Chapter 5

are found earliest in the North (cp. §10). No. 13 explains some differences in the later pronunciation of Sco. and Eng. No. 12 is a characteristic that is much more common in Middle and Early New Scotch. Many words in this way became identical in form with their Norse cognates, cp. _broder_, _fad(d)er_, etc. This will be discussed later. No. 14, Metathesis of _r_, was carried out extensively in W. S. (see Sievers, 179), e.g., _beornan_ "burn"; _iernan_, "run"; _burn_, "a stream"; _hors_, "horse"; _forsk_, "frog"; _þerscan_, "to thrash"; _berstan_, "to burst"; _fierst_, "a space of time," (cp. Norse _frist_, Germ. _Frist_). This progressive metathesis of _r_ is very common in the South. In the North, on the contrary, metathesis of _r_ has taken place before _ht_ in _frohtian, fryhtu_, etc. (Sievers, 179, 2). In addition to these a large number of words appear in Old and Middle Sco. differing from literary English with regard to metathesis, sometimes showing metathesis where Eng. does not. A list of words will illustrate this difference: _thyrldom_, "thraldom"; _thirl_, "to enthrall"; _fryst_, "first"; _brest_, "to burst"; _thretty_, "thirty"; _thrid_, "third"; _thirl_, "to pierce thirl"; _gyrs_, "grass"; _krul_, "curl"; _drit_, "dirt"; _warsill_, "to wrestle"; _scart_, "to scratch"; _cruddled_, "curdled"; _birde_, O.E. _brid_, "offspring." The result is that many of these words are more like the corresponding O.N. words than the Anglo-Saxon (cp. O.N. _fristr_, _brenna_, Norse _tretti_, _tredie_, etc.), hence they have in many cases been considered loanwords. Sco. _braist_ and _landbrest_, "breakers," (cp. O.N. _bresta_, _landbrest_), are not from the Norse but from the corresponding O. Nhb. words. _Cors_ which occurs in Gau may be a similar case and like Eng. _cross_ derived from O. Fr. _crois_, but Gau otherwise shows considerable Danish influence and Gau's form may be due to that. Eng. _curl_ and _dirt_ (from O.Du. _krul_ and O.N. _drit_) have undergone metathesis. The Sco. words have not.

11. THE QUESTION OF PALATALIZATION IN O. NHB.

Just to what extent _g_, _c_, _sc_ were palatalized in O. Nhb. is not definitely known. Until this has been ascertained the origin of a number of dialect words in the North will remain uncertain. The palatal character of _g_, _c_, _sc_ in O.E. was frequently represented by inserting a palatal vowel, generally _e_, before the following guttural vowel. Kluge shows (in Litteraturblatt für germ, und rom. Philologie, 1887, 113-114) that the Middle English pronunciation of _crinǧen_, _sinǧen_, proves early palatalization, which was, however, not indicated in the writing of the O.E. words _cringan_, _singan_. And in the same way palatalization existed in a great many words where it was not graphically represented. Initial _sc_ was always palatalized (Kluge, 114 above). In the MSS. _k_ seems to represent a guttural, _c_ a palatal sound of older _c_ (Sievers, 207, 2). Palatalization of _c_ is quite general. _K_ became palatalized to _c_ in primitive Eng. initially before front vowels, also before Gmc. _e_ and _eu_ (Kluge, P.G.(2)I, 991). Kluge accepts gutturalizing of a palatal _c_ before a consonant where this position is the result of syncopation of a palatal vowel. In the South palatal _c_ became a fricative _ch_. According to Kluge it never developed to _ch_ in Northern England and Scotland, but either remained _c_ or recurred to a guttural _k_. The same is true with regard to _g_. The exact extent of such palatalization is very difficult to determine. It is possible that the sound always remained a guttural in the North. We have seen that _c_ or _g_ did not cause diphthongation of the following vowel in the North as often as in the South. In view of the fact that palatalization was not always indicated, this may not prove anything, but may, however, indicate less palatalization than in the South. The fact that _e_ or _i_ was sometimes inserted before a following dark vowel, cp. _ahefgia_, "gravare," _gefragia_, "interrogare," proves that palatalization in these words, at least, existed.

12. _SK_ AS A SCANDINAVIAN SIGN. CERTAIN WORDS IN _SK_. PALATALIZATION IN NORSE.

Wall argues that non-palatalization cannot be regarded as a sign of Scand. influence and cites a number of words in support of this conclusion (see Wall, §30). With regard to _dick_, "ditch," and _sag_, "sedge," Wall is probably right. Those in _sk_ are, however, not so easily disposed of. The presence of certain words with _sk_ in the South or those cited in _sh_ in the North does not prove the case. While the presence of a word in South Eng. diall. is in favor of its genuine Eng. origin, it does not prove it, for certain words, undoubtedly Scand., are found in the Southern dialects. _Shag_, "rough hair," Skeat regards as Norse rather than Eng. _Scaggy_, "shaggy," with initial _sk_, I would regard as Norse from O.N. _skegg_, not from O.E. _sceagga_. _Shriek_ Skeat regards as Scand. Bradley derives it from O.L.G. _scricon_ which is found once in the Heliand. Eng. dial. _skrike_. Wall on the other hand derives it from O.E. _scricon_, since _scric_ is found. _Scric_ occurs in O.E. as the name of the shriekbird. The vb. is not found. Whether we regard "shriek" native or not, _scrike_ is to be derived from O.N. _skrika_. _Skeer_ is from O.N. _skera_; _sheer_ from O.E. _sceran_. In form if not in meaning, we have an exact parallel in the M.E. _skir_, "bright," from O.N. _skir_, and _schir_ from O.E. _scir_. In a few cases words that seem Scand. appear with _sh_, not _sk_. The etymology of such words, however, becomes rather doubtful. This is especially the case where in the Norse word a guttural vowel followed the _sk_. Where, however, the Norse or Dan. word had a palatal vowel after the _sk_ the change to _sh_ is not at all impossible, and here arises the question of palatalization in O.N. O.N. _skiól_, pron. _sk-iól_, with _sk_, = Norse _skjūl_ (pron. _shūl_). _Ski_ thus becomes _sh_ in O.N. _skilinn_, Norse _shil_, O.N. _skilja_, Norse _shilja_ (or _skille_), O.N. _skipta_, Norse _shifta_. West Norse also shows change of _k_ to _ch_ before _i_ where the _k_ has been kept in East Scand., e.g., O. Ic. _ekki_ = W.Norse (dial.) _ikkje_ or _intje_, pron. _ittje_, _intje_, Dan. _ikke_ (_igge_). _I_ between _sk_ and a dark vowel early became _j_ in Norse, which then gave the preceding _sk_ something of a palatal nature. The development of O.N. _skiól_ into _shiel_ in Scotland and England may be explained in this way, as _skiól_ > _shul_ in Norway. This is, however, to be understood in this way, that if an _i_ or _e_ followed the _sk_, this was in condition to become palatalized, not that it was at all palatal at the time of borrowing. The sound was then distinctly guttural, and the guttural character of _sk_ has in nearly every case been kept in Scand. loanwords in English, for palatalization of O.E. _sc_ was completed before the period of borrowing. This palatalization of _sk_ was general in Scotland as well as in England, and such words in _sk_ must be regarded as Scand. loanwords.

13. CONCLUSION AS TO THE TEST OF NON-PALATALIZATION.

As initial _sk_, corresponding to O.N. _sk_, O.E. _sc_, is due to Scand. influence, so, in general, medial and final _sk_ may be also so regarded: cp. here Sco. _harsk_, "harsh," _bask_ (adj.), _mensk_, _forjeskit_, etc. The guttural character of _g_ and _k_ in Sco. is not to be regarded as due to Scand. influence. Thus _mirk_, _reek_, _steek_, _streek_, _breek_, _dik, rike_, _sark_, _kirn_, _lig_, _brig_, _rig_, etc., are to be derived from the corresponding O. Nhb. words, not from O.N. There is something of uncertainty in these words, however, as they all could come from the O.N. O.N. _hryggr_, for instance, would become _rig_ in Sco., just as would O. Nhb. _rycg_ (_rygg_). O.N. _bryggia_ would become _brig_, just as well as O. Nhb. _brycg_ (_brygg_). The _i_ after _g_ in _bryggia_ does not hinder this, since, as we know, the O.N. word was pronounced _brygg-ia_, not _bryddja_, as a later form would be.

14. OLD AND MIDDLE SCOTCH.

After Chaucer, Northumbrian English became a mere popular dialect no longer represented in literature. But the form of Northumbrian spoken north of the Tweed, Lowland Scotch, has during the next three hundred years quite a different history. From the Scottish war of Independence to the Union of the Crowns, Scotland had its own literary language. It is customary to speak of three periods of Scottish language and literature as Old, Middle and New: Old Scotch extending down to about 1450; Middle Scotch to the Union of the Crowns; and New Scotch covering the period after the Union. This is, of course, simply a Northern and later form of the Northumbrian we have discussed above.

15. SOME CHARACTERISTICS OF SCOTCH. O.E. _ă_, _ā_.

There are no monuments in O.Sco. dating back to the 13th or first half of the 14th Century. The first of any importance that we have is "The Bruce" of 1375. By this time the language of Scotland had already undergone many changes that made its general character quite different from literary or Midland English. None of these changes tended so much to differentiate the two as the very different development of O.E. long and short _a_. In the south O.E. _a_ > _ē_ (_name_ > _nę̄m_ > _nēm_); but O.E. _ā_ > _ǭ_, later _ō_ (_stān_ > _stǭn_ > _stōne_, _hām_ > _hǭm_ > _hōme_). The change of _ā_ to _ǭ_ (probably about 1200) took place before that of _ă_ to _ā_, else they would have coincided and both developed to _ō_ or _ē_. The last is precisely what took place in Scotland. O. Nhb. _ă_ > _ā_ and early coincided with original _ā_, and along with it developed to later _ē_, as only short _a_ did in the south. The two appear together in rhyme in Barbour. Their graphic representation is _a_, _ai_, _ay_. The sound in Barbour is probably _ǣ_ or _ę̄_. In "Wallace" Fr. _entré_ is also written _entray_, _entra_. Fr. _a_ and _ei_ and Eng. diphthong _ai_ (< _æg_) rhyme regularly with Sco. _a_, _ay_, _ai_, from O.E. _ā_. On O.E. and O.N. _ā_- and M. Sco. _ē_-sounds in general see Curtis, §§1-165.

16. CURTIS'S TABLE.

The following (see Curtis §§144-145) illustrates the development of O.E. _ă_, and _ā_, in England and Scotland:

1. Central Scotland. {O.E. _ă_} { } > an _ē_-vowel. {O.E. _ā_}

2. S. Scotland and {O.E. _ă_} Ellis's D. 31* { } > _ē_ > an _i_- in England. { } fracture in {O.E. _ā_} the mdn. diall.

{ > an _ē_-vowel. 3. The rest of Northern { O.E. _ă_ { > _ē_, later England and Midland. { { _ī_-fracture in { { D 25, 26, 28, 29. { { O.E. _ā_ > _ō_ or _ū_, with fracture.

4. Southern England { O.E. _ă_ > an _e_-fracture or { _i_-fracture. { O.E. _ā_ > _ū_ or _ō_.

[*Footnote: Ellis's D 31 = N. W. Yorkshire, Cumberland, Westmoreland and N. Lancashire.]

In 1. O.E. _hām_ > _hēm_, _năme_ > _nēm_.

In 2. _hām_ > _hēm_ > _hiǝm_, _năme_ > _nēm_ > _niǝm_.

In 3. _hām_ > _hōm_, _hoǝm_, _hoᵘm_ or _hūm_ with fracture. _năme_ > _nēm_. _năme_ > _nēm_ > _niǝm_ in certain dialects.

In 4. _hām_ > _hūm_, or _hom_. _năme_ > _neǝm_, _niǝm_.

The intermediate stage of this development, however, is explained in two ways. According to Curtis it was (in 2) _ā_ > _ę̄_ > _ē_ > _ī_ > _iǝ_. Luik (§244) shows that das Vorrücken zum Vocalextrem ist an die Abstumpfung gebunden; wir finden es nur dort, wo auch Abstumpfung zu constatieren ist, wäbrend diese selbst ein weiteres Gebiet hat. Schon daraus folgt, dass die Abstumpfung das Primäre ist, dass also ihre Basis _e_ war, nicht _i_. Dies wird bestätigt durch eine einfache Erwägung. Hätte die Abstumpfung die Lautstufe _i_ ergriffen, so hätte sie auch das _e_ treffen müssen, das ja schon seit Beginn der neuenglischen Zeit in allen Dialekten durch _i_ vertreten ist. Endlich bieten die frühesten Zeugnisse nur _e_, nicht _i_, auch für solche Striche, die heute _i_ haben. According to this, then, the development is more probably _ā̆ > ę̄ > ēǝ > iǝ_, or, as Luik thinks, _ā̆_ > _æ_ > _æǝ_, or _ę̄ǝ_ > _ēǝ_ > _iǝ_.

17. O.E. _ō_.--A LIST OF ILLUSTRATIVE WORDS FROM THE ABERDEEN DIALECT.

Another Northern peculiarity relates to O.E. _ō_. While in the south O.E. _ō_ developed to an _ū_-vowel or an _ū_- fracture, in Scotland it became _ee_ (_ui_, _ee_, _i_). The process involved here does not yet seem to be fully understood. The modern dialect of Aberdeen is most pronounced in this respect, older _i_ also frequently becoming _u_, _o_. The following examples taken from "Johnnie Gibb" (Aberdeen. 1871) will illustrate:

1. Words with an _u_ (o)-vowel in English that have _i_ in Aberdeen dialect: _ither_, "other"; _mither_, "mother"; _tribble_ (O. Fr. _troble_), "trouble"; _kwintra_ (O. Fr. _contree_), "country"; _dis_, "does" (3. s. of "do"); _hiz_, "us"; _dizzen_ (O. Fr. _dozaine_), "dozen"; _sipper_ (O. Fr. _soper_), "supper." Here we may also include, _pit_, "to put"; _fit_, "foot." _Buik_, "book," seems to show the intermediate stage, cp. also _tyeuk_, "took." On the other hand O.E. _broðer_ > _breeder_; (_ge_)_-don_ > _deen_; _judge_ (O. Fr. _juger_) > _jeedge_, all of which have a short vowel in English recent speech.

2. Words with _ĭ_ in Eng. that have _ŭ_ in Aberdeen dialect: _full_, "to fill"; _spull_, "to spill"; _buzness_ (cp. O.E. _bȳsig_), "business"; _wutness_, "witness"; _wull_, "will" (vb.); _wunna_, "will not"; _wutty_, "witty"; _chucken_, "chicken"; _fusky_ (Gael. _usquebah_), "whiskey"; _sun_, "sin."

3. Words with _ōō_ (or _iu_) in Eng. have _ee_ (_ī_) in Aberdeen dialect: _seer_ (O. Fr. _sur_), "sure"; _seen_, "soon"; _refeese_ (O. Fr. _refuser_), "refuse"; _peer_ (O. Fr. _poure_), "poor"; _yeel_ (M.E. _ȝole_), "yule"; _reed_ (O.E. _rōd_), "rood"; _eese_ (O. Fr. _us_), "use"; _shee_ (O.E. _scēo_), "shoe"; _adee_, "ado"; _tee_, "too"; _aifterneen_, "afternoon"; _skweel_, "school"; _reet_ (O.E. _rōt_), "root"; _constiteetion_, "constitution." Cp. also _gweed_ (O.E. _gōd_), "good." The _w_ in _gweed_, _skweel_, shows again the process of change from _o_ to _ee_. _U_ in _buik_ and _w_ in _kwintra_ also seem to represent the _u_-element that is left in the sound. In words like _refeese_, _keerious_, etc., where _ee_ is from Fr. _u_, the sound is quite easily explained. So _fusky_ from _usquebah_. _Full_, from O.E. _fyllan_, and _buzness_ are interesting.

18. INORGANIC _Y_ IN SCOTCH.

Many words have developed a _y_ where originally there was none. This phenomenon is, however, closely connected with _e_-_i_-fracture from original _ā̆_. _Y_ we find appears often before _a_ (from original _ā̆_). It is, then, simply the development of the _e_-_i_-fracture into a consonant + _a_, and may be represented thus: O.E. _āc_ ("oak") > _ę̄c_ > _ēc_ > _ēǝc_ > _iǝc_ > _yak_. (See also Murray D.S.C.S., 105). Cp. _yance_ and _yence_, "once"; _yell_, "ale"; _yak_, "ache." This also appears in connection with fracture other than that from O.E. _ā_: cp. _yirth_, _yird_, for "earth."

19. _D_ FOR THE SPIRANT _TH_.

This appears in a number of words: e.g., _ledder_, "leather"; _fader_ (in Gau), _fadder_, "father"; _moder_, _mudder_, "mother"; _broder_, _brudder_, "brother"; _lidder_ (A.S. _liðre_); _de_ (Gau), "the" (article); _widdie_ (O.E. _wiðig_), "withy"; _dead_, "death"; _ferde_, "fourth"; etc. In some works this tendency is quite general. Norse loanwords as a rule keep the spirant, but in the following loanwords _ð_ has become _d_: _cleed_, _cleeding_, "clothe, clothing," from O.N. _klæða_; _red_, "to clear up," O.N. _ryðja_; _bodin_, O.N. _boðinn_ (? See E.D.D.); _bud_, "bribe," O.N. _boð_; _heid_, "brightness," O.N. _hæið_; _eident_, "busy," O.N. _iðinn_ (_ythand_ is, however, the more common Sco. form); _bledder_, "to prate," O.N. _blaðra_ (more commonly _blether_ in Sco.); _byrd_, "ought," O.N. _burði_; _stiddy_, O.N. _steði_. I do not think _ryde_, "severe," can be derived from O.N. _reiðr_; and _frody_, "wise," is rather O.E. _frod_ than O.N. _fróðr_. _Waith_, O.N. _væiðr_, has kept the spirant, but _faid_, a "company of hunters," has changed it to _d_. _Faid_ probably comes in from Gaelic. I have called attention to this change of _ð_ to _d_ in Sco., since many words affected by it have become almost identical in form with their Scand. cognates and have consequently been considered loan-words. See §23.

20. O.E. _ā_ AND O.N. _ÆI_. HOW FAR WE CAN DETERMINE SUCH WORDS TO BE OF NATIVE OR OF NORSE ORIGIN.

Certain Eng. dialect words in _ē_ corresponding to O.E. _ā_ have been considered Scand. loanwords. We have, however, seen that in the north O.E. _ā_ > _ē_ just as did O.N. _æi_ (_ei)_. How many of these words are genuine English and how many are loanwords becomes, then, rather uncertain. Wall argues that the Norse words were always in M.E. spelled with a diphthong, while the genuine English words were spelled with an _a_--thus _bain_, _baisk_ from O.N. _bæinn_, _bæiskr_, but _hame_, _stane_, _hale_ from O.E. _hām_, _stān_, _hāl_. If this were always the case we should have here a safe test. It is, however, a fact that in Scottish texts at least, no such consistency exists with regards to these words. The following variant spellings will show this: _hame_, _haim_, _haym_; _stain_, _stane_, _stayne_; _hal_, _hale, hail_, _hayle_; _lak_, _lake_, _laik_, _layk_; _blake_, _blaik_, _blayk_, etc., etc. There is, however, another way in which to determine which of such words are loanwords and which are not. In Southern Scotland in D. 33, and in Northwestern England (D. 31), O.N. _æi_ and O.E. _ā_ did not coincide, but have been kept distinct down to the present time (see Ellis's word-lists and Luik, 220, 221). In these two dialects O.E. _ā_ developed to an _i_-fracture (see §16.2), while O.N. _æi_ never went beyond the _e_-stage, and remains an _e_-vowel in the modern dialects. Here, then, we have a perfectly safe test for a large number of words. Those that have in D. 31 and D. 33 an _i_-vowel or an _i_-fracture are genuine English, those that have an _e_-vowel are Scandinavian loanwords. Ellis's list offers too few examples of words of this class. We find _hi'm_, _bi'n_, _hi'l, sti'n_, and in Murray's D.S.C.S. _heame_, and _heale_ (beside _geate_ (O.N. _gata)_, _beath_, _meake_, _tweae_, _neame_, etc.). This then proves that Sco. _haim_, _bain_, _hail_, and _stain_ are from O.E. _hām_, _bān_, _hāl_, _stān_ and not from O.N. _hæim_, _bæinn_, _hæil_, _stæinn_. _Mair_, in spite of its _e_-vowel, is not from O.N. _mæir_, for a following _r_ prevented the development to _i_, as a rule, although in Cumberland _meear_ is found beside _mair_. The word "steak" (O.N. _stæik_), which occurs in Ellis's list, has had an irregular development and cannot be considered here (see further Luik, 323). In the following works are found a number of words of this class:

Westmoreland and Cumberland Dialects, by J.R. Smith. London. 1839.

A Glossary of Words and Phrases of Cumberland, by William Dickinson. London. 1859.

Folk Speech of Cumberland, by Alexander Craig Gibson. London. 1873.

A Glossary of Words used in Swaledale, Yorkshire, by John Harand. E.D.S. 1873.

Whitby Glossary, by F.K. Robinson. E.D.S. 1876.

21. A LIST OF SOME WORDS THAT ARE NORSE. FURTHER REMARKS.

These all aim at giving the phonetic value of the sounds. O.E., O.N. _ā_ is represented by _ea_ or _eea_, indicating _i_-fracture. For instance: _heam_, _steean_, _neam_, _geat_, _beeath_, _leath_ (O.N. _laði_), _heeal_, _brea_ (O.N. _brā)_, _breead_ (O.E. _brād_, not O.N. _bræi), greeay_, _blea_, etc. Those that have _a_, _ai_, or _ay_, that is an _e_-vowel, and must consequently be derived from the corresponding O.N. words, are the following:

BLAKE, _adj._ yellow, pale, O.N. _blæikr_. BLAKEN, _vb._ to turn yellow, N.N. _blæikna_. CLAME, _vb._ to adhere, O.N. _klæima_. CLAM, _adj._ slimy, deriv. CLAMING, _sb._ adhesive material, deriv. FLAY, _vb._ to frighten, O.N. _fleya_. FLAYTLY, _adv._ timidly, deriv. HAIN, _vb._ to save, protect, O.N. _hegna_. LAKE, LAIKE, _vb._ to play, O.N. _læika_, cp. O.E. _lācan_. LAKEING, _sb._ a toy, deriv. LAVE, _sb._ the remainder, O.N. _læifr_, cp. O.E. _lāf_. RATE, _vb._ to bleach, whiten, O.N. _rōyta_. M.L.G. _roten_, is out of the question, and *_reeat_ would be the form corresponding to M.L.G. _raten_. SLAKE, _vb._ to smear, daub, O.N. _slæikja_. O.L.G. _slikken_ does not correspond. SLAKE, _sb._ a kiss, deriv., cp. O.N. _slæikr_. SLAPE, _adj._ slippery, O.N. _slæipr_, cp. O.E. _slape_. SLAPEN, _vb._ to make smooth, O.N. _slæipna_, but possibly deriv. from _slape_. SNAPE, _vb._ to restrain, O.N. _snöypa_.

In addition to these, _blain_, "to become white," is a Scand. loan- word, but rather from Dan. _blegne_ than Norse _blæikna_, cp. _blake_ above. _Blained_, adj. "half dry," said of linen hung out to dry, is, of course, simply the pp. of _blain_, cp. Dan. _blegned_. _Skaif_, "distant, wild, scattered abroad, or apt to be dispersed" (is the definition given), corresponds exactly to O.N. _skæif_ in form, but not in meaning. _Skæif_ meant "crooked." Sco. _daive_, "to stun, stupefy," is here regularly spelled _deeave_ (_deave_ in Swaledale). It must, then, be derived from O.E. _deafian_, not O.N. _döyfa_, O. Ic. _deyfa_. Swaledale _slaiching_, "sneaking," is the same as O.N. _slæikja_, "to lick"; a secondary meaning of O.N. _slæikja_ is "to sneak"; _keeal_, "kail," could come from O.N. _kál_ or Gael. _cál_. It is probably from the latter. The word _slaister_, "to dawdle, to waste one's time," is not clear. The sb. _slaisterer_, "a slink, an untidy person," is also found. The _ai_ indicates an original diphthong. It is probably the same as Norse _slöysa_, sb. "an untidy person," as vb. "to be untidy, to be careless." _Ster_ (_slais_ + _ster_) would, then, be an Eng. suffix, or it may be the same as that in Sco. _camstary_, cp. Germ. _halsstarrig_. The Norse word _slöysa_ is probably not the direct source of the Eng. dialect word. _Slaister_, however, for _slöysa_, seems to be a recent word in Norse. _Skane_, "to cut the shell fish out of the shell" (Wall, list B), is to be derived from O.N. _skæina_, rather than from O.E. _scænan_. _Slade_, "breadth of greensward in plowed land," cannot be from O.N. _slettr_, "plain," _sletta_, "a plain." Neither form nor meaning quite correspond. The Sw. _slägd_ corresponds perfectly in form but not in meaning. It is, however, probably from O.E. _slæd_. This word is taken from Wall's list, not from the works named above.

22. CELTIC, LOWLAND SCOTCH, AND NORSE.

In Gaelic and Irish, in the Western Isles and the Highlands, considerable Norse elements are found as the result of Norse occupancy that continued in the Isles, at least, for several hundred years. A number of words that have come into Gaelic and Irish from Norse are also found in Lowland Scotch. In some cases it seems that the word has not come into Lowland Scotch direct from Norse, but by way of Gaelic or Irish. Craigie has given a list of about 200 words in Gaelic that seem to come from Norse. Out of these I will take a few that have corresponding words in Scotch:

GAELIC OR IRISH. LOWLAND SCOTCH. OLD NORSE. gardha garth garðr lobht loft loft prine prin prjónn stop stoup staup sgeap skep skeppa sainseal hansell handsal gaort girt, girth giörð cnapp, cneap knap knappr maol mull múli sgeir sker sker scarbh scarth scarfr gead ged, gedde gedda scát scait skata brod brod broddr masg mask _Dan._ maske rannsaich ransack, runsick rannsaka

_Garth_ and _loft_ agree perfectly with the O.N. and are not doubtful. With the Gael. _gardh_ cp. O.N. _garðr_ and O. Sw. _gardher_. The Sco. _garth_ has changed the original voiced spirant to a voiceless one. In Gael. _lobht_ _f_ has become _v_. _Prin_ is rather doubtful. There is an O.E. _prēon_ from which the Gael. word may have come. The Sco. word _prin_ does not seem to come from either O.E. _prēon_ or O.N. _prjónn_, but from the Gael. _prine_. There is a Northern dialectic _prēon_ which may come from O.E. _prēon_. There is also a _pren_ in Dan. dial. _Stoup_ has the Norse diphthong which has been simplified in Gael. _stop_. _Skep_ is a little doubtful because of meaning. The loanword _sgeap_ in Gael. has the specialized meaning of "a beehive." This meaning the Sco. word has very frequently, the Norse to my knowledge never. It may be a case of borrowed meaning from Gael. _Girth_ is from the Norse. _Girt_ is probably simply change of _th_ to _t_, which is also found elsewhere in Sco. _Knap_ may be from either. _Mull_ in Sco. may be native English. The word occurs in L.G. _Sker_ is from O.N. _Skarth_ is anomalous, showing change of _f_ to _th_. In the Gael. _scarbh_, _f_ is changed to _v_ as in _lobht_. _Ged_ is nearer the O.N. _Scait_ could be from either, as also _brod_. Sco. _mask_ is probably not at all a loanword, and may be from older _mex_ by metathesis of _s_; cp. O.E. _mexfat_ and Sco. _maskfat_ cited by Skeat, Et. Dict. The Gael. _masg_ is probably not a loanword from the Scand., but from O.E., or perhaps from O.Sco. An O. Nhb. _mesk_ probably existed. _Ransack_ agrees with the Norse word. The spelling _runsick_ found once (Wallace VII, 120), probably does not represent the exact sound, and is, in any case, as _ransack_ to be derived from the O.N. and not through the Gael. _Faid_, "a company of hunters," has already once been referred to. This cannot possibly come from the O.N. _væiðr_, for while the spirant _ð_ sometimes becomes _d_, O.N. _v_ regularly becomes _w_ in Sco. (rarely _v_). We should expect the form _waith_, and this is the form we have in Wallace I, 326, in the sense "the spoil of the chase." There is a Gael. _fiadhoig_, meaning "a huntsman." The first element _fiad_ seems to be the O.N. _veiðr_ with regular change of _ð_ to _d_ (or _dh_, cp. _gardha_), and _v_ or _w_ to _f_ which is considered a sign of Gael. influence in Aberdeen Sco., cp. _fat_ for _what_, _fen_ for _when_, etc., the development probably being _wh_ > _w_ > _v_ > _f_. _Faid_ in Sco. is then probably from the Gaelic.

23. SOME WORDS THAT ARE NOT SCANDINAVIAN LOANWORDS.

We have spoken in §§10, 13, 20 and 22, of a number of words that are to be considered regular Sco. developments of O.E. words. The following words have also generally been derived from the Scand., but must be considered native, or from sources other than Norse:

BLAIT, _adj._ backward, must be traced to O.E. _blēat_, rather than to O.N. _blout_. O.N. _ou_, _au_ is always _ou_ or _oi_ in Sco.

BREID, _sb._ breadth, not Norse _bræidde_ nor Dan. _bredde_, but native Eng.

CUMMER, _sb._ misery, wail, seems uncertain. It corresponds in form and usage exactly to Norse _kummer_, but _mb_ > _mm_ is natural and occurs elsewhere in Sco., cp. _slummer_, "slumber," which need not be derived from Norse _slummer_ or any L.G. word. The usage of the word is peculiarly Scand.

DEAD, _sb._ death. Not Dan.-Norse _död_, but English "death."

FALD, _vb._ to fall. Skeat says the _d_ is due to Scand. influence, but cp. _boldin_ from _bolna_ (older _bolgna_). So _d_ after _l_ in _fald_ may be genuine. Besides the O.N. word is _falla_, later Dan. _falde_.

FERDE, ordinal of four, not Norse _fjerde_. See §19.

FLATLYNGIS, _adv._ flatly, headlong, looks very much like Norse _flatlengs_ and corresponds perfectly in meaning. The Norse word is, however, a late formation, apparently, and _-lyngs_ is a very common adverbial ending in Sco.

HAP, _vb._ to cover up, to wrap up, cannot come from O. Sw. _hypia_, as _y_ could not become _a_.

LEDDER, _sb._ leather. Not from Dan. _leder_, for cp. §19; besides the vowel in the Dan. word is long.

MISTER, _sb._ and _vb._ need, from O. Fr. _mestier_, not from O.N. _miste_, which always means "to lose," as it does in the modern diall. The O. Fr. _mestier_ meant "office, trade," and sometimes "need." The last is the meaning of the modern _métier_ in the dialects of Normandy. Both meanings exist in Northern English.

OUKE, _sb._ week. In all probability from O.E. _wucu_ by loss of initial _w_ before _u_. The Dan. _uge_ does not quite correspond. The O.N. _vika_ even less. The Danish _uge_ simply shows similar dropping of _w_ (_v_) as the Sco. word.

RIGBANE, _sb._ backbone. Both elements are Eng. The compound finds a parallel in Norse _rygbæin_.

SOOM, _vb._ to swim. Not Dan. _sömme_, but loss of _w_ before _oo_, cp. the two Norse forms _svömma_ and _symma_. Cp. _soote_, the last word in the first line of the Prologue to Chaucer's Canterbury Tales.

TEEM, _vb._ to empty. It is not necessary to derive this from Norse _tömme_, "to empty." There is an O.E. _tōm_ from which the Sco. adj. _toom_ probably comes. _Toom_ is also a verb in Sco. _Teem_ is simply this same word by characteristic Sco. change of _o_ to _e_. (See §17.) This also explains the length of the vowel.

TRAK, _vb._ to pull, not necessarily Norse _trekka_, cp. the L.G. _trekken_.

WID, _sb._ wood. Not O.N. _viðr_ nor Dan. _ved_. The vowel is against it in both cases. But just as above _toom_ becomes _teem_, so _wood_ > _wid_, cp. Sco. _guid_, "good," _pit_, "put," etc. (See §17.) Hence also the shortness of the vowel in _wid_.

WERE, _sb._ spring, cp. Latin _ver_. _Var_, _vaar_ in Scand. does not account for the _e_ in the Sco. word.

YIRD, _sb._ earth. Not from Dan. _jord_. See next word.

YIRTH, _sb._ earth, an inorganic _y_ (see §18). Not from O.N. _jörð_. For _d_ in _yird_ see §19.

24. LOANWORD TESTS.

I have adopted the following tests of form, meaning and distribution in determining the Scand. source of loanwords:

1. The diphthong _ou_, _ow_ corresponding to O.N. _ou_, O.E. _ea_.

2. _Ai_, _ay_ corresponding to O.N. _æi_, O.E. _ā_ as far as such words can be determined from modern dialects according to §20.

3. The spirant _th_ corresponding to O.N. _ð_, and O.E. _d_.

4. Consonantal assimilation of _nk_ to _kk_, _mb_ to _bb_, _mp_ to _pp_, _ðl_ to _ll_, _zd_ and _rd_ to _dd_, corresponding to similar assimilation in Scand.

5. Other consonantal and inflexional forms that are Scand., as opposed to O. Nhb. _d_ for Scand. _d_, O.E. _ð_ excluded, see §§19 and 23.

6. A word that is used in a sense distinctively Scand., as opposed to Eng. or L.G., is to be regarded as a loanword.

7. The distribution of a word in South England diall., or in O.F., O.S. or M.L.G., indicates that the word is not a Scand. loanword.

8. On the other hand, if a word occurs exclusively in Scand. settlements in England and Scotland, it is to be regarded as due to Scand. influence in Scotch in spite of L.G. parallels.

9. The presence of a word in O.E. excludes Scand. influence, except in cases where the O.E. word has been shown to be a loanword. See Steenstrup and Kluge.

25. REMARKS ON THE TEXTS.

The following dates it may be well to remember:

Barbour's "Bruce" finished about 1375. Wyntoun's Chronicle written about 1420. Henry the Minstrel's "Wallace" written about 1450. Dunbar lived from 1460 to 1520. Douglas lived from 1475 to 1520. Sir David Lyndsay lived from 1490 to 1555. Alexander Scott lived from 1547 to 1584. "The Complaynt of Scotland" was written about 1549. Alexander Montgomery lived from 1540 to 1610. Allan Ramsay lived from 1686 to 1758. Robert Burns lived from 1759 to 1796.

"The Bruce," Wyntoun's "Cronykale" and the "Wallace" belong, then, to the early period of Scotch, which, for convenience, has been called Old Scotch. The last half of the 15th Century is a transition period. The language of Dunbar and Douglas is already Middle Scotch. Middle Scotch of the 16th Century is further represented by Lyndsay, Alexander Scott and Montgomery. "The Complaynt of Scotland" is Central Scotch of the middle of the 16th Century. Ramsay represents Early New Scotch. The language of Burns is in all essentials present Scotch. From the Scottish War of Independence down to the Union of the Crowns the literary standard of Scotland was Central Scotch. After the Union there was no longer a Scotch language of literature and Central Scotch became a mere spoken dialect like the other dialects of Scotland. The writings of Ramsay and Burns represent local dialects just as the large number of Scotch dialect writers of the last and this century have written in their own peculiar local vernacular. The great majority of loanwords are taken from "The Bruce," "The Wallace," Douglas, Dunbar, Scott and Montgomery. "The Bruce" has a large number of Scand. elements; it represents, however, literary Scotch and not Aberdeen Scotch of 1375. "Johnnie Gibb," written in modern Aberdeen dialect, has not a very large Scand. element, while "Mansie Wauch" (modern Edinburgh dialect) has a far larger number. In "The Wallace" Scand. elements are quite prominent. So in the writings of Douglas, Scott and Montgomery. "The Complaynt of Scotland" has comparatively very few loanwords from Scand., while on the other hand the French element is more prominent than in the other works. Norse elements are not prominent in Lyndsay. None of the Scotch writers has as many Scand. words as Dunbar. We may say that they are nearly as prominent in Dunbar's works as in the Ormulum, Midland English of about 300 years before Dunbar's works were written.

The numbers given in the references are self-explanatory. They are generally to page and line, in some cases to book and verse, as in Bruce and Wyntoun. T.W.M. refers to Dunbar's "Twa Mariit Wemen." F. to "The Flyting with Kennedy." F. after Montgomery's name refers to "The Flyting." G.T. refers to Dunbar's "Golden Targe," and C. and S. to Montgomery's "Cherrie and the Slae." M.P. to the "Miscellaneous Poems" and S. to the "Sonnets."

Only words that are specifically Scotch in form or usage have been included. Very well known Scotch words, that occur in older Scotch as well as the modern dialects, such as _blether_, _busk_, _ettle_, _kilt_, etc., are given without references to texts where they have been found, otherwise one or more references are given in each case. For the sake of comparison and illustration Shetland and Cumberland forms are frequently given. Wherever a W. Scand. source is accepted for a loanword the O.N. form is given if it be different from O. Ic. Examples from Danish dialects or Swedish dialects are given as Dan. dial. or Sw. dial. Those from Norse dialects are cited as Norse simply. Those that are specifically literary Norse are cited as Dano-Norse.