_, 109-122 (Library of Aboriginal American Literature, Vol. I). For the evidence of the wholly mythical character of the Toltecs, and of their "King," Quetzalcoatl, see my _American Hero-Myths_, Chapter III. (Philadelphia, 1882).

Sanchez y Leon, quoting apparently some ancient Cakchiquel refrain, gives as the former name of their royal race, _ru tzutuh Tulan_, the Flower of Tulan, which wondrous city he would place in Western Asia. _Apuntamientos de la Historia de Guatemala_, p. 2.

[12-1] Herrera observes of the natives of Guatemala, that the Nahuatl tongue was understood among them, though not in use between themselves. "Corre entre ellos la lengua Mexicana, aunque la tienen particular." _Historia de las Indias Occidentales_, Dec. IV, Lib. VIII, Cap. VIII.

[12-2] I have in my possession the only grammar of this dialect probably ever written: _Arte de la Lengua Vulgar Mexicana de Guatemala_, MS., in a handwriting of the eighteenth century, without name of author.

[13-1] The four names are given in this form in the _Requete de Plusieurs Chefs Indiens d' Atitlan a Philippe II_, 1571, in Ternaux-Compans, _Recueil des Pieces relatives a la Conquete du Mexique_, p. 419. The spelling of the last is there _Tecocitlan_. For their analysis, see Prof. Baschmann,[TN-10] _Ueber die Aztekischen Ortsnamen_, p. 719.

[14-1] "Si bien se advierte, todo cuanto hacian y decian, era en orden al maiz, que poco falto para tenerlo por Dios, y era, y es, tanto el encanto y embelezo que tienen con las milpas que por ellas olvidan hijos y muger y otro cualquiera deleite, como si fuera la milpa su ultimo fin y bienaventuranza." _Chronica de la S. Provincia del Santissimo Nombre de Jesus de Guattemala_, Cap. VII. MS. of the seventeenth century, generally known as the _Cronica Franciscana_.

[14-2] See Francisco Ximenez, _Las Historias del Origen de los Indios de esta Provincia de Guatemala_, p. 191. (Ed. Scherzer, London and Vienna, 1857).

[14-3] Their first conqueror, the truculent Captain Pedro de Alvarado, speaks of the _muy grandes tierras de panes_, the immense corn fields he saw on all sides. _Relacion hecha per Pedro de Alvarado a Hernando Cortez_, in the _Biblioteca de Autores Espanoles_, Tom. XXII, p. 459.

[15-1] "Hay mucho algodon, e son las mugeres buenas hilanderas e hacen gentiles telas dello." Gonzalo Fernandez de Oviedo y Valdes, _Historia General y Natural de las Indias_, Par. III, Lib. III, Cap. IV. "De la fertilidad de la tierra e gobernacion de Guatimala."

[15-2] "Son muy dados a edificar, y en lo que hoy vemos erigido de los antiguos, reconocemos ser maquinas soberbias." Fuentes y Guzman, _Recordacion Florida_, Lib. II, Cap. I.

[15-3] "Esta ciudad es bien obrada y fuerte a maravilla." _Relacion de Pedro de Alvarado_, in _Bib. de Autores Espanoles_, Tom. XXII, p. 459. So Herrera wrote from his authorities: "En Utlatan (_i. e._, the city of Gumarcaah, capital of the Quiches), havia muchos, i mui grandes templos de sus dioses, de maravillosos edificios." _Historia de las Indias Occidentales_, Dec. III, Lib. IV, Cap. XIX.

[16-1] _The Lineal Measures of the Semi-Civilized Nations of Mexico and Central America_, by D. G. Brinton, in _Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society_, and separately.

[16-2] "En la Provincia de Utlatan, junto a Guatemala, se averiguo _por las Pinturas, que los Naturales tenian de sus antiguedades, demas de ochocientos anos_, etc." Herrera, _Historia de las Indias Occidentales_, Dec. III, Lib. IV, Cap. XVIII.

[17-1] "Son amigos de hacer colloquios y decir coplas en sus bailes." Thomas Coto, _Vocabulario de la Lengua Cakchiquel_. MS. sub voce, _Poesia_.

[17-2] "Son flecheros y no tienen hierba." Oviedo, _Historia General de Indias_, Par. III, Lib. III, Cap. IV.

[18-1] This word is doubtful, as I do not find it in the dictionaries, and judge of its meaning from its derivation and context. See the Vocabulary. Sanchez y Leon speaks of the "very long lances pointed with flint," used by these people. _Apuntamientos de la Historia de Guatemala_, p. 27.

[19-1] The statement of Gavarrete, in his notes to Sanchez y Leon, _Historia de Guatemala_, p. 3, that the Xahils and Zotzils were two branches of the ruling family, the one residing at Iximche, the other at Solola, rests on a misapprehension, as will be seen from the _Annals_ published in this volume.

[20-1] It is interesting in this connection to observe how widespread was the symbolic significance of the canopy, or sun shade, as a mark of dignity. The student of Shakspeare will recall the lines in his 125th sonnet--

"Were it aught to me I bore the canopy, With my extern the outward honouring;"

while the ethnologist may consult Richard Andree's suggestive essay, _Der Schirm als Wuerdezeichen_, in his _Ethnographische Parallelen und Vergleiche_, p. 250 (Stuttgart, 1878).

[21-1] Alvarado writes "La tierra es muy poblada de pueblos muy recios." _Relacion_, etc., ubi supra, p. 459. The following extract is quoted from Las Casas, _Historia Apologetica_, MS., by Mr. Squier, in his notes to Palacio:--

"En el Reyno de Guatemala, en la parte que va por la Sierra, estaban ciudades de caba muy grandes, con maravillosos edificios de cal y canto, de los cuales yo vi muchos; y otros pueblos sin numero de aquellas sierras."

Sanchez y Leon states that there were, in all, thirty independent native states in the former confines of Guatemala. _Historia de Guatemala_, p. 1.

[22-1] On the derivation of Guatemala, see Buschmann, _Ueber die Aztekischen Ortsnamen_, p. 719. That this is probably a translation of the Cakchiquel _Molomic chee_, which has the same meaning, and is a place-name mentioned in the _Annals_, I shall show on a later page.

[22-2] See the _Otra Relacion hecha por Pedro de Albarado a Hernando Cortes_, printed in the _Bibliotheca de Autores Espanoles_, Tom. XXII, p. 460.

[23-1] Bernal Diaz, _Historia Verdadera de la Conquista de la Nueva Espana_, Cap. CXCIII.

[23-2] _Historia de Guatemala, o Recordacion Florida_, Lib. XV, Cap. V. The _Recordacion_ was first printed at Madrid, 1882-83, edited by Don Justo Zaragoza, as one of the numbers of the _Biblioteca de los Americanistas_.

[27-1] _Incidents of Travel in Central America, Chiapas and Yucatan_, Vol. II, Chap. IX. I am inclined to believe that the original stone, evidently supposed to be of great value, had been stolen, and this piece of slate substituted. It was sewed up in a bag, which makes the supposition probable, as it offered facility to conceal the theft.

[28-1] They are referred to by the Archbishop Garcia Pelaez, in these words: "Los planos y vistas tomadas por el comisionado y el informe que las acompana, muestran vestijios de adoratorios, fortificaciones y trazas de edificios, calles y plazas ajustadas a dimensiones y con elecion de materias en su estructura."--_Memorias para la Historia del Antiguo Reyno de Guatemala_. Por Don Francisco de Paula Garcia Pelaez, Tom. I, p. 15, (Guatemala, 1851).

[28-2] The names applied to these intercalary days are analyzed differently by various authorities. For the etymology given of _nemontemi_, I have followed M. Remi Simeon, in his notes to Dr. Jourdanet's translation of Sahagun's _Historia de Nueva Espana_; the Cakchiquel _[tz]api_ is undoubtedly from _[tz]ap_, fault, evil, crime.

[31-1] _May_ is allied to the verb _meho_, to go somewhere and return again. Hence _may_ came to mean a cycle of years, months or days.

[31-2] _Apuntamientos de la Historia de Guatemala_, p. 28.

[32-1] "_Chinamitl_, seto o cerca de canas," from _chinantia_, to build a fence, to enclose.--Molina, _Vocabulario de la Lengua Mexicana_.

[32-2] Torresano, in his _Arte de la Lengua Cakchiquel_, MS., gives this word as _ca_, which indicates its probable derivation from the verb _cae_, to join together, to unite, "those united by a common tie."

[32-3] Coto, _Vocabulario de la Lengua Cakchiquel_, MS., sub voce, _Cunado_.

[32-4] Coto, u. s., s. v. _Alguacil_. The word _[c,]alam_ is now applied to the canvas or tablets on which are painted the saints in the churches. It also means a box or chest.--_Dicc. Cakchiquel Anon._

[32-5] See Brasseur, _Hist. du Mexique et l' Am. Cent._, Tom. II, pp. 489-90.

[33-1] "Tienen tambien renombres de sus chinamitales o parcialidades que tambien son de signos vel nombres senalados, como Xahila, etc."--Coto, _Vocabulario_, MS., s. v. _Renombre_.

[34-1] _Hist. du Mexique_, Tom. II, p. 84.

[34-2] Their names are given in the _Titulos de la Casa de Ixcuin Nehaib_, p. 3. They are called "pueblos principales, cabezas de calpules." The Nahuatl word, _calpulli_, here used, meant the kinsfolk actual and adopted, settled together. They were the gentes of the tribe. See Ad. F. Bandelier, _On the Social Organization and Mode of Government of the Ancient Mexicans_, for a full explanation of their nature and powers.

[34-3] _The Lenape and their Legends_, p. 139.

[37-1] Father Coto, in his MS., _Vocabulario Cakchiquel_, gives the rendering "mandadero," and states that one was elected each year by the principals of each _chinamitl_, to convey messages. He adds: "Usan mucho de este nombre en el Pueblo Atitlan."

[37-2] Compare my edition of the _Cakchiquel Grammar_, p. 58. Brasseur translates this title erroneously, "decorated with a bracelet."--_Hist. des Nations Civilisees_, etc., Tome. II, p. 515.

[37-3] "El retorico, platico." Pantaleon de Guzman gives the fuller form, _naol ah uchan_, which means "he who knows, the master of speech."--_Compendio de Nombres en Lengua Cakchiquel_, MS.

[37-4] Usually written by ellipsis, _atzih vinak_. Brasseur translates it "distributor of presents," but it appears to be from _tzih_, word, speech. The vocabularies are, as usual, very unsatisfactory. "_Atzijh vinak_, Principal deste nombre."--_Dicc. Cakchiquel Anon._

[38-1] _Dicc. Cakchiquel Anon_,[TN-11] MS., sub voce.

[38-2] _Requete de Plusieurs Chefs Indiens d'Atitlan a Philippe II_, in Ternaux-Compans, _Recueil de Pieces relatives a la Conquete du Mexique_, p. 418.

[38-3] Not "of the bird's nest," "ceux du nid de l'oiseau," as Brasseur translates it (_Hist. du Mexique_, Tome. II, p. 89), nor "casa de la aguila," house of the eagle, as it is rendered by Fuentes y Guzman, _Recordacion Florida_, Tom. I, p. 21. _[c,]iquin_ is the generic term for bird.

[39-1] _The Names of the Gods in the Kiche Myths of Central America_, in the _Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society_, 1881.

[40-1] "Chamalcan u bi qui gabauil Cakchequeleb, xa Zotz u vachibal."--_Popol Vuh_, p. 224.

[40-2] _Hist. des Nations Civ. du Mexique_, Tom. II, p. 173.

[40-3] "El quinto _Cam_, esto es; amarillo, pero su significado es culebra."--Ximenez, _Las Historias del Origen de los Indios de Guatemala_, p. 215. There are two errors in this extract. The name is not _Cam_, but _Can_, and it does not mean yellow, which is _[t]an_.

[41-1] I have suggested an explanation of this strange term to apply to the highest and most beneficent of their divinities, in a short article in the _American Antiquarian_, 1885, "The Chief God of the Algonkins in his Character as a Cheat and a Liar."

[42-1] Pantaleon de Guzman, _Compendio de Nombres en Lengua Cakchiquel_, MS. On the role of the Tzitzimime in Aztec mythology see my _American Hero-Myths_, p. 78.

[42-2] "Al duende que anda en los montes llaman _ru vinakil chee_ vel _caki[c]oxol_."--Coto, _Vocabulario_, MS., s. v. Monte. _Zak_, white; _[c]ox_, to make fire. Brasseur's translation, "Le blanc abime de feu," is indefensible.

[42-3] See a paper entitled "The Folk Lore of Yucatan," contributed by me to the _Folk-Lore Journal_, Vol. I, 1883.

[43-1] For an interesting note on the _zaztun_, see Apolinar Garcia y Garcia, _Historia de la Guerra de Castas en Yucatan_, p. XXIV (folio, Merida, 1865).