Nazi conspiracy and aggression, Volume 04 (of 11)
Part I
_of the Mobilization Schedule for the Civil Administrative Authorities_
_Introduction to the Mobilization Schedule for the Civil Administrative Authorities._
A. _Principles & Concepts_
1. Preparedness for defense on the part of the whole nation is the condition for an effective defense of the Reich.
2. It is through _mobilization_ that Wehrmacht, Economy, State and People are carried over from a state of peace to a state of war.
The mobilization of the Wehrmacht comprises:
(_a_) The securing of the necessary foundations for the establishment, leadership and supplying of the needs of the war-Wehrmacht,
(_b_) the building up of peace units to war strength,
(_c_) the establishment of new war units,
(_d_) the establishment of the reserve Wehrmacht.
_The Mobilization of Economy_ comprises the collecting of all _economic_ forces and holding them in readiness to work at their highest capacity in the service of the conduct of the war.
_The Mobilization of State & People_ comprises:
(_a_) the turn-over of State Leadership and the life of the people to the requirements of the conduct of the war as regards politics, sociology and constitutional law; and
(_b_) making available for the conduct of the war all the material forces of the people.
3. A case of war can arise instantaneously or start as a result of foreign political tension. The preparation and schedule of mobilization must take both possibilities into account.
The “_state of defense_” and the “_state of war_” in the sense of R.V. Law will be ordered expressly in accordance with the Reichs defense law by the Fuehrer and Reichs Chancellor.
With the declaration of the “_state of war_”, the war laws and regulations come into force without further orders. The legal consequences provided in other laws for the state of war also become effective.
If no “_state of defense_” has previously been ordered, the regulations concerning the state of defense will come into force with the declaration of the state of war.
It is to be reckoned with that foreign political considerations (war guilt question, etc.) will not give rise to a declaration of a state of war, even if it should come to armed conflict with a foreign enemy. Legal provision is therefore to be made by which regulations for “war” in various laws will come into force for the case in question. These regulations must be formulated in such a way that no “war” exists as understood in international law.
For this reason the legal consequences provided in the various laws for the “the case of war” will not come into force with the mobilization decree (X or mobilization case).
4. The _period of tension_ possibly preceding a case of war must be exploited to the limit of foreign political endurance in order that the Reich may be made ready for war.
For these reasons the _3 following stages must be distinguished from each other in the schedule of mobilization_.
4. _a._ “_The period of tension_”
During the period of tension the fundamentals for the reliable execution of the mobilization proper should be created, and individual measures for mobilization should be taken in advance, whereby as far as possible foreign political liability and any kind of provocation abroad are to be avoided.
These “_advance measures_” will be arranged in the mobilization plans of the armed forces, according to stages of tension. Within these advance measures there will be no distinction of special stages for the civil administration, since it is necessary to have a much more flexible regulation.
The advance measures will be executed on the basis of peace legislation. The fact and the purpose of the advance measures are to be camouflaged as much as possible within the civil administration concerned.
The “_period of tension_” as such will not be ordered; it is merely the technical term for a period of special political tension in foreign relations, during which preparatory measures (advance measures) can be ordered.
4. _b._ _Mobilization without public announcement_ (“_X case_”):
While its purpose is to be camouflaged as far as possible, it is to bring about the systematic mobilization of the armed forces, and if necessary the camouflaged mobilization of the state, economy and people. A possibility exists that “Case X” will only be ordered for the armed forces or parts of it.
If no official announcement of the state of defense is made, the execution of the mobilization must be assured through administrative channels. The peace time laws: Law relating to Participation in Defense measures, emergency service decree, etc. (Wehrleistungsgesetz, Notdienstverordnung, u.a.) adapted for camouflaged mobilization will serve as legal basis.
Case X may be ordered without being preceded by the measures provided in sub 4a.
4. _c._ _General mobilization with public announcement._ (“_Mobilization case_”--“_Mob case_”):
This includes the mobilization of the armed forces and the state of the national economy as well as of the entire people, if no special limitations have been ordered in the mobilization decree (for instance local limitations). In the normal case, the order for general mobilization initiates the provided mobilization measures of the armed forces, and of all civil authorities and offices, with the exception however of specially designated measures for the supervision and checking of the information service.
In all cases these measures will only come into force by a special order of the Supreme High Command of the Armed Forces.
Just as in Case X, the execution of general mobilization is based on the peace laws adapted for a camouflaged mobilization.
The general mobilization (Mob case) can be ordered without being preceded by the period of tension or by mobilization without official announcement (Case X).
5. _Publication and Execution of Mobilization Measures._
5. _a._ The measures provided for the _period of tension_ will be ordered singly, in groups or in their entirety by the Fuehrer & Reich Chancellor (after considering proposals from the appropriate Reich Dept.) on the application of the Chief of the OKW, or of the Plenipotentiary for the Reich Administration or the Plenipotentiary for Economy who will act in conjunction with the Chief of the OKW. The measures ordered by the Fuehrer and Reichs Chancellor will be communicated to the highest civil administrative authorities through the OKW, and to the Departments under the Plenipotentiaries for the Reich Administration and Economy through the latter.
The measures ordered have to be carried out according to the instructions of the highest Reich authorities, provided that the authorities of the Armed Forces have not been specially ordered to charge the intermediate and lower civil authorities with the execution of the measures.
This is applicable for the following cases (or, as circumstances may dictate, not till the incidence of Case X or general mobilization).
(1) _Evacuation and clearing of battle territory_ according to directives for the “evacuation of Reichs territory threatened by the enemy”, Vol. 1, Nos. 14 and 15, or (respectively) “clearing of the battle territory of the west” and the corresponding provisions for the East.
(2) _Establishment of the Frontier Guards_ incl. initiation of the attached special intelligence network acc. to the provisions for the VGAD of Sept. 1937 No. 24 & Appendix 10, No. 12.
(3) _Establishment of the VGAD_ incl. initiation of the special intelligence network acc. to the provisions for the VGAD of Sept. 1937, App. 1, No. 2 & App. 10, No. 12.
(4) _Establishment of Field Police Units--Key Words_ (not code numbers) may be agreed with the military authorities for these measures.
The purpose of all other key words made known to the civil authorities by the military commands is exclusively that of informing the authorities concerned about measures coming within the _military_ sphere. Those key words are not to be entered in the mobilization calendar, but are to be added on a special sheet.
Notwithstanding all this, a _mutual understanding_ with military authorities concerning the _preparation_ of the various measures in time of peace and their _execution_ (after proclamation through civilian channels) in war time is absolutely necessary wherever military and civil measures come into contact.
5. _b._ Case X _(Mobilization without public announcement)_ is ordered by the Fuehrer and Reichs Chancellor. Publication to the highest Reichs authorities is carried out in the same manner as for the “advance measures”.
Various mobilization measures will be decreed within the civil sphere through release [Ausloesung] of code words, or through special order if Case X applies only to the armed forces or parts of it.
The measures for mobilization are carried out by the highest Reichs authorities under their exclusive responsibility with the limitation that the fact of mobilization must not be mentioned publicly (diplomatic channels, press, public proclamations and announcements, radio, etc.). To achieve this purpose it must be stressed that it is necessary to camouflage the individual measures as much as possible without endangering their execution ... The main purpose is not to offer legal grounds to the prospective enemy for the opening of hostilities or their own mobilization. For that purpose, the necessary suspension of various measures contained in Section II (mobilization) of the mob. calendar will be ordered by the High Command of the Armed Forces.
In principle every proclamation and suspension of code numbers during the period of tension or in case X must be made known to the High Commands of the three branches of the Armed Forces by the High Command of the Armed Forces.
5. _c._ _General mobilization with public announcement_ (case of mobilization):
The general mobilization will be decreed publicly by the “Mobilization-order” of the Fuehrer and Reichs Chancellor.
5. _d._ Preparations are being made to enable parts of the Wehrmacht to move out at increased speed. In order that the units of the Army & the Navy to whom this applies may be _prepared to move out_ and the Luftwaffe _prepared to take off_, the civil administration authorities are required to render special assistance. This measure may be ordered during the period of tension.
As this preparedness (for moving out or taking off) only applies to certain territories of the Reich and only affects certain administrative authorities, the latter will receive their instructions direct from those Wehrmacht authorities in whose territory the preparedness for moving out or taking off is being established. In addition, the order to prepare for the march-out or take-off will be communicated to the appropriate Reich ministries, the G.B. and so on, by the OKW.
6. _Dissemination of the mobilization orders through the various administrative channels_:
In case of mobilization the general mobilization with public announcement (case of mob.) will be announced to the Reichs authorities etc., the intermediate and lower civil authorities by a mob. cable through the DRP [German Reichs Postal Service].
The DRP organizes for that purpose a dissemination plan in agreement with the other Reichs authorities. The “general mobilization” will also be made public by means of radio, public announcements, etc.
The highest Reichs authorities will issue individual orders in their spheres for the “period of tension” and for “Case X”. Announcements concerning the stages of mobilization and the measures to be taken therefor will not be circulated through district cables by the DRP.
All mobilization orders are to be passed on by the quickest means to the subordinate authorities.
If the orders are passed on by phone, the identity of the civil servant transmitting the order is to be ascertained by appropriate questioning, in order to guard against deception. If doubts remain as to the identity of the person calling, they are to be dispelled by a further call.
The ordering of measures which concern, directly or indirectly, offices of the armed forces or authorities of other departments must be made known to those authorities.
If an authority learns about the stages of mobilization through unofficial channels, then it must immediately be ascertained through contact with superior authorities whether measures may be taken. The means of dissemination of mob. orders must be defined in the mob. calendars of the authorities. It is assumed that the night and day telephone service will be organized within the framework of the advance measures for the period of tension.
_B. Preparations for Mobilization._
_Principles for the drafting of the “Mobilization Schedule for the Civil Administrative Authorities”._
7. The mobilization plans of the Wehrmacht and the Mobilization Schedule for the civil administration provide the responsible State Government with a general survey of the volume of preparations for mobilization and of their political scope. They have been so adjusted to each other that the unification of the entire mobilization is secured.
8. The mobilization schedule for the civil administrative authorities comprises in general all the measures of the civil state administration which on the one hand directly support the operational capacity of the Wehrmacht, or on the other hand serve the preparedness for war on the part of state, economy and people.
9. The mobilization stages discussed sub. no. 4--
(a) period of tension
(b) mobilization without public announcement (Case X)
(c) general mobilization with public announcement (mob. case)
form the _basis_ for the drafting of the “mobilization schedule for the civil administration”.
9. _a._ The _advance measures for the period of tension_ form the content of _Section I_ in every part of the mobilization schedule.
The advance measures for the civil administrative authorities in the period of tension are made flexible to conform to any development of the political & economic situation. Insofar as the advance measures for the civil administration give direct support to the Wehrmacht, they will be ordered from case to case so as to conform to the advance measures of the Wehrmacht.
9. _b._ The measures for _mobilization_ form the content of _Section II_ in every part of the mob. schedule, with the proviso that in the case of “mobilization without public announcement (Case X)” they will be carried out according to the provisions of No. 4.b without publication, whereas in the case of general mobilization with public announcement (mob. case) they will as a rule be subject to no restrictions. The specially designated measures (code number) for the supervision and checking of the intelligence service will in _no_ case, however, come into force except by special order of the OKW (No. 4.c).
The advance measures for the period of tension are printed in red in Section II (mobilization).
The purpose of the said summary in Section II is to afford a complete survey in case mobilization should arise suddenly (without a previous period of tension).
The mob. measures common to all administrative authorities are listed in a special _Part II of the mobilization schedule_. They are not included in the separate parts of the mob. schedule.
10. Every part of the “Mobilization Schedule for the civil administrative authorities” (and therewith all the highest Reich Departments) is furnished with certain _code numbers_ with which the various measures are to be designated at all times.
The purpose of these code numbers is to enable certain measures to be put into effect quickly and under certain circumstances to be camouflaged. In order to guard against confusion with the code numbers of the Wehrmacht units, the letter _Z_ (for Zivilverwaltungen- i.e. civil administration) is to be set _before_ the code number wherever code numbers are given in the mob. schedule of the civil administration.
11. The “mobilization schedule for the civil administrative authorities” contains in--
_Part I_
The introduction to the mob. schedule No. 1-100 for the civil administrative authorities
_Part II_
Measures applicable to all Code No. 0101-0500 administrations and in its subsequent parts measures of the various supreme Reich Departments.
_Part III_
Foreign Office Code No. 0501-1000
_Part IV_
Reich Ministry of the Interior Code No. 1001-1500
_Part V_
Reich Ministry for Popular Code No. 1501-2000 Enlightenment & Propaganda
_Part VI_
Reich Ministry of Justice Code No. 2001-2500
_Part VII_
Reich Ministry for Science, Code No. 2501-3000 Education and Popular Culture
_Part VIII_
Reich Traffic Ministry (Motor Code No. 3001-3500 traffic, shipping & waterways)
_Part IX_
Reich Post Code No. 3501-4000
_Part X_
Reich Traffic Ministry Code No. 4001-4500 (Railway Sections)
_Part XI_
General Inspector for German Code No. 4501-5000 roadways
_Part XII_
Special measures of the Plenipotentiary Code No. 5001-5500 for Economy
_Part XIII_
Reich Ministry for Economy Code No. 5501-6000
_Part XIV_
Reich Ministry for Food and Code No. 6001-6500 Agriculture
_Part XV_
Reich Ministry of Finance Code No. 6501-7000
_Part XVI_
Reich Ministry of Labor Code No. 7001-7500
_Part XVII_
Reich Forests Director Code No. 7501-8000
_Part XVIII_
Reichbank Directorate Code No. 8001-8500
_Part XIX_
Reich Department for Space Code No. 8501-9000 Regulation
_Part XX_
NSDAP Code No. 9001-9500
12. The various civil administrations will in their own sphere of authority keep _mobilization calendars_ based on the general measures set forth in the “mobilization schedule for civil administrative authorities”.
These calendars will comprise the individual measures and explanations necessary for the execution of the general measures in the same order and with the same code numbers as in the mobilization schedule.
That the code numbers of the mobilization schedule should agree with those on all mob. calendars is necessary to enable the measures ordered in accordance with the mob. schedule to be passed on quickly and camouflaged.
_The mobilization calendars of the civil administrative authorities_ shall be drafted and passed on in the same way in compliance with the executory provisions laid down by the OKW.
_C. Securing of sufficient money to cover mobilization._
13. The money set aside in the Reichsbank establishments for the purposes of the armed forces and the civil administration in the case of mobilization may be used for the advance measures and for the mobilization without public announcement (“Case X”).
The absolutely necessary payments before the publication of a mobilization order are to be entered under a special section of the present budget appropriations for the time being and will be transferred to the war budget later on, unless otherwise directed. This regulation is to be added to all mobilization calendars.
_D. Dates for Mob. Preparations in the Civil Administration._
14. In order that a new measure should be included in the mobilization schedule for the civil administrative authorities, application must be made to the Chief of the Reich Defense Committee (Section Defense of the Reich in the OKW).
15. In order that consistency may be preserved in preparing measures for the calendar for any mobilization year, alterations, and where possible, new measures should only be applied for once a year--at the latest--November 1st.
On the basis of such applications the mob. schedule will be altered by the following 1st of February in such a way that it will be decisive for calendar preparations for the current mob. year (April 1-March 31).
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1642-PS
Distribution List for the Secret map of the Soviet Union (European part)
OKW--(Supreme Command Armed forces): Keitel, Jodl, Warlimont, Munch, Wedell, Canaris 6
Office for the Four year plan: Koerner, Neuman, Gramsch and 12 others 15
Foreign office: Grosskopf 2
OKH--(High Command Army): Brauchitsch and Quartermaster-General 3
OKM--(High Command Navy): Raeder and 1 other 2
Propaganda Ministry: Goebbels, Gutterer 3
Reichs Ministry for Economy: Funk 11
Police: Himmler and 3 others 4 -- 36
Own Ministry: Sch., Mall., Leibl, Siew., Korpp, Meyer, Dreyer 8 -- 44
[illegible] 2 -- 46
and 50 persons
_Title of map_: Union of the Socialist Soviet republics European part scale 1 : 400000000 kilometer
Map I
OKW /(Supreme Command of the armed forces) Office for Economy and armament/ Economy (Wi Rue Amt/Wi) 1. March 1941
[Explanatory note: The map was found among the Rosenberg documents in a red folder carrying the remark “Frontiers”, with a distribution list in Rosenberg’s own handwriting. This distribution list refers apparently to plans worked out by Rosenberg for the administration of the occupied territories as the map shows lines in blue pencil indicating possibly the extent of the intended administration through the Rosenberg Ministry.]
SYNOPSIS OF DOCUMENT 1643-PS
Synopsis of letter written 29 November 1942 by Dr. Casdorf to various Reich officials: Leader of the SS; Chief of the German police; Main Government Office of Economics of the SS.
Invitation extended to various responsible officials for a meeting to be held on 17 December 1942 at 10 o’clock, for the purpose of discussing the legal aspects of the confiscation of property by the SS for enlarging the concentration camp at Auschwitz as suggested in the attached letter.
# # # # #
Synopsis of letter written 7 November 1942 by SS General Pohl to the Reich Minister of Finance for the enlargement of the concentration camp at Auschwitz.
The Reichsfuehrer of the SS expressed the wish that the territory of Auschwitz concentration camp should be increased to about 4640 acres and become a private estate owned by the Reich. The area in question (to be confiscated as soon as possible) belonged to various owners such as (1) Jewish and Polish private land owners, (2) towns in which most of the industrial property belonged to the Poles and the Jews, (3) the Polish State, (4) the community, (5) the church, (6) racial Germans.
Different authorities were in charge and different rules had to be applied which made the transfer of property an impractical legal procedure. For this reason, the Minister of Justice introduced a new regulation on 23 May 1942 which made a new system of property registration possible.
The SS suggests that the Reichskommissar, for the securing of the German element, should be authorized to transfer estates under categories 2-6. Racial Germans should be compensated for their estates in money or in allotting other ground properties to them.
It is desired that all authorities concerned should be notified and invited for a discussion on this subject. In this meeting, Dr. Fiedler (Office of the Reichskommissar for the strengthening of the German element) and Mr. Korch [Zentralbodenamt] should participate.
# # # # #
Synopsis of teletype letter from the Chief of the ORPO to the Regierungspraesident in Kattowitz, 8 December 1942, forwarded to the Reich Minister on 9 December 1942.
The chief of police orders:
The creation of an independent police district for the concentration camp and quarters [Lager und Wehnsiedlung] for inmates in Auschwitz, headed by the camp commandant. This new regulation will not affect the police functions of the Landsrat in Bielitz or of the Regierungspraesident in Kattowitz. The commander of the camp will be the police chief of the town of Auschwitz. The disciplinary measures ordered by the camp commander against the camp inmates should not have the character of police measures, and his functions as camp commander and police chief should be kept distinct. The field police can be ordered by the camp commandant for special duty within the camp itself; but such an order can be given only by the camp commander.
# # # # #
Synopsis of a copy of minutes of meeting held on 17 and 18 December 1942 about the confiscation of territory for the enlargement of the Auschwitz concentration camp.
In order to be able to enlarge the territory of the Auschwitz concentration camp, it would be expedient to transfer all the estates to be confiscated to the “Zentralbodenamt” which is an agency of the Reichsfuehrer SS. However, in order to carry out this transaction, all those agencies which are at present responsible for the various types of real estate in question, have to give their approval.
The officials in charge of the church property and of the former Polish State property gave their consent to release the estates under their jurisdiction to the Zentralbodenamt. However, the representative of the Reich Minister of the Interior claimed that he had no authority to dispose of the property.
Of the community, in spite of arguments to the contrary from other officials, a further discussion on 21 December 1942 was to be held between the representatives of the Reich Ministry of the Interior and the Reichsfuehrer SS.
On 18 December 1942 the representative of the Haupttreuhandstelle Ost agreed to release the estates under their jurisdiction and empower the officials in charge to initiate the transactions. The still remaining legal requirements for the release of properties belonging to industrial enterprises, racial Germans, and the town of Auschwitz were finally discussed. The list of participants appears on page 4. Attached, an authorization from the Reich Minister of Finance (Haupttreuhandstelle Ost) issued 12 January 1943, giving full power of attorney to the Bodenamt of the Reichsfuehrer SS to make out the necessary declarations in regard to the real estates.
# # # # #
Synopsis of teletype letter from Dr. Hoffman, representing the Reich Ministry of the Interior, to the Regierungspraesident in Kattowitz, dated 22 January 1943.
The territory of the Auschwitz concentration camp will be changed into an independent estate. For this purpose it must become the property of the Reich, represented by the Reichsfuehrer SS. This transaction must be carried out quickly. Land belonging to the Auschwitz district or to former Reich communities will be transferred after individual agreements have been made between the owners and the Reichsfuehrer SS or his agencies. The other community property will be transferred to the Bodenamt from the respective communities through the mediation of the Regierungspraesident. Regardless of how much of a property will become part of the new concentration camp estate, it will have to be purchased in its entirety. After the measurements have been completed, the part not needed for the camp estate will be returned to the original owner. In the Interior the Reichsfuehrer will administer the property.
Finally the legal aspects of the compensation are discussed.
# # # # #
Synopsis of letter from Dr. Hoffman, representative of the Reich Ministry of the Interior, to the Oberpraesident of Kattowitz, dated 9 June 1943.
Inquiry as to whether the new Auschwitz estate has already been formed.
# # # # #
Synopsis of letter from the Chief President of Upper Silesia to the Reich Minister of the Interior, dated 16 August 1943.
Since the new estate of the concentration camp Auschwitz could not be created fast enough because two private properties could not be purchased, the President of Upper Silesia issued a decree creating a new district for Auschwitz. This decree, issued 31 May 1943, is attached in two copies. It gives a detailed description of the border line of the newly created Auschwitz district. Relevant maps are enclosed in folder.
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1650-PS
SECRET STATE POLICE--STATE POLICE OFFICE COLOGNE
Branch Office, Aachen
To be transmitted in secret--To be handled as a secret government matter.
DOR. BERLIN NUE 19 507 March 4 1944 1430--WF--
To all State Police Directorates except PRAGUE and BRUNN--Inspectors of the Security Police and of the Security Service.
Subject: Measures to be taken against captured escaped prisoners of war who are officers or not working non-commissioned officers, except British and American prisoners of war.
The Supreme Command of the Army has ordered as follows:
1. Every captured escaped prisoner of war who is an officer or a not working non-commissioned officer, except British and American prisoners of war, is to be turned over to the Chief of the Security Police and of the Security Service under the classification “Step III” regardless of whether the escape occurred during a transport, whether it was a mass escape or an individual one.
2. Since the transfer of the prisoners of war to the security police and security service may not become officially known to the outside under any circumstances other prisoners of war may by no means be informed of the capture. The captured prisoners are to be reported to the Army Information Bureau as “escaped and not captured”. Their mail is to be handled accordingly. Inquiries of representatives of the Protective Power of the International Red Cross, and of other aid societies will be given the same answer.
3. If escaped British and American prisoners of war who are officers or not working non-commissioned officers, respectively, are captured they are to be detained at first outside the prisoner of war camps and out of sight of prisoners of war; if Army owned buildings are unavailable they are to be placed in police custody. In every instance the Corps Area Command will request speedily the Supreme Command of the Army (Chief, Prisoner of War Section) for a decision as to whether they are to be turned over to the Chief of the Security Police and of the Security Service.
In reference to this, I order as follows:
1. The State Police Directorates will accept the captured escaped officer prisoners of war from the prisoner of war camp commandants and will transport them to the Concentration Camp Mauthausen following the procedure previously used, unless the circumstances render a special transport imperative. The prisoners of war are to be put in irons on the transport--not on the station if it is subject to view by the public. The camp commandant at Mauthausen is to be notified that the transfer occurs within the scope of the action “Kugel” [translator’s note: the literal translation of “Kugel” is “bullet”]. The State Police Directorates will submit semi-yearly reports on these transfers giving merely the figures, the first report being due on 5 July 1944 (sharp). The report is to be made under the reference “Treatment of Captured Escaped Prisoners of War who are officers within the Scope of the Action ‘Kugel’.” In the case of special events, reports are to be submitted immediately. The State Police Directorates will maintain exact records.
2. For the sake of secrecy, the Supreme Command of the Armed Force has been requested to inform the prisoner of war camps to turn the captured prisoners over to the local State Police Office and not to send them directly to Mauthausen.
3. Captured escaped British and American officers and not working non-commissioned officers are to be detained in police custody in a city in which a State Police office is located provided the Army has no suitable quarters. In view of the existing crowding of police prisons, the State Police officer will accept captured prisoners only if the Army actually does not dispose of any suitable space. The prisoner of war camp commandants are to be contacted in reference to their quarters immediately after the receipt of this order. In the interest of the secrecy of this order, confinement outside of police jails, e.g. in Labor Education Camps is not permissible.
4. If escaped prisoners of war who are officers and not working non-commissioned officers except British and American prisoners of war are captured by police authorities, reasons of practicability render it unnecessary to return the prisoner to the prisoner of war camp commandant once the facts have been clarified adequately. The prisoner of war camp is to be informed of the capture and is to be requested for a transfer under the classification “Step III”. Captured escaped British and American prisoners of war who are officers and non-commissioned officers are always to be turned over to the Army.
5. The city and county police authorities are not to be informed of this order.
Chief of the Security Police and of the Security Service IV D5d--B.NR. 61/44 GRS.--For the Chief--(signed) Mueller. SS General. Branch Office Aachen. Aachen 6 March 1944 _IV D No. 26/44 g Rs_
1. Two extract copies were made of this order. 1st Copy to IV A--6 March. 2nd Copy to IV D--2 March. 2. To be filed with IV C.--IV 3 Noted.
ROSCHER 19 June [two illegible signatures]
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1652-PS
1933 REICHSGESETZBLATT, PART I, PAGE 135
Decree of the Reichs President for Protection against treacherous Attacks on the Government of the Nationalist Movement 21 March 1933
On the basis of Article 48, Par. 2 of the constitution the following is decreed:
Par. 1
1. Any person possessing a uniform of an organization supporting the government of the nationalist movement without being entitled thereto through membership in the organization or otherwise, will be punished with imprisonment up to two years.
2. Any person wearing the uniform or an insignia representing membership of an organization designated in Par. 1, without being a member of the organization, will be punished with imprisonment of at least one month.
Par. 2
1. Whoever commits a punishable act against persons or objects or threatens the same and while so doing wears or carries with him the uniform or insignia designating membership in an organization of the kind listed in Section 1 (1) without being a member of the organization, will be punished with a penitentiary sentence; in case of mitigating circumstances, with imprisonment of not less than 6 months.
2. If the offense was committed with the intention to incite a revolt or to create fear or panic among the populace or to cause difficulties for the German Reich in its foreign affairs, the punishment is a penitentiary sentence of from 3 years to life. In especially severe cases the death penalty may be exacted.
3. According to these regulations a German can also be prosecuted if he has committed the offense in a foreign country.
Par. 3
1. Whoever purposely makes or circulates a statement of a factual nature which is untrue or grossly exaggerated or which is apt to seriously harm the welfare of the Reich or of a state or the reputation of the national government or of a state government or of the parties or organizations supporting these governments, is to be punished, insofar as no more severe punishment is decreed in other regulations, with imprisonment up to two years and, if he makes or spreads the statement publicly, with imprisonment of not less than three months.
2. If through this deed, heavy damage for the Reich or a state resulted, penitentiary punishment can be exacted.
3. Whoever commits an act through negligence, will be punished with imprisonment up to 3 months, or by a fine.
Par. 4
Whoever has acquired membership in an organization surreptitiously is counted as a non-member in the application of this decree.
Par. 5
This decree becomes effective on the day following its publication.
Berlin, 21 March 1933
Reichs President von HINDENBURG
Reichs Chancellor Adolf HITLER
Reichs Minister of the Interior FRICK
For the Reichs Minister for Justice The Deputy of the Reichs Chancellor von PAPEN
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1653-PS
1934 REICHSGESETZBLATT, PART I, PAGE 81
First regulation concerning the new building of the Reich of 2 February 1934
Under the authority of Article 5 of the law on the Reconstruction of the Reich from 30 January 1934 (Reichsgesetzblatt I, page 75), the following decree is published herewith:
Article 1
To exercise sovereign rights--a function which was transferred from the provinces onto the Reich--shall be a function exercised by the provincial governments as a mandate and on behalf of the Reichs, since the Reich shall not make use of its right to exercise this function, either generally or in individual cases.
Article 2
Treaties or agreements in the realm of administration which the provinces may have concluded among each other or with the Reich shall not be affected by this transfer of the sovereign rights from the provinces onto the Reich.
Article 3
1. Laws need the assent of the competent Minister of the Reich.
2. In his own domain the competent Minister of the Reich may order that the drafts of laws be submitted to him before the law is published.
Article 4
The highest echelons of the provincial governments shall, within the realm of their tasks, obey the orders issued by the competent Ministers of the Reich.
Article 5
Employees of the provincial governments may be transferred into the Reich’s civil service, and employees of the government of the Reich may be transferred into the civil service of the provinces.
Article 6
This decree became valid on 30 January 1934.
Berlin, 2 February 1934
The Minister of the Interior FRICK
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1654-PS
1935 REICHSGESETZBLATT, PAGE 369, Nr. 28 dated 16 March 1935
TO THE GERMAN PEOPLE!
When in November 1918, the German people trusting the assurances given in Wilson’s 14 points, laid down their arms, after four and a half years of glorious resistance in a war which they never wanted, they believed, not only to have rendered a service to tortured mankind but also toward a great idea. Suffering the most, under the consequences of this insane battle, millions of our people faithfully grasped at the thought of a reorganization of the relationship between people. This would be improved by the elimination of secret diplomatic cabinet politics on one hand, and the horrible means of war on the other. The harshest results of defeat which are history appeared, to many German people as the necessary sacrifices in order to free the world once and for all of similar horrors.
The idea of the League of Nations has probably not aroused a more hearty approval in other nations than in the German which lost all earthly happiness. And so it was easy to understand, why the German people occupied and fulfilled the inane requests for destruction of armaments. The German people, and especially the administration, were convinced that through their fulfillment of orders for disarmament, laid down at Versailles, an international disarmament program was going to be started and guaranteed. For only in a fulfillment of these orders, by both sides, lies a moral sensible justification for a demand, which if unilaterally imposed and executed, will lead to eternal discrimination and with that, to a declaration of inferiority, of a great nation. But such a peace treaty could never be the prerequisite for a real inner reconciliation of the people and with that lead to a pacification of the world; but it would only create an eternal burning hatred. Germany has fulfilled the imposed disarmament obligations laid down by the Inter-Allied Control Commission.
The following were the works of the destruction of the German military power and its means which were certified to, by this commission.
A. Army
59 897 guns and barrels 130 558 machine guns 31 470 trench mortars and barrels 6007 000 rifles and carbines 243 957 machine gun barrels 28 001 gun carriages 4 390 trench mortar carriages 38750 000 projectiles 16550 000 hand and rifle grenades 60400 000 fuzes 491000 000 small arms ammunition 335 000 shells 23 515 cartridges and bullets 37 600 powder 79 500 empty shells 212 000 telephones 1 072 flamethrowers 31 armored trains 59 tanks 1 762 observation cars 8 982 wireless stations 1 240 Field bakeries 2 199 pontoons 981 pieces of equipment for soldiers and 8230 350 sets of equipment for soldiers 7 300 pistols and revolvers 180 machine gun sleighs 21 mobile workshops 12 AA gun carriers 11 caissons 64 000 steel helmets 174 000 gas masks 2 500 machines of former war industry 8 000 rifle barrels B. Air
15 714 fighter planes and bombers 27 757 Airplane engines
C. Navy
26 battleships 4 coast guard vessels 4 destroyers 19 small destroyers 21 school and special ships 83 torpedo boats 315 U-Boats
Remarks to A and B
Further under the destruction duties; vehicles of all kinds, means of gas attack and partly gas defense, gas and explosives, searchlights, sighting mechanisms, range-finding and sound-ranging devices, optical apparatus of all kinds, harnesses for horses, narrow gauge equipment, field printing shops, field kitchens, workshops, slash and stabbing weapons, steel helmets, ammunition transport material, normal and special machines of the War industry as, buildings, blueprints thereof, airplane and zeppelin hangars, etc.
Following this unprecedented historical fulfillment of a treaty, the German people had the right to expect the redemption of the introduced duties also from the other side.
Because:
1. Germany has disarmed.
2. In the peace treaty it was plainly required that Germany must be disarmed in order to set precedent for general disarmament; this means, it was said that only in Germany’s armament alone lies the basis for the armament of other nations.
3. The German people were filled with such principles in its governments and in its Parties which completely agreed with the pacifistic-democratic ideals of the League of Nations and its founders.
While Germany however had fulfilled its obligations on one side of the treaty, there remained the redeeming of the obligations on the other side. That means: the high treaty-makers of the former victorious states have unilaterally released themselves from the obligations of the Versailles treaty!
Not enough that every disarmament, was in some way or another comparable to the German destruction of arms, discontinued, no: Not even a standstill in the armament was seen, on the contrary the armament of a whole number of states became visible. What was discovered during the War in the way of new destructive machinery now was completed in a methodical-scientific way. In the field of creating mighty tanks, fighters and bombers, uninterrupted and terrible improvements took place. New large guns were constructed, new high explosive, incendiary and gas bombs were developed.
In the meantime however, the world resounded again with war cries as if there never had been a World War and never a Versailles Treaty. Germany was an empty powerless space, among these highly armed War states, which continually made available the most modern motorized equipment [Kraefte] and had no defense against any menace or threat. The German people recall the disaster and suffering from fifteen years of economical distress, political and moral humiliation. It is therefore easily understood when Germany began to ask loudly for the redeeming of the promise of the disarmament of the other nations.
Because this is clear, the world would not tolerate a hundred year long peace but it must be an unmeasurable blessing to her. But it would not endure a hundred year long break between conqueror and conquered.
The feeling regarding the moral rectification and necessity of an international disarmament was not only active in Germany but also within many other nations. Out of the pursuance of these strengths resulted attempts to try and direct an armament reduction by means of conferences and thereby bring about a general international assimilation on a lower level.
And so resulted the first proposition for an international armament abrogation, of which we have the memory of the MacDonald Plan as being significant.
Germany was prepared to accept this plan and to take it as foundation of a final agreement.
It failed due to the rejection by other nations and was finally abandoned. Since the German people and Reich under such circumstances found no realization in the equality of rights solemnly guaranteed in the December declaration of 1932, the new German government saw in themselves, the guardians of the honor and the living rights of the German people; they were not in the position to continue to take part in such conferences or to belong to the League of Nations.
Even after the leaving of Geneva, the German Government was still prepared not only to consider proposals by other nations but also to make several practical proposals themselves. They undertook thereby the conception, which was coined by other nations themselves, that the creation of short services Armies are inappropriate for purposes of aggression and therefore are to be recommended for a peaceful defense.
They were therefore prepared to convert the long-service Reichswehr into a short service Army according to the wishes of other nations. Their proposals of the winter 1933/34 were practical and easy to accomplish. Their rejection as well as the final rejection of the similar proposed Italian and English plan however led us to believe that the inclination toward a further sensible fulfillment of the Versailles disarmament provision no longer exists.
Under these circumstances, the German government was forced to take every necessary measure which would guarantee the termination of conditions, which are just as unworthy as menacing; of the helpless defenselessness of a great people and Reich.
They started out from the same motivations as the very true expression given by Minister Baldwin in his last speech:
“A country, which is not willing to seize the necessary precautionary measures for its own protection will never have might in this world, neither moral nor material might.”
The Government of the present day German Reich however, only wishes one single moral and material might; it is the power to be able to protect the peace for the Reich and with that, peace for all of Europe!
Therefore she did everything that was in her power and what could serve toward the furtherance of the peace.
1. For a long period of time she has proposed to all her neighbor nations, the signing of non-aggression pacts.
2. She has sought and found an agreeable arrangement with the eastern neighbor nation, which, thanks to the great arbitrary understanding, has for ever decontaminated the menacing atmosphere which existed when they took over the power, and it will lead to a lasting understanding and friendship between the two peoples.
3. She has finally given France the solemn security that Germany, after the effectuated arrangement of the Saar question will not place or raise any more territorial claims against France. She believes thereby to have created, in a historically rare form the prerequisite for the termination of a hundred year long conflict between two large nations through a great political and essential sacrifice.
However, the German government must witness to its regret, that for months a continually rising rearmament is taking place in the world. She sees in the creation of a Soviet-Russian Army of 101 Divisions, which means 960,000 men in present peacetime strength, an element which could not be foreseen at the time of the composition of the Versailles Treaty.
She sees further signs of rejecting the disarmament idea, proclamated in its time, in the overdoing of similar measures. It is far from the German Government to reproach any nation. However, she sees today that through the present resolved introduction of the two-year military service in France, the basic ideas of the creation of a short service defense Army has been abandoned in favor of a long-service organization.
This, however, was one of the arguments used in the demands on Germany, to surrender its Reichswehr.
* * * Under these circumstances, the German government feels that it is impossible longer to postpone taking the necessary measures for the security of the Reich, or even to hide them from the knowledge of the world.
Therefore, if it now complies with the desire, expressed in the speech of the English Minister Baldwin on November 28, 1934 for a clarification of the German intentions, then this is done:
1. IN ORDER TO GIVE THE GERMAN PEOPLE THE CONVICTION AND THE OTHER STATES THE KNOWLEDGE THAT THE MAINTAINING OF THE HONOR AND SECURITY OF THE GERMAN REICH WILL, FROM NOW ON, AGAIN BE ENTRUSTED TO THE GERMAN NATION’S OWN POWER.
2. But in order, by fixing the extent of the German measures, to invalidate these assertions which wish to imply that the German people are striving for a position of military hegemony in Europe.
What the German government desires, as the guardian of the honor and interests of the German nation, is to guarantee the extent of those means of power which are required not only for maintaining the integrity of the German Reich, but also for the international respect and esteem of Germany as a co-guarantor of the general peace.
For in this hour the German government renews, before the German people and before the whole world, the assurance of its determination never to trespass the limit of guarding German honor and the freedom of the Reich, and especially of its determination to (wish to) form, in the national German armament, not an instrument of military attack, but rather exclusively one for defense, and thus for maintaining the peace.
In so doing, the German Reich Cabinet expresses the confident hope that the German people, which thus regains its honor, may be permitted, with independent equal right, to make its contribution to the pacification of the world in a free and open cooperation with the other nations and their governments.
In this spirit the German Reich Cabinet has today passed the following law:
Law for the Organization of the Armed Forces of March 16, 1935.
The Reich Cabinet has passed the following law which is herewith promulgated:
Section 1
Service in the Armed Forces is based upon compulsory military duty.
Section 2
In peace time, the German Army, including the police troops transferred to it is organized into:
12 Corps and 16 Divisions.
Section 3
The Reich Minister of War is charged with the duty of submitting immediately to the Reich Ministry, detailed laws on compulsory military duty.
Berlin, March 16, 1935
The Fuehrer and Reich Chancellor ADOLF HITLER
The Reich Minister of Foreign Affairs FREIHERR VON NEURATH
The Reich Minister of the Interior FRICK
The Reich Minister of Finance GRAF SCHWERIN VON KROSIGK
The Reich Minister of Economics Acting: HJALMAR SCHACHT President of the Board of Directors of the Reichsbank.
The Reich Minister of Labor FRANZ SELDTE
The Reich Minister of Justice DR. GUERTNER
The Reich Minister of Defense VON BLOMBERG
The Reich Minister of Post and Traffic FREIHERR VON TELTZ
The Reich Minister of Nutrition and Agriculture R. WALTER DARRE
The Reich Minister for Public Enlightenment and Propaganda DR. GOEBBELS
The Reich Minister for Air HERMANN GOERING
The Reich Minister of Science Education and Popular Culture RUST
The Reich Minister without Portfolio R. HESS
The Reich Minister without Portfolio KERRL
The Reich Minister without Portfolio Dr. HANS FRANK
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1659-PS
1938 REICHSGESETZBLATT, PART I, PAGE 303
Second order concerning plebiscite and election for the greater German Reichstag of 24 March 1938
On the basis of par. 4 of the Second Decree regarding the Reichstag election law of 18 March 1938 (RGBl I, p. 258) the following is decreed in supplement to pars. 8 and 32 of the First Decree of 22 March 1938 for the people’s vote and for the election to the Greater German Reichstag:
Article 1
1. The ballot is printed as follows:
2. The ballot for the qualified voters with the exception of the Austrian qualified voters (par 8 of the First Decree) consists of white or yellow paper.
3. The ballot for the Austrian qualified voters (par. 32 section 1 of the First Decree) consists of green paper.
Article 2
1. The ballot for soldiers of the former Austrian Army (par 32 section 2 of the First Decree) is printed as follows:
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1660-PS
1938 REICHSGESETZBLATT, PART I, PAGE 631
Decree for the registration for the active service in Austria in the year 1938 of 16 June 1938
I. The registration for the active service in the army for the year 1938 in the country of Austria will be conducted during the time from 16 August until 10 September 1938.
II. To be called for registration:
1. All those subject to duty, born in the year 1917, without regard to their physical fitness and regardless whether they were exempt from induction in spring of the year 1938;
2. All those volunteers of other years of birth who were considered “general service”;
3. All those subject to duty considered “general service” or “limited service” at the time of induction of the class of 1915 and 1916 who have registered with reserve commands and who have as yet not been trained;
4. The volunteers who have reported, or want to report, in June 1938, for induction into active service for the fall of 1938 (for the Luftwaffe also for the spring of 1939), without regard whether or not they have been physically examined.
III. Charged with this task are--
in the higher administrative echelons:
The Landeshauptmaenner (governors of provinces); in Vienna the mayor,
in the district police echelons:
in the cities, the mayor, and the State police officer, as far as they are on hand,
in Vienna the Chief of Police,
in the rural districts the district governors.
IV. This decree is based upon Article 37, Section 2 of the draft law dated 21 May 1935 (Reichsgesetzbl. I, page 609) and the decree of the Fuehrer and Reich Chancellor regarding the transfer (carrying over) of the institutional law according to the draft law dated 22 May 1935 (Reichsgesetzblatt I, page 615) and the decree on the introduction of the general draft in the country of Austria dated 15 June 1938 (Reichsgesetzblatt I, page 631).
Berlin, 16 June 1938
The Chief of the High Command of the Armed Forces Keitel
The Reich Minister of the Interior Frick
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1662-PS
1938 REICHSGESETZBLATT, PART I, PAGE 1580
Order eliminating Jews from German economic life of 12 November 1938
On the basis of the Decree of 18 October 1936 for the execution of the Four Year Plan (RGBl I, p. 887), the following is ordered:
Article 1
1. From January 1, 1938, operation of retail shops, mail order houses, independent exercise of handicrafts is forbidden to Jews. (Article 5 of the First Decree to Reich citizenship law [Reichsbuergergesetz] of 14 Nov 1935--RGBl I, 1933).
2. Moreover it is forbidden to Jews from the same date to offer goods or services in the markets of all kinds, fairs, or exhibitions or to advertise such or accept orders therefor.
3. Jewish shops operated in violation of this order will be closed by police. (Third Decree to Reich citizenship law of 14 June 1938-RGBl I, 627).
Article 2
1. No Jew can manage a firm according to the interpretation of the term “manager” under the law for national labor of 20 Jan 1934. (RGBl I, 45).
2. If a Jew is a leading employee in a business concern he may be dismissed with notice of six weeks. At expiration of this period all claims resulting from the employee’s contract, especially claims of compensation or pensions, become null.
Article 3
1. No Jew can be a member of a cooperative society.
2. Jewish members of cooperatives lose membership from 21 Dec 1938. No notice is necessary.
Article 4
Competent Reich Ministers are empowered to issue rules required by this decree. They may permit exceptions so far as this is necessary for transfer of Jewish firms into non-Jewish hands or for liquidation of Jewish concerns and in special cases in order to insure supplies.
Berlin, 12 November 1938
The Commissioner for the Four Year Plan Goering General Field Marshal
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1665-PS
1940 REICHSGESETZBLATT, PART I, PAGE 1270
Order concerning treatment of property of Nationals of the former Polish State of 17 September 1940
On the basis of the Decree to Implement the Four Year Plan of 18 October 1936 (RGBl I, 887) in conjunction with the Decree for the Introduction of the Four Year Plan in the Eastern Territories of 30 October 1939 (RGBl I, 2125) the following is decreed for the area of the Greater German Reich, including annexed Eastern territories:
Article 1
1. Property of nationals of the former Polish State within the area of the Greater German Reich, including annexed Eastern territories, is subject to confiscation, administration by commissioner and sequestration in accordance with the following regulations.
2. This does not apply to the property of persons who have gained German citizenship in accordance with Article 6 of the edict of the Fuehrer and Reich Chancellor concerning organization and administration of Eastern territories, dated 8 October 1939 (RGBl I, 2042). The competent authority (Article 12) may permit additional exceptions.
3. Nationals of the former Free City of Danzig who are of Polish nationality are considered as nationals of the former Polish State.
Article 2
1. Confiscation will be applied in case of property belonging to:
_a._ Jews.
_b._ Persons who have fled or who have absented themselves for longer than temporary period.
2. Confiscation may be applied:
_a._ If the property is needed for the public good, especially for purposes of national defense or the strengthening of German folkdom.
_b._ If the owners or other persons entitled to it immigrated into the, then, area of the German Reich after 1 October 1918.
3. Confiscation may be limited to individual articles of property.
4. As a rule the following articles are to be exempted from confiscation:
_a._ Movable articles destined exclusively for personal use.
_b._ Cash, bank and savings bank deposits as well as stocks and bonds up to a total value of one thousand marks.
Article 3
Properties are stationary and movable objects (with all accessories), credits, shares, judgments, and interests of all sorts.
Article 4
1. With the sequestration the previous owners lose the rights of disposal of the sequestered properties. The competence of the general governor in accordance with the ordinance for public administration of farm and forestry industries and territories in the annexed Eastern areas of 12 Feb 1940 (RGBl I, 355) remains unaffected.
2. Whoever has sequestered property in his possession or custody, must administer it until further notice. Changes or disposal of the property or its profits are only to be permitted within the limits of regular business. All measures which go beyond this, especially the disposal of plots of land, must have the permission of the competent office (Article 12).
Article 5
1. The commissarial administration can be ordered for property which is subject to sequestration, insofar as ordinary administration demands it.
2. Orders by the commissarial administration serve as confiscation at the same time.
Article 6
1. The commissarial administrator is appointed by the competent office (Article 12). He will receive a written appointment. He can be recalled at any time.
2. In the direction of businesses, he must use the same caution which a regular businessman or administrator would and is responsible for all the damages which result through breach of duty. He must report to the competent office (Article 12) at all times all of the information requested by it and insofar as nothing else is determined he still must report it concerning his administrative activity monthly without further request.
3. The commissarial administrator can be held to the fulfillment of his obligations by the competent office--without prejudice to his criminal responsibility--by means of an automatic fine of up to 10,000 RM.
Article 7
1. The commissarial administrator is empowered to take all judicial and extrajudicial actions, which the administration of the property entails within the limits of ordinary business.
2. The administrator needs a special permission of the competent office (Article 12) prior to:
_a._ Selling or mortgaging lots.
_b._ Changing the subject or the legal form of an enterprise.
_c._ Doing legal business which results in the sale or winding-up of an enterprise or of a management or the sale of an administrated stock of goods or other property which is not divided.
_d._ Renting professional, agriculture and lumber enterprises and farm and timber lots over 10 hectars.
_e._ Undertaking other legal business whose settlement is made dependent upon previously established authority of the competent office (Article 12) by means of public announcement in the German Reichsanzeiger and the Prussian Staatsanzeiger.
3. Legal affairs which are undertaken without the authority required by Article 2 are not valid.
Article 8
1. The administrator will receive a remuneration for his activity which will be determined by the competent office.
2. The costs of the commissarial administration including the remuneration will be borne by the concern, property, or portion of property, administered.
Article 9
1. Sequestered property can be confiscated in favor of the Reich by the competent office if the public weal, particularly the defense of the Reich or the consolidation of the German nationality [Volkstums], requires it.
2. Before confiscation the sequestered property is to be determined according to more detailed directives of the competent office (Article 12).
The Reich is the security for the debts of the confiscated property up to the amount of the sale value of the confiscated property. Judgments against confiscated properties remain valid.
4. The disposal of confiscated property is granted the office which was competent for the confiscation (Article 12). In the case of disposal of agricultural property an accord will be reached between the Reich Commissar for the strengthening of German nationality and the Reich Minister for Food and Agriculture.
5. The regulation of the type and extent of compensation which will be granted for property losses attendant upon the carrying out of this decree remains withheld. For measures of the competent agency (Article 12), on the basis of Articles 16 and 17, no compensation will be granted.
Article 10
1. A commissarial (provisional) administration can also be established over the property of legal persons, societies, clubs and other associations of individuals in which subjects of the former Polish State in the year 1939 still either had a preponderant capital interest or whose administration was decisively influenced by members of the former Polish State.
2. During the existence of the commissarial administration the authority of chief and of the other persons authorized for representation or administration will be dormant; the same thing for the powers of all other organs.
3. Only the shares and holdings of subjects of the former Polish State are subject to confiscation in this case.
Article 11
1. The sequestration or the regulation of the commissarial administration are upon request of the competent authority (Article 2) to be entered into the register of deeds or any other appropriate public register. The entry of the name of the commissarial administrator can also be demanded.
2. Insofar as the register of deeds or other appropriate public register becomes incorrect as a result of measures on the basis of this decree, it is upon request of the competent authority to be corrected. Article 1, section 3 to 5 of the second decree for the execution and completion of the law on the granting of compensation in case of confiscation or transferral of property of 18 March 1938 (RGBl I, 317) is to be applied appropriately.
Article 12
1. For measures and decisions on the basis of this decree the commissioner for the four year plan--chief-trusteeship East--is the competent authority; for agriculture including agricultural side-enterprises, the Reich Commissar for the strengthening of German nationality.
2. The competent authorities according to subparagraph (1) can delegate the exercise of their powers entirely or partially to other agencies. Complaints against their decisions will be directed to the competent authority according to Sect (1). The complaint will have no delaying effect. It is not permissible if more than one year has gone by since the issuance of the disputed decision.
Article 13
If anybody opposes the sequestration or the ruling of the commissarial administration with the assertion that he is a member of the German people, then the proceedings are to be suspended. The competent authority (Article 12) will entrust the decision concerning membership in the German people to the local governor [Regierungspraesident]. The person concerned also has the right of requesting that his nationality be determined. Complaint against the decision of the Regierungspraesident to the Reich Minister of the Interior is permissible. The decision on membership in the German people is binding, upon the proceedings of the competent authority (Article 12) on the basis of this decree.
Article 14
The regulations to be issued according to Article 2, 5 and 10 will be effected by a written order which is to be made known to person concerned. This personally making known may be substituted by a sign, poster, or public proclamation.
Article 15
1. Disposal of property and property rights of subjects of the former Polish State, who do not come under the regulations governing exceptions of Article 1, Section 2, need the approval of the competent authority (Article 12) to be valid. This is not true for the disposition of claims upon interest and other continuous earnings.
2. The competent authority decides whether approval according to Section 1 is necessary. The decision is binding upon courts and administrative agencies. The competent authority (Article 12) must upon demand issue a certificate that approval is not necessary.
Article 16
1. All sorts of compulsory sales of objects are by this decree subject to sequestration may only be begun with the assent of the competent authority (Article 12). If one of the competent authorities according to Article 12 has assented, it has no influence upon further proceedings, if it has wrongly asserted its competence.
2. If it is to be feared that the debtor will escape the compulsory sale, or an immediate seizure is called for, for some other reason, then upon order of the court authorizing the compulsory sale the compulsory sale can be begun before issuance of the necessary approval, according to Section 1. It should, in this case, be limited to the measures permissible in the execution of an attachment and be continued from this point only when the approval has been issued. Upon demand of the competent authority (Article 12) the court authorizing a compulsory sale must order the lifting of the temporary attachment measures.
Article 17
1. If in the incorporated Eastern territories bankruptcy proceedings are opened on the property of a bankrupt, then the provisions of Article 16 are valid accordingly, for the liquidation of the property belonging to the estate of the bankrupt.
2. If the opening or discontinuance of bankruptcy proceedings in the incorporated Eastern territories depends upon whether the value of the bankrupt estate corresponds to the cost of the proceedings, then objects which according to this decree are subject to confiscation, shall only be regarded as belonging to the bankrupt estate, if the competent authority (Article 12) has agreed to their liquidation in bankruptcy proceedings.
Article 18
It can be publicly announced that property coming into consideration for sequestration is to be registered. The announcement of registration for agricultural property takes place in agreement with the Reich Minister for Food and Agriculture.
Article 19
The competent authority (Article 12) can demand information of everybody for the carrying out of its tasks. Administrative agencies and courts must give it official help, especially they must question witnesses and experts upon its demand.
Article 20
1. Whoever undertakes to deprive the agencies indicated in Article 12 or those empowered to dispose of the property by said agencies or otherwise in any way undertakes to thwart, to evade, or to prejudice the effect of the sequestration in order to create a profit for himself or another, will be punished with imprisonment and fine or one of these penalties.
2. In aggravated cases the punishment will be confinement to a penitentiary. If the culprit acts out of insubordination against the political new order or the case is otherwise especially aggravated the sentence of death is to be given.
Article 21
1. Whoever intentionally or carelessly fails to fulfill or fulfills incorrectly, or incompletely, an obligation to report or give information incumbent upon him according to an executionary regulation issued to implement this law or a regulation issued according to Articles 18 and 19, will be punished with imprisonment and fine.
2. The criminal prosecution will be instituted only upon request of the competent authority (Article 12).
Article 22
1. The following remain unprejudiced:
_a._ The regulation for the securing of the necessary establishments for the fitting out of the Reich’s war harbor Gdynia of 21 December 1939 (RGBl I, 2475);
_b._ The decree on the public exploitation of agricultural and sylvicultural enterprises and real estate in the incorporated Eastern territories of 12 February 1940 (RGBl I, 355) with the provision that upon the undertaking subject to public exploitation the provisions of Articles 1, 2, 3, 4 Section 1, Articles 9, 11, 12 Section 1, Articles 14, 18, 19, 20, 21 and 23 of this decree will be applied;
_c._ The ordinance on the handling of enemy property of 15 Jan 1940 (RGBl I, 191) with the provision that property of the subjects of the former Polish State, who have their residence or permanent domicile in the territory of an enemy state, will be treated according to this decree, insofar as it is located in the Greater German Reich including the incorporated Eastern territories.
_d._ The decree on confiscation in the occupied former Polish territories (except Eastern Upper Silesia) of 5 Oct 1939, P. 25.
_e._ The decree on the employment of Jewish property of 3 Dec 1938 (RGBl I, 1709) with following:
1. The sequestration according to Article 2 and the regulation of a commissarial administration according to Articles 5 and 10 of this decree do not take place in the case of property of Jews, which the Jewish owners had already been ordered to sell on the basis of Articles 1 to 6 of the decree on the disposal of Jewish property at the time this law came into effect. The proceeds of this sale can be confiscated.
2. The approval according to Article 15 of this decree is not necessary insofar as a license is prescribed by Article 8 of decree on employment of Jewish property;
_f._ The decree of the Reich protector in Bohemia and Moravia on Jewish property of 21 June 1939 [Verordnungsblatt des Reichsprotektors in Boehmen und Maehren p. 45] and the decree of the Reich protector in Bohemia and Moravia on the removal of the Jews from the economy of the protectorate of 26 Jan 1940 [Verordnungsblatt des Reichsprotektors in Boehmen and Maehren P. 45] with the provision that the proceedings for the removal of Jews will also be carried out in regard to the property of subjects of the former Polish State according to these provisions, in agreement with the chief-trusteeship East; for the sequestration and confiscation the agencies named in Article 12 remain competent.
2. Furthermore all regulations conflicting with this one, issued since 28 August 1939 in the incorporated Eastern territories including the territory of the former Free City of Danzig, especially such regulations which grant the right to sequester, to install commissarial administrators or trustees, or to confiscate, become invalid.
3. The measures and legal transactions of the commissariat administrator undertaken with the approval of the competent agencies are not subject to the necessity of being approved according to the decree to assure the orderly development of the economy in the incorporated Eastern territories of 31 Jan 1940 (RGBl I, 255). In the case of property disposal an understanding will be established with the competent Reichs governor or provincial governor or the highest Reichs authority, which according to Article 3 Section 2 of the decree of 31 Jan 1940 have withheld their consent. If in cases of especial importance such an understanding cannot be established, then the commissioner for the four year plan will make the decision.
4. Measures of the competent authorities (Article 12) which have been taken before this decree became effective, are valid if they are in accordance with the provisions of this decree or with the law as it stood previously.
5. Insofar as sequestrations, confiscations, or the installation of commissarial administrators have been carried out by anyone else but the competent agencies (Article 12), their confirmation is to be applied for in writing. If the confirmation of them is not then forthcoming, the previously directed measures become null and void. The same is true if a decision is not reached on the confirmation before 31 October 1940. The competent agencies are authorized to prolong this period to a reasonable degree in individual cases.
6. The provisions of Section 5 are not valid for trustees, who at the time this law came into effect were installed according to Articles 2 and 6 of the decree on the employment of Jewish property of 3 Dec 1938 (RGBl I, 1709) for the temporary carrying on, transferral, or winding up of Jewish business undertakings or for the administration or transferral of other property of Jews. The legal position of these trustees remains unchanged.
Article 23
1. The commissioner for the four year plan will issue the necessary legal regulations for the carrying out of this law--for agriculture including subsidiary enterprises pertaining to agriculture--with the agreement of Reich commissar for the strengthening of German nationality and of the Reich Minister for Food and Agriculture.
2. The commissioner for the four year plan in agreement with the Reich Minister of Finance and the Reich Minister for Economic Affairs can decree by means of legal regulations a simplified settlement, diverging from the provisions of the law as it stands, of the legal affairs of those persons whose property is subject to confiscation according to this decree.
3. The necessary administrative regulations for the carrying out of this decree will be issued by the commissioner for the four year plan--Chief Trusteeship East--in agreement with the competent authorities.
Article 24
1. This decree becomes effective one week after its proclamation.
2. The commissioner for the four year plan will fix the time of its becoming invalid.
Berlin, 17 September 1940
The chairman of the ministerial council for the defense of the Reich and commissioner for the four year plan
GOERING Reichs Marshal
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1666-PS
1942 REICHSGESETZBLATT, PART I, PAGE 179
Decree of the Fuehrer concerning a plenipotentiary general for the utilization of labor of 21 March 1942
In order to secure the manpower requisite for the war industries as a whole, and particularly for armaments, it is necessary that the utilization of all available manpower, including that of workers recruited [angeworbenen] abroad and of prisoners of war, should be subject to a uniform control, directed in a manner appropriate to the requirements of war industry, and further that all still incompletely utilized manpower in the Great German Reich, including the Protectorate, and in the General Gouvernement and in the Occupied Territories, should be mobilized.
Reichsstatthalter and Gauleiter Fritz Sauckel will carry out this task within the framework of the Four Years Plan, as Plenipotentiary General for the utilization of labor. In that capacity he will be directly responsible to the Commissioner for the Four Years Plan.
Section III (wages) and Section V (utilization of labor) of the Reich Labor Ministry, together with their subordinate authorities, will be placed at the disposal of the Plenipotentiary General for the accomplishment of his task.
Fuehrer-Headquarters, 21 March 1942
The Fuehrer Adolf Hitler
The Reich Minister and Head of the Reich Chancellery Dr. Lammers
The Chief of the High Command of the Armed Forces Keitel
1942 REICHSGESETZBLATT, PART I, PAGE 180
Ordinance for the execution of the Fuehrer’s decree concerning a Plenipotentiary General for Arbeitseinsatz of 27 March 1942
In pursuance of the Fuehrer’s Decree of 21 March 1942 (RGBl I, 179), I decree as follows:
1. My manpower sections [Geschaeftsgruppen Arbeitseinsatz] are hereby abolished. (Circular letter of 22 Oct 1936/St. M. Dev. 265). Their duties (recruitment and allocation of manpower, regulations for labor conditions [Arbeitsbedingungen]) are taken over by the Plenipotentiary General for Arbeitseinsatz, who is directly under me.
2. The Plenipotentiary General for Arbeitseinsatz will be responsible for regulating the conditions of labor (wage policy) employed in the Reich Territory, having regard to the requirements of Arbeitseinsatz.
3. The Plenipotentiary General for Arbeitseinsatz is part of the Four Year Plan. In cases where new legislation is required, or existing laws require to be modified, he will submit appropriate proposals to me.
4. The Plenipotentiary General for Arbeitseinsatz will have at his disposal for the performance of his task the right delegated to me by the Fuehrer for issuing instructions to the higher Reich authorities, their branches and the Party offices, and their associated organisms and also to the Reich protector, the General-Governor, the Commander-in-Chief, and heads of the civil administrations.
In the case of ordinances and instructions of fundamental importance report is to be submitted to me, in advance.
Berlin, 27 March 1942
The Deputy for the Four Year Plan Goering Reich Marshal
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1669-PS
NATIONAL SOCIALIST GERMAN WORKERS PARTY
Deputy of the Fuehrer H/J
Munich, Briennerstrasse 45 Tel: 54901 and 58344 Munich, 28 August 1933.
Mr. Dr. Albrecht Hanshofer
BERLIN
Society of Geography, Wilhelmstr, BERLIN
My dear Doctor:
Many thanks for both your letters of the 23 and 24 of this month. I made all necessary arrangements concerning the Standartenfuehrers, immediately.
I would like very much to speak to Haselblatt before his convention starts. Probably I will be at Berlin around September 7. I don’t know yet if I shall be able to attend the Convention myself.
Concerning the American, would you please tell him, that in one case it is no longer the question of a “party” in the sense of the “custom” practiced since Washington’s time, that we are striving for, but this party is a section of the State itself. It is of utmost interest to me to know, whether any American official representatives ever attended meetings of the fascist party.
I reported the statements of the Polish Chief of Staff.
With hearty greetings your [Signature] Rudolf Hess.
Registered!
# # # # #
Berlin, August 1933.
EAST PRUSSIA Dear Mr. Hess:
Today I have only two reports to pass on to you, having received them from a generally well informed source.
Primarily: Assertion of the Polish Chief of staff: “Once the damned civilians thwarted our East Prussian aim with their scruples & hesitation. That will not happen again. Precaution has been taken that these people are sent to a Concentration Camp if they should still dare to obstruct us.”
Secondly: A very delicate matter. It is known to yourself, that at some place in your organization, there are people, unable to subordinate their personal initiative for the benefit of the common good. I am informed that a personage very highly esteemed abroad, but completely retired at home, H * * * h B * * * g has to fear for her individual safety. The source of this insecurity, I was told is S.A. Standartleader Schoeneberg. I don’t have to point out to you the repercussions, abroad, which any personal accident would provoke. * * * Could you take care of internal curbing.
With hearty Greetings Always Your
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1674-PS
1938 REICHSGESETZBLATT, PAGE 1044, 17 Aug. 1938
The second decree for the execution of the law regarding the change of the surnames and forenames of 17th August 1938.
On the basis of Article 13, of the law of 5 January 1938 (Reichsgesetzblatt I.S.9) concerning the change of the surnames and given-names, the following is ordered:
Art. 1
1. Jews may be given only such given-names as are cited in the directives issued by the Ministry of Interior concerning the utilization of given-names.
2. Para. (1) is not applicable to Jews who are foreign citizens.
Art. 2
1. In so far as the Jews are still using some other given-names different from those which are at their disposal according to Art. 1,--they are obliged to assume by the 1st January 1939, a second, additional given-name as follows; for males, the given-name Israel and for females the given-name Sara.
2. The person having to assume an additional forename according to para (1) is obliged to give a written notification in this matter to the registration office at which his birth, and marriage are registered. The same notification is to be given to the proper police-official in the registerer’s place of residence or customary habitat. The notifications are to be reported within a month from the date requiring him to assume an additional given-name.
3. In so far as the birth or marriage of the person who must register has been verified by a German diplomatic representative of a Consul, or has been verified in a German protectorate,--the notification, which must be made, is to be forwarded to the Register-Office I, Berlin. If the place of residence or customary habitat of the person registering is abroad, the notification in question, mentioned in Para (2), sentence (1) is to be forwarded to the competent German Consul instead of to the competent police-official.
4. For people who are unable, or are partially unable to conduct their own affairs, the obligation to register rests upon the legal representative.
Art. 3
As far as is customary in juridical and business procedure to indicate the given-names, the Jews are obliged always to indicate at least one of their given-names. In so far as they are required to assume an additional given-name as mentioned in Art. 2,--this additional given-name is to be indicated also. The present directives regarding the management of a business are not hereby altered.
Art. 4
1. Whoever deliberately disobeys the directives of Art. 3 is to be punished by imprisonment of up to six months. Cases of negligent disobedience will be punished by imprisonment of no more than one month.
2. Whoever deliberately or carelessly neglects to give the proper notification according to Art. 2 is to be fined or punished by imprisonment of no more than one month.
Berlin, 17th, August 1938.
Reichs Minister of the Interior: Representative, Dr. Stuckart.
Reichs Minister of Justice: Dr. Guertner.
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1676-PS
Voelkischer Beobachter Southern Germany Edition 28/29 May 1944
A Word on the enemy air-terror by Reichsminister Dr. Goebbels
Nowadays, it is no longer disputed by anyone that the enemy air-terror pursues almost exclusively the aim of breaking the morale of the German civil population. The enemy wages war against the defenseless, against women and children in particular, in order to compel the men of our country to yield. This intention of his is proved on one hand by the facts themselves and on the other hand by the abundance of existing statements by enemy publicists. As far as the facts are concerned one needs only to visit one of the often bombed towns in the Reich or in the occupied territory in order to determine without doubt by one’s own examination that our war potential is damaged by perhaps at the most only 1% by enemy air-terror and the remaining 99% plainly falls upon the civil sector.
A short time ago, the leading representatives of the French, and Belgian Episcopate, who certainly cannot be suspected of acting according to German orders, objected with flaming protest directed to the international public against the enemy’s barbarous methods of aerial warfare, which kills old people, women and children, as well as destroys churches, venerable cultural monuments and thickly settled civilian residential sections, without any military objectives being apparent. To this we need to add nothing more.
Our enemies do not try to conceal their intentions in this matter. One does not need to look far in British and American press in order to find substantial proof of this. “Lay the great cities in ruins and you will crush the will to fight”. Thus wrote the English air expert T. M. Epaight in his book “Air power and the cities” in 1930. Nothing in this tendency of the British aerial warfare has changed since then. “It is not possible to draw a boundary-line between the civil population and the combatants”. With this cowardly excuse the “Daily Mail” attempts to justify publicly this rough and low method of the enemy aerial warfare. Much more explicit becomes influential British naval officer who states in the English military publication “The Army Quarterly”: “Does the concept of non-combatants exist at all? A small child is neither in peace nor in war a useful member of the national community. No one has in reality the right to demand inviolability for himself even if he can attempt to do so in the name of humanity. Germany must become more desolate than the Sahara Desert”.
The well known London’s newspaper “News Chronicle” is not missing in this choir of hatred. It adds “We favor that every living being in Germany be wiped out. Man, woman, child, bird and insect. We would not let even a blade of grass grow”. This causes the respected British author H. G. Wells to name the following demand: “Treat the German people like a troublesome native tribe”. The American publicists are no less robust. One of their leading spokesmen Raymond Clapper writes with evident pleasure: “Terror and brutality are the best sides of aerial warfare!” One might object, perhaps, that not all influential Americans and Englishmen think this way. Wrong! Even the Anglican High Church declares in its official organ “Church of England” on the 28 of May 1943: “It is a perverse view of Christianity to suppose that civilians must not be killed”. Even the Archbishop of York, Dr. Cysill Barbett, blesses the barbaric methods of the Anglo-American aerial terrorism in his pastoral letter of June 1943 with the words: “It is only a small evil to bomb German civilians.”
We had so far desisted from making known to the German people the meanest of the statements from which we have only presented a small selection and which all together represent a simple demand for the murder of women and children, because we were afraid that in view of this cynicism it would take measures of self-defense and revenge itself with the same measures upon the enemy pilots who bail out of shot down enemy planes. In the meantime, however, circumstances have arisen which prevent us from continuing to maintain this reserve in the future.
The Anglo-American terror flyers in the last few weeks, besides indiscriminately bombarding the residential quarters of our cities have taken to attacking the German civilian population openly, directly and without even any superficial respect, for the international rules of warfare, by strafing them and slaughtering them in cold blood. No more excuses can be brought toward in this matter because the enemy planes sweep low over villages, fields and highways, and direct their machine-guns upon harmless groups of people who are minding their own business. This has nothing more to do with war. This is naked murder. There is no rule of international law which the enemy can call on in this matter. The Anglo-American pilots place themselves through such a criminal mode of warfare, outside the pale of every internationally recognized rule of warfare. On last Sunday, for example, to take only one of a thousand examples, in the rural countries of Saxony, groups of playing children were attacked by strafing, and suffered considerable casualties.
No one will be astonished by the fact that the population concerned which, as is known in the whole world, can understand any soldierly type of warfare has been seized with a terrible rage on account of these cynical crimes. It is only possible with the aid of arms to secure the lives of enemy pilots who were shot down during such attacks, for they would otherwise be killed by the sorely tired population. Who is right here? The murderers who after their cowardly misdeeds await a humane treatment on the part of their victims, or the victims who wish to defend themselves according to the principle: “An eye for an eye, a tooth for a tooth”? This question is not hard to answer. In any case it would be demanding too much of us if it were asked of us that we use German Soldiers for the defense of murderers of children against the parents who seized with blind rage, having just lost their most valuable treasure through the brutal cynicism of the enemy, take measures of self-defense. If the English and Americans as they themselves say, regard and treat us as troublesome native tribes, then it is our business whether we stand for it. The German people is known in the whole world for the fact that it gives to war what war demands from it. But too much is too much and here the boundaries of what can be borne have been far overstepped.
It seems to us--hardly possible and tolerable to use German police and soldiers against the German people when it treats murderers of children as they deserve. Even the arbitrary methods of warfare of the Anglo-Americans must end somewhere. The pilots cannot say that they as soldiers acted upon orders. It is not provided in any military law that a soldier in the case of a despicable crime is exempt from punishment because he passes the responsibility to his superior, especially if the orders of the latter are in evident contradiction to all human morality and every international usage of warfare. Our century has obliterated to a great extent the boundaries between warfare and crime on the part of the enemy. It would be demanding too much of us to expect that we should silently accommodate ourselves as victims to this unlimited barbarity.
We reach these conclusions in a completely objective manner. In these questions our people think much more radically than its government. It has always been our wish that the war should be conducted in a chivalrous manner. The enemy, apparently, does not want this. The whole world is a witness for that. If this revolting condition continues, it will also be witness for the fact that we can find ways and means to defend ourselves against these criminals. We owe this to our people which decently and bravely defend its life and therefore has in no way deserved to be declared fair game for the enemy killers.
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1678-PS
DOCUMENTS OF GERMAN POLITICS, VOLUME 5, PAGES 372, 373 and 376
Statement of accounts of the Reich Organization Leader of the NSDAP, Dr. Ley, at the 5th yearly session of the German Labor Front in Nurnberg, on 11 September 1937.
In speaking of “Soldiers of Labor” I have to demand that such soldiers of labor exist in reality. I have to demand that everybody march at the same cadence and in the same spirit. The factory-community is only then complete when every manager takes his place as an ordinary work-crew member among his crew. We shall not rest or relax before this is accomplished. Otherwise everything would be reduced to beautiful phrases resulting only in beer sessions and distribution of cigarettes. No, same cadence and stride, same pack and same marching, then no outward distinction between the entrepreneur and the worker shall exist anymore, and sometimes a worker might even look better from a racial point of view than the entrepreneur. And if the latter was adequately polished and drilled, he will lose his feeling of superiority and “curse” exactly like the others. That is necessary, and with this I come to another point.
My collaborators and myself found no rest. We too wanted to to have laws and legal foundations, I was constantly pursued with that request. I asked the Fuehrer myself: “My Fuehrer, can’t we too get a law?”
The Fuehrer refused. That’s why I say: He was of greatest help to us. Had the Fuehrer given in at the time, we would be in bad shape now. The Fuehrer said: “I think it’s wrong. For once I want you to make a law through habit in Germany. For once I want to try if it isn’t possible in Germany to set up an authority without having to issue laws and decrees on the part of the State. It must be possible to create a great institution and establishment, based only on a law through habit and it must be possible to make this law through habit of a much greater force than any other law and justice.”
Once I said to the Fuehrer: “My Fuehrer, actually I am standing with one foot in jail, for today I am still the trustee of the comrades “Leipart” and “Imbusch”, and should they some day ask me to return their money, then it will be found that I have spent it, either by building things, or otherwise. But they shall never again find their property in the condition in which they handed it over to me. Therefore I would have to be convicted.”
The Fuehrer laughed then and remarked that apparently I felt extremely well in this condition.
It was very difficult for us all. Today we laugh about it. * * *
* * * * * * *
We have only 70,000,000 altogether. Therefore we must use everybody. We have work for at least 300,000,000 and that figure is increasing from year to year. We must have new space. We want to repeat that again and again. We have told the world often enough. We are a people without space and we shall never forget that factor in all our social measures.
We need space, and we must never give this up in all our measures. We must never lose sight of that. That’s why we need a healthy people and healthy men.
We succeeded--and this is about the most important accomplishment for the German Labor Front--in eliminating the association-character of the trade unions and the employer-associations, and for it we have substituted the conception “Soldier of Labor” [Soldat der Arbeit].
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1680-PS
10 Years Security Police and SD--Die Deutsche Polizei,
1 February 1943.
When the Fuehrer assumed the direction of the fate of the German Reich and people on 30 January 1933, he found in the domain of the police, as in all other fields, a situation which bore all the signs of the irresponsible incapability of the Weimar system. The concept of a police force, together with the Marxist-Liberal tendency and their characteristic practices were the main reasons for the insufficiently organized and therefore in many respects helpless condition of the police.
This was particularly obvious in that part of the police system to which was assigned the task of the safekeeping of the community against inner-political dangers from the beginning of all historical state activity. The activities to which we are accustomed today under the concept of “Security Police” was, under the “Weimar Interim State” in its political police field, exclusively directed towards a prevention of the unavoidable collapse of its system, especially against the National Socialist movement, with the use of more or less brutal means of power of the state, and was decisively handicapped in the domain of criminal police by the organizational splintering as well as the liberalistic sympathy towards crimes and criminals which existed at that time.
The task of the New National Socialist Security Police, which became apparent with the assumption of power in 1933, had to include as a nucleus the creation of an organism with the view towards the vital necessities of the people and without consideration of the individual interest the safeguarding of the communities against all disturbances and destructions. The prerequisite for its organization was the strict coordination of the political and criminal police, which were split through the federal state regulations and which alone could provide the necessary striking power for the struggle against the enemies of the nation and in the service of the commands of the leadership. The foundation for this achievement of restoration were the National Socialist views of the world, the occupation of important positions by proved national socialistic fighters and the inner core of a large part of the police officials which had remained unharmed in spite of all the attempts to rouse them.
The fight against the political, as well as the individual criminal which was the responsibility of the political departments of the police administration and of the criminal police and which is now combined under the term of “Security Police” took a continuously developing form in the execution of its central goal, as well as in its content as in its organization. With the knowledge that the police in the National Socialistic State, of which it is a distinguished representative, must not only be the best friend of the people but also, and just for the same reason, the most pitiless adversary of all the enemies of the nation, the preventive fight against criminals was added to the activities of the security police which was previously mainly punitive and executive. This constitutes a decisive innovation in the general development of the police. The activities of the security police were furthermore considerably supported by the communication service, and partially made possible only by the development of the security service of the Reichsfuehrer SS, which was created upon the assumption of power which came into ever closer personal and organizational contact with the security police in the course of years.
The general development of the police since 1933 was outwardly characterized by:
The Reichs Reconstruction Law [Reichsneuaufbaugesetz] of 1934 (central directive law for the federal states in individual domains).
The merger of the Reichs Ministry of the Interior and the Prussian Ministry of Interior of 1934.
The Fuehrer decree concerning the creation of a Chief of the German Police dated 17 June 1936.
The law about finance measures in the domain of the police of 1937, the German Police official law of 1937.
Within the general development of the police since 1933, the following regulations were of decisive importance for the security police and SD:
Decree of the Reichsfuehrer SS and the Chief of the German Police in the Reichs Ministry of the Interior of 26 June 1936 (Transfer of Direction of the Security Police, newly created from the political, secret state and criminal police to the SS Gruppenfuehrer HEYDRICH as chief of the Security Police.) Decree of the Reich and Prussian Ministers of the Interior concerning appointment of inspectors of the Security Police, dated 20 Sept 1936.
Decree of the Reichsfuehrer SS and Chief of the German Police of 27 Sept 1939, concerning the merger of the central bureaus of the security police and the SD along with the
Decree of execution of the chief of the Security Police and the SD of the same date concerning the creation of a Central Bureau of Reich Security [RSHA].
The organizational development of the three branches, Secret State Police [Gestapo], Criminal Police, and Security Service [SD] of the Reichsfuehrer SS, which are now merged under the leadership of the Chief of the Security Police and SD took place in its details, as follows:
1. _The Secret State Police_ [_GESTAPO_]
The first step towards the creation of a Secret State Police replacing the Political Police Forces of the various federal states was undertaken in Prussia by the law concerning the establishment of a Secret State Police, dated 26 April 1933. The same day a circular decree was issued by the Prussian Ministers of the Interior regulating the tasks and responsibilities of the Secret State Police and establishing a State Police Bureau in each government district of Prussia as a subordinate to the Secret State Police Bureau. The creator and Chief of the Secret State Police in Prussia was Prime Minister Hermann GOERING. The State Police Bureaus were separated from their organizational connection with the District Government or the police administrations of the State and appointed as independent authorities of the Secret State Police, in the spring of 1934 by a circular decree of the Prime Minister and the Chief of the Secret State Police.
Parallel to that development in Prussia, the Reichsfuehrer SS Heinrich HIMMLER created in Bavaria, the Bavarian Political Police, and also suggested and directed in the other federal states outside of Prussia the establishment of Political Police. The unification of the Political Police, of all the federal states, took place in the spring of 1934 when Hermann GOERING appointed Reichsfuehrer SS Heinrich HIMMLER, who had meanwhile been nominated as Commander of the Political Police Forces of all the federal states possible. The Prussian law about the Secret State Police, dated 10 Feb 1936, then summed up the developments hitherto and determined the position and responsibilities of the Secret State Police in the executive regulations issued the same day.
A new decisive chapter of the development began with the appointment of the Reichsfuehrer SS as Chief of the German Police by means of the Decree of the Fuehrer mentioned above dated 17 June 1936, and the nomination which followed of SS Gruppenfuehrer Maj Gen HEYDRICH, who up to then, had been Chief of the Secret State Police Bureau and Chief of the Central Security Bureau of the SS, as Chief of the Security Police (Secret State Police and Criminal Police). The term “Secret State Police” was decreed by the Reichsfuehrer SS and Chief of the German Police on 28 August 1936 in the process of establishing uniformity for all the political police forces of the federal states and their organization adapted to the one existing in Prussia by the creation of State Police Bureaus. The Chiefs of the State Police Bureaus assumed the functions of the political executive with the current “Oberpraesident” (later on also with the Reich Governor), that is the president of the Government, according to the decree of the Reich and Prussian Ministers of the Interior, dated 20 Sept 1936.
On the basis of these forms of organization and with the help of the powers bound up with them, the fight against the open and hidden political enemies of the National Socialist peoples State was taken up by the Secret State Police after the assumption of power and is still being tried on today. Its activity is not only limited to solving political crimes already committed or to seizing their perpetrators, but they are equally interested in the prevention of these crimes, thus eliminating these dangers for the community at their very start. Constant investigation and observation of the enemies of the State and quick action in the case of recognition or after commitment of the act, thus go hand in hand. The Secret State Police by carrying out these tasks, contributed decisively to the fact that the National Socialist construction work could be executed in the past ten years without any serious attempts of interference by the political enemies of the nation.
2. _The Criminal Police_
The subordination of the Criminal Police of the Reich under the Chief of the Security Police, as decreed on 26 June 1936 became the fundamental basis for the uniform development throughout all Germany of the Criminal Police, which had been organized differently in all the federal states up to this time, namely for the establishment of the Reich Criminal Police in its present form of organization. The circular decree of 20 Sept 1936 stated the first fundamental regulations for the reorganization of the Criminal Police of the State, separating the Prussian State Criminal Police Bureau, in locality as well as function, from the Police Presidency in Berlin and charging it with the professional direction of the Criminal Police of all the German federal states, State as well as communal. The Reich Central Bureau for the struggle against the international and professional criminals as well as against habitual instinctive criminals, which was attached to the State Criminal Police Bureau, was particularly characterized in the course of this process by its close relationship to the practices of the Criminal Police.
The whole territory of the Reich was simultaneously divided into Criminal Police Bureaus on the basis of criminal geographical delineation of spheres of competence in place of the State Criminal [Police] offices. The new spheres occasionally combined several criminal police offices. Insofar as Criminal Police District Offices are not affiliated to State Police Administrative Offices, local duties falling within criminal police jurisdiction are to be taken care of by the crime sections of these State Police Administrative Officers.
In the course of further organizational development, the title of Reichskriminalpolizeiamt [Reich Criminal Police Bureau] was conferred on the Prussian State Criminal Police Bureau through a decree of 16 July 1937. This bureau was directly subordinated to the Chief of Security Police.
This newly created organizational system rendered possible the successful activity of the German Criminal Police, which also became increasingly more perfect in technical fields. From then on Criminal Police did not limit itself to repressive activity, but paid much attention to preventive combatting of crime on the basis of national protective ideology. The correctness of planning and development is demonstrated most clearly in the decline of criminality in the subsequent period.
3. _The Security Service of the Reichsfuehrer SS (SD)_
Recognizing that accurate knowledge of the enemy, of his methods and aims, is one of the most important bases of any successful struggle the Reichsfuehrer SS created an intelligence service organization as early as 1932 under the then SS-Standartenfuehrer (Colonel) Reinhard HEYDRICH. From the beginning members of the SS were the full-time agents of the SD, which had emerged from the SS.
After the seizure of power the leaders of the National-Socialist movement felt the necessity for current objective information about newsworthy events. This caused the NSDAP to issue an ordinance on 9 June 1934 which merged all information facilities then existing within the Party organization with the SD, and declared the latter to be sole Party information service. The original task of intelligence coverage of the enemy was thereby expanded to general intelligence activity.
In the course of the development as a whole, an increasingly closer cooperation of the SD with the offices of the Security Police resulted as a matter of course. The successful combatting of all activity hostile to the state by the Security Police can be traced back to a considerable extent to the intelligence groundwork of the SD. In addition the field of activity of the SD was progressively expanded, because top Reich authorities delegated to the SD in a series of agreements the task of informing these authorities about the effects of official measures upon popular morale. These agreements also regulated the details of cooperation between these top Reich authorities and the SD. Today the exploration of the situation in all fields of life from the information point of view is incumbent upon the Security Service (SD) of the Reichsfuehrer SS, with special consideration of the morale factors and repercussions among the population. The results of its variegated and responsible activity transmit an objective, always up-to-date picture of the situation to the leading authorities of Party and State. In addition they form valuable hints for current planning of the competent authorities.
The organizational structure within which the SD became active during the first years of its existence and was headed by the Chief of the Main Security Bureau of the SS, to whom in turn the regional subdivisions were subordinate. The elimination of SD-Oberabschnitte in September 1939 resulted in direct functional connection between the SD-Abschnitte, as the regional subdivisions were now termed, and the Main Security Bureau as central authority. The current close personal and organizational connection between the SD and the Security Police resulted from the Decree of the Reichsfuehrer SS and Chief of German Police, dated 27 September 1939. This Decree amalgamated the central authorities of the security police and of the SD, and vested it in the newly-created Chief of Security Police and SD, and above him in the Reich Main Security Bureau. Since that time the SD-(Leit)-Abschnitte and their subordinate offices have been under the jurisdiction of the Reich Main Security Bureau.
The above description of the history of the Secret State Police [Gestapo], of the Criminal Police and of the Security Service [SD] of the Reichsfuehrer SS only recounts the external stages of development. It can express only incompletely the great degree of personal initiative and unlimited National-Socialist prowess in work and organization which was brought to bear by the authoritative leadership personalities in building up the undertaking. However, the result of this concentrated effort is such that in these decisive times an apparatus was created on an entirely new basis which was from the beginning a necessary and effective instrument in the hands of the nation’s leadership and proved that it is capable of protecting the national community against protracted interference with communal life. It is obvious that these entire tasks could be handled only by men who are deeply rooted in National Socialist ideology, and who are ready to devote not only their total working capacity, but also their life, to the comprehensive realization of the National Socialist idea in the course of the fulfilment of their duties which is frequently dangerous. Because of this, and according to the wish of the Reichsfuehrer SS and of their late Chief, General Heydrich, it is the duty of the Security Police and of the SD not only to form a perfectly working administrative machinery, but in addition it is their duty to form a battle community sworn to a common ideology and brotherhood. The currents of strength generated by this battle community in fulfilling its difficult task of continuous combatting of everything inimical to the nation, a task which has to be accomplished in inglorious silence, shape the National Socialist idea ideologically. These currents of strength also shape the basic law of the SS, from the members of which Security Police and SD are recruited in increasing measure. Tangibly they shape the continuous work in thoroughly training the individual. Ideological schooling, comradeship, professional education and physical fitness are inculcated without cease; they take up a prominent position side by side with the professional daily routine proper, especially in the schools of the Security Service and the SD established for these purposes.
Trained in such a manner, Security Police and SD could do justice even to the great additional requirements, which the four year battle for the living rights of the German people brought in its train. In all battle areas, and in all occupied territories, the men of the Security Police and of the SD stand side by side with the Armed Forces. In a struggle full of sacrifice they devote all their strength to keep the rear of the front free, and to help make secure German reconstruction in occupied territory. In the offices of the home front, on the other hand, the men employed make certain that the fight for life of the German people is not impaired by criminal elements. Through increased effort they equalize the additional tasks and the additional work, which are necessitated by the war as such and especially by the reduced number of personnel due to drafting of men for front-line duty. All faithful to the words of the Reichsfuehrer SS, to do more than their duty in time of war.
* * * * * * *
PARTIAL COPY OF DOCUMENT 1689-PS
CZECHOSLOVAKIA FIGHTS BACK A Document of the Czechoslovak Ministry of Foreign Affairs Published by American Council on Public Affairs Washington, D. C., 1943 [Pages 110, 111, and 114]
On December 2, 1942, a special order issued by the “Protectorate” Ministry of Agriculture excluded the Jews not only from buying unrationed foods, but even from receiving them as a gift from any private citizen. The same order has left it to the discretion of the Ministry of Agriculture to exclude Jews entirely or partially from obtaining rationed food, thus exposing the remnants of the Jewish community to death by starvation.
One hour on five days a week has been allowed for shopping, this hour being fixed at a time when after, first the Germans and then the Czechs, have done their buying, the small stocks are mostly exhausted.
After the occupation of Poland, Hitler designated Lublin and its immediate district as a reservation in which all Jews from the occupied countries were to be concentrated. Some 2,000 Jews of Moravska Ostrava were the first to be sent there. A year later, at the end of October 1941, 48,000 Czech Jews were already picked out for deportation. Men between the ages of sixteen to fifty were sent to labor camps, while their womenfolk and children were taken to special settlements in Eastern Poland.
At the end of June, 1942, deportation to Poland began on a large scale. The Gestapo was instructed to prepare by every Monday and Thursday contingents of a thousand Jews each. Those to leave were given a day or two’s notice. The Nazi records of the Jewish registration were out of date and it often happened that the call-up cards were addressed to persons who had died years ago, had left the country or had already been deported. In such cases the daily quota of a thousand was made up by people simply picked up from the streets or dragged from their beds at night-time. The Gestapo took a delight in so selecting the deportees that families were split, wives separated from their husbands, and even small children from their mothers. Those left at home were never allowed to bid farewell to their relatives or friends. But sometimes, on early summer mornings, their Czech friends could watch those gloomy processions of the outlawed marching to the railway station and passing for the last time through the streets of Prague.
At the end of 1942, no Jewish life in Bohemia and Moravia was left. Out of the 90,000 Czech Jews more than 72,000 have been deported.
Although the deportations went on, leaving at the end of August, 1942, only some 20,000 Jews in Slovakia, most of them in ghettos the Nazis were still not satisfied. At the end of November, 1942, a special committee was set up to consider the final expulsion of the remainder of the Jews. By then, out of the 95,000 Jews, 76,000 had already been deported.
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1696-PS
THE REICHSMINISTER OF THE INTERIOR IV g 4178 /39-5100
Berlin, NW 40, Koenigsplatz 6, 16 November 1939 Telephone: Dept. Z, I, II, V, VIII, 11 00 27 Dept II, IV, VI (Unter den Linden 72); 12 00 34 Tel. Address: Reichsinnenminister.
To the Head of the Hospital (for Mental cases) Kaufbeuren or his Deputy in Kaufbeuren.
With regard to the necessity for a systematized economic plan for Hospitals and Nursing Institutions, I request you to fill up the attached Registration Forms immediately, in accordance with the attached instructional leaflet, and to return them to me. If you yourself are not a doctor the Registration Forms for the individual patients are to be filled in by the superintending doctor. The filling up of the questionnaires is, if possible, to be _done on a typewriter_. In the column “Diagnosis” I request a statement as exact as possible, also a short description of the condition if feasible.
In order to expedite the work, the registration forms for the individual patients can be despatched here in several parts. The last consignment must, however, in any case have arrived at this Ministry _at the latest_ on 1 January 1940. I reserve for myself the right, should occasion arise, to institute further official enquiries on the spot through my representative.
p.p. (Sd.) DR. CONTI
Certified. (Sd.) Illegible Administrative Secretary.
# # # # #
_Registration Form 1_
_To be typewritten._
Current No. __________ Name of the institution: _______________________________________ at: ____________________________________________________________ Surname and Christian name of the patient: _______ at birth _______ Date of birth: _____ Place: ________ District: _________________ Last place of residence: ____________ District: __________________ Unmarried, married, widow, widower, divorced: ________ Religion ________ Race[1] __________ Previous profession: ________ Nationality: __________ Army Service when? 1914-18 or from 1.9.39 ______________ War injury (even if no connection with mental disorder) Yes/No __________________________________________ How does war injury show itself and in what does it consist? _________________________________________________ Address of next of kin: ____________________________________________ Regular visit and by whom (Address): _______________________________ Guardian or nurse (Name, address): _________________________________ Responsible for payment: ___________________________________________ Since when in that Institution: ____________________________________ Whence and when handed over: ___________ Since when ill: __________ If has been in other Institutions, where and how long: _____________ Twin yes ___ Blood relations of unsound mind: ____________________ no Diagnosis: _________________________________________________________ Clinical description (Previous history, course, condition; in any case ample data regarding mental condition): ____________________________ Very restless? yes ________ Bedridden? yes _______________________ no no Incurable bodily illness: yes (which) ___________________________ no Schizophrenia: Fresh attack _______ Final Condition ____________ good recovery Mental debility: weak _________ Imbecile ________ Idiot ________ Epilepsy: psychological alteration ___________ Average frequency of the attacks _______ Therapeutics (Insulin, Cardiazol, Malaria, Permanent result: yes ___ Salvarsan etc. When?) _________________ no ____ Admitted by reason of para. 51, para. 42b StrGB etc ________________ through ________________ Crime: ___________________ Former punishable offences: _____________ Manner of employment (detailed description of work): _______________ Permanent } Yes ______________ } Employment, independent worker Temporary } No ______________
Value of work (if possible compared with average performance of healthy person) __________________________________________________________ This space to be left blank. _________________ Place, Date ________ __________________________________________ Signature of the head doctor or his representative (doctors who are not psychiatrists and neurologists please state same.)
FOOTNOTES:
[1] German or of similar blood (of German blood), Jew, Jewish mixed breed Grades I or II, Negro (mixed breed).
# # # # #
PUBLIC UTILITY AMBULANCE TRANSPORTATION G.m.b.H. Dept. II/d, H/K
Berlin, W. 9. 12th. May, 1941
To the Director of the Hospital of the District association of Swabia, Kaufbeuren/Bavaria.
Potsdamer Platz 1.
Dear Director,
By order of the Reich Defence Commissioner I must remove mental cases from your institution and from the Branch at Irrsee to another institution. A total of 140 persons are to be transported, 70 on 4th June and 70 on 5th June. I forward you herewith Transport Lists Nos. 8, 9, 10 and 11 in triplicate. The additional names on the lists are intended for possible deficits (discharged meanwhile, died, etc.).
The marking of the patients is most suitably done by means of a strip of adhesive tape, on which the name is written in ink-pencil, to be pasted between the shoulder blades. At the same time the name is to be put on an article of clothing.
The hospital reports and personal histories are to be prepared for the transportation and to be handed to our Director of Transport, Herr Kuepper, in the same way the personal possessions of the patients, as well as money and articles of value.
I enclose property information cards and information cards as to the defrayer of the expenses, which, accurately filled out, must be handed in at the time of transportation. Money and articles of value, besides being noted on the property information cards, must also be noted on separate special lists (in duplicate). Transportation takes place:
On 4th June, 8.46 a.m. from Kaufbeuren--70 patients.
On 5th June, 8.46 a.m. from Kaufbeuren--70 patients.
Our director of transport, Herr Kuepper, will visit you the previous day, in order to discuss further details with you.
I further request you to provide the patients with food (2-3 slices of bread and butter each and some cans of coffee).
[Pencil note illegible]
Heil Hitler! [signature illegible] Public Utility Ambulance Transportation G.m.b.H.
# # # # #
PROVINCIAL ASSOCIATION FOR SOCIAL WELFARE SWABIA.
Address: Augsburg 1, P.O. Box Regierungspraesident
Tel No. 5842 Cashier’s Office: Principal Govt. Cashier’s Office Augsburg. Post Office check account: Munich No. 1624 Enclosures:
Director: Dr. Faltlhauser, of the Hospital, Kaufbeuren.
Your reference: 2080. Your letter of 13.11.40. Our ref: (to be given always) II-B-7-2.
Augsburg, 6.5.1941
Concerning the transfer of patients.
I have the honour to inform you that the female patients transferred from your institution on 8.11.1940 to the institutions in Grafeneck, Bernburg, Sonnenstein and Harthein all died in November of last year.
[signature illegible]
# # # # #
Copy
No. 5255 c 39 Ministry of State of the Interior. Oberregierungsrat Gaum.
Munich, 24th November 1942 To the Director of the Hospital, Kaufbeuren, Obermed. Rat Dr. Faltlhauser.
To Head Physician Dr. W. Leinisch Guenzburg.
Re letter of 13.11.1942.
Dear Doctor,
In your letter of 13.11.1942 you requested me to send suitable epileptics for the carrying out of your research work. I had an opportunity of discussing this with the Obermedizinalraeten Dr. Faltlhauser and Dr. Pfannmueller. Both will willingly deliver you suitable patients. For various reasons patients from the Institution at Kaufbeuren are primarily to be chosen. If this institution has no suitable material, I agree to the transfer of patients from Eglfing-Haar to Guenzburg for your research work. I request you to get into touch with Dr. Faltlhauser.
Heil Hitler! (Sd.) GAUM.
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1701-PS
Copies distributed to Gauleiter Dr. Wilhelm von Allwoerden [?]
11 Aug. H Berlin, 9 August 1943
The Reich Minister of the Interior Pol. SV A I No 844/43 To the Reich Minister and Chief of the Reich Chancellory _in Berlin W8_ For the information of the other Reich ministers. _Subj_: Law on the treatment of enemies of the society. In addition to my letter of 19 March 1942-- _Enclosures_: 55. --
After the draft of the law on the treatment of enemies of the society has been completely rewritten, I am sending the enclosed new draft with the consent of the Reich Minister of Justice, Dr. Thierack and ask that the law be approved in a circulatory manner. The necessary number of prints is attached.
The Chief Plenipotentiary for the Reich Administration has again agreed on the importance of the law in war, considering the existing directions for curbing the making of laws and the administrative activity. Furthermore I refer to my letter of 19 March 1942 and to the reasons attached to the draft.
/s/ Frick
# # # # #
The Reich Minister for the Occupied Eastern Territories
Berlin W 35, 22 Dec 1943
Tele--letter
To the Reich Minister of the Interior for the information of the Reich Minister and Chief of the Reich Chancellory and the other Reich Ministers.
_Subject_: Law on the Treatment of Enemies of Society. To Pol. SVA 1 No. 844/43 of 9 August 1943
I have basic objections against the draft of the law. In Par 2, Dir. 4, I assume that the police will inform the penal prosecuting authority also of such cases in which it does not consider--for legal or actual reasons--that a punishable act has been committed or can be proved, especially if it wants to connect the behavior of the culprit with consequences adverse to him. The penal prosecuting authority should be able to determine also in dubious cases whether the possibility of penal prosecution exists. I therefore suggest to formulate Par. 2, Dir. 4, of the law draft about as follows:
“If there is suspicion of a punishable act by enemies of society, the police will inform the penal prosecuting authorities about it.”
Because, in the framework of the draft, the basic regulation of the connections between penal justice and police has become mandatory, an exact definition of the respective competence seems necessary to me. In the expected executory decree it should hence be made clear, as it was already provided in the draft of the executory decree (Par. 4) for the first draft of the law, that police actions because of the same matter are not admissible anymore if a court has freed (a party) because of proven innocence or lack of proofs, except for custody measures in case of freeing for lack of proofs. Furthermore, it should be determined that the police can not take other than custody measures after the penal term of a person judged by a court because of the same facts. Further, I think it necessary to have a fundamental clearing of the question whether, and if so--to what degree police measures are admissible after refusal of a decree of custody or other judicial directions, regardless of the reason for refusal.
Finally, I mention for consideration if the words “the regime of the time of the system” in Dir. 3 of the official document, taken from the newspaper language, could not be replaced to advantage by another expression.
I especially direct your attention to the printing mistake in the last but two dir. of the reason, in which in the third line it should probably read “protective surveillance” instead of “protective custody”.
Rosenberg attested: chancellery employee
Offic. Stamp
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1702-PS
Rec’d: 1025/44g encl: 1 Aug. 44
Copy SECRET
II 1C
Evacuation Report of District Commissariat of Kasatin [Illegible notes]
REPORTER: District Commissar STEUDEL, Kasatin. Time of report: 8 November to 28 December 1943.
1. The military situation in November/December 1943.
Immediately following the capture of Kiev by the Soviets on 7 November, the district town of Wassilkow as well as the important railroad center Fastow, belonging to the district of Wassilkow, fell into enemy hands, (8-9 November). The following day, the Soviets attempted to advance farther along the rail line Fastow-Kasatin. They succeeded in capturing with weak armored and infantry spearheads in one move, the stations of Kozanka, Popilnva and Browki, situated along this line, and to execute further sudden advances past the station of Czernorudka. For this reason the district of Wtscheraische had to be evacuated on 15 November. I withdrew the Germans committed there to the district of Rushin situated 20 kilometers to the South. The withdrawal was effected according to plan and without friction, with all implements, after all camps had been evacuated previously; the cattle--above all the valuable breeds (Oxen and colt stables) led back. German tractors and farm machines transported away and all businesses had been crippled. (Fundamentally, the chief command of the 4th Armored Army, in whose zone these battles took place, had ordered that in the district West of the Dnjepr, in contrast to the ones to the East, no destructions of farm goods or businesses should take place).
* * * * * * *
_The results of the hereby described military events_ between 8 November and 20 December were as follows:
In a conference, called by me, of the authoritative leaders of all offices of the civilian sector on 8 November, I ordered the immediate start of, and discussed in detail, measures for the most far-reaching decentralization. At the same time, the leaders of all vital, above all of the economic food industry, were informed to effect, in case of an evacuation, the crippling of factories (by taking away important and hard-to-replace machine parts, belts, etc.,) and to prepare this already now. Up till then, however, all factories had to be kept running at full capacity. It should be emphasized here, praisingly, that all measures ordered by me in strictest accordance with the army economic leader [A.W.F.] of the chief command of the 4th Armored Army, were executed by the responsible parties and their staff in an exemplary manner, and with the greatest conscientiousness. Although the delivery of cars, for conceivable reasons, did meet with considerable difficulties, we succeeded, due to the splendid cooperation of the authoritative Reich German organizations of military and civil government, in transporting to the West approximately 80% of the most vital goods (grain, cattle, sugar, etc), or in making them available for the armed forces for immediate use as provisions for the fighting troops.
* * * * * * *
5. In the midst of the conditions, almost restored to normal, I received _a call on_ _the eve of the 25th of December from the Army_ according to which _the Soviets_ with superior forces of tanks and motorized troops, had exerted a strong renewed pressure on the line of Kotscherowo-Brusilow-Fastow and along the street Kiev-Shitomir with the main advance in a South West direction. Shortly afterwards, the long distance calls, as per attached inclosure number 2, was put through according to which the able-bodied male population in the ages between 15 and 65 as well as the cattle had to be led back in the direction East of the line Kililowka-Berkitschew-Shitomir. The transporting of the able-bodied population was charged to the military authorities by the chief quartermaster of the army, while beginning with the morning of 26 December. I discussed and ordered in detail, during an immediate conference for the whole district the shipment of all the cattle. This action started successfully on that day according to plan, while the discussions over the seizure of the male population were not yet concluded in the afternoon hours of the 26th of December and no positive measures of any kind were taken.
# # # # #
Enclosure II
SECRET
Kdt. rueckw. A. Geb. 585 _Abt. Qu. Nr. 452/43 geh._
In the field 25 December 1943
To the District Commissar KASATIN
1. The able-bodied male population between 15 and 65 years of age and the cattle are to be shipped back from the district East of the line Belilowka-Berditschen-Shitomir (places excluded).
* * * * * * *
4. Destruction of farm goods and factories in all places must not take place, only a crippling of factories for several weeks will be executed by army economic leader (A.Wi.Fue.).
In charge [signature illegible] Lt. General
Distribution: See original.
# # # # #
Enclosure III
Copy
SECRET
High Command of the 4th Armored Army O. Qu/Qu 2 Nr. 1662/43/ secret
Army Headquarters, 26 December 1943
Re: Evacuation measures.
1. The city of Berditschew is to be evacuated of Reich Germans, German [Volksdeutschen] agencies of the civil government, government of the country, able-bodied population. The cattle is to be taken away. Execution of evacuation measures is charged to the civil government.
* * * * * * *
4. No destructions are to take place as far as they are not expressly ordered by the armored army. All factories are to be prepared for crippling so that this can be accomplished in the shortest possible time. The electricity and water plants are to be taken over by the technical troops.
* * * * * * *
6. The same measures are to be prepared for Kasatin in such a way that they can be started at once at the command of the armored army.
For the High Command of the Armored Army The Chief of the General Staff In charge Original signed MUELLER Colonel, General Staff
Correct: [signature illegible] Lt Colonel, General Staff.
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1708-PS
National Socialistic Yearbook 1941 Edited by: Dr. Robert Ley Published by: Central Publishing House of the N.S.D.A.P. Franz Eher, successor Munich
The program of the NSDAP
The program is the political foundation of the NSDAP and accordingly the primary political law of the State. It has been made brief and clear intentionally.
All legal precepts must be applied in the spirit of the party program.
Since the taking over of control, the Fuehrer has succeeded in the realization of essential portions of the Party program from the fundamentals to the detail.
The Party Program of the NSDAP was proclaimed on the 24 February 1920 by Adolf Hitler at the first large Party gathering in Munich and since that day has remained unaltered. Within the national socialist philosophy is summarized in 25 points:
1. We demand the unification of all Germans in the Greater Germany on the basis of the right of self-determination of peoples.
2. We demand equality of rights for the German people in respect to the other nations; abrogation of the peace treaties of Versailles and St. Germain.
3. We demand land and territory (colonies) for the sustenance of our people, and colonization for our surplus population.
4. Only a member of the race can be a citizen. A member of the race can only be one who is of German blood, without consideration of creed. Consequently no Jew can be a member of the race.
5. Whoever has no citizenship is to be able to live in Germany only as a guest, and must be under the authority of legislation for foreigners.
6. The right to determine matters concerning administration and law belongs only to the citizen. Therefore we demand that every public office, of any sort whatsoever, whether in the Reich, the county or municipality, be filled only by citizens. We combat the corrupting parliamentary economy, office-holding only according to party inclinations without consideration of character or abilities.
7. We demand that the state be charged first with providing the opportunity for a livelihood and way of life for the citizens. If it is impossible to sustain the total population of the State, then the members of foreign nations (non-citizens) are to be expelled from the Reich.
8. Any further immigration of non-citizens is to be prevented. We demand that all non-Germans, who have immigrated to Germany since the 2 August 1914, be forced immediately to leave the Reich.
9. All citizens must have equal rights and obligations.
10. The first obligation of every citizen must be to work both spiritually and physically. The activity of individuals is not to counteract the interests of the universality, but must have its result within the framework of the whole for the benefit of all.
Consequently we demand:
11. Abolition of unearned (work and labour) incomes. Breaking of rent-slavery.
12. In consideration of the monstrous sacrifice in property and blood that each war demands of the people personal enrichment through a war must be designated as a crime against the people. Therefore we demand the total confiscation of all war profits.
13. We demand the nationalization of all (previous) associated industries (trusts).
14. We demand a division of profits of all heavy industries.
15. We demand an expansion on a large scale of old age welfare.
16. We demand the creation of a healthy middle class and its conservation, immediate communalization of the great warehouses and their being leased at low cost to small firms, the utmost consideration of all small firms in contracts with the State, county or municipality.
17. We demand a land reform suitable to our needs, provision of a law for the free expropriation of land for the purposes of public utility, abolition of taxes on land and prevention of all speculation in land.
18. We demand struggle without consideration against those whose activity is injurious to the general interest. Common national criminals, usurers, Schieber and so forth are to be punished with death, without consideration of confession or race.
19. We demand substitution of a German common law in place of the Roman Law serving a materialistic world-order.
20. The state is to be responsible for a fundamental reconstruction of our whole national education program, to enable every capable and industrious German to obtain higher education and subsequently introduction into leading positions. The plans of instruction of all educational institutions are to conform with the experiences of practical life. The comprehension of the concept of the State must be striven for by the school [Staatsbuergerkunde] as early as the beginning of understanding. We demand the education at the expense of the State of outstanding intellectually gifted children of poor parents without consideration of position or profession.
21. The State is to care for the elevating national health by protecting the mother and child, by outlawing child-labor, by the encouragement of physical fitness, by means of the legal establishment of a gymnastic and sport obligation, by the utmost support of all organizations concerned with the physical instruction of the young.
22. We demand abolition of the mercenary troops and formation of a national army.
23. We demand legal opposition to known lies and their promulgation through the press. In order to enable the provision of a German press, we demand, that: a. All writers and employees of the newspapers appearing in the German language be members of the race: b. Non-German newspapers be required to have the express permission of the State to be published. They may not be printed in the German language: c. Non-Germans are forbidden by law any financial interest in German publications, or any influence on them, and as punishment for violations the closing of such a publication as well as the immediate expulsion from the Reich of the non-German concerned. Publications which are counter to the general good are to be forbidden. We demand legal prosecution of artistic and literary forms which exert a destructive influence on our national life, and the closure of organizations opposing the above made demands.
24. We demand freedom of religion for all religious denominations within the state so long as they do not endanger its existence or oppose the moral senses of the Germanic race. The Party as such advocates the standpoint of a positive Christianity without binding itself confessionally to any one denomination. It combats the Jewish-materialistic spirit within and around us, and is convinced that a lasting recovery of our nation can only succeed from within on the framework: common utility precedes individual utility.
25. For the execution of all of this we demand the formation of a strong central power in the Reich. Unlimited authority of the central parliament over the whole Reich and its organizations in general. The forming of state and profession chambers for the execution of the laws made by the Reich within the various states of the confederation. The leaders of the Party promise, if necessary by sacrificing their own lives, to support by the execution of the points set forth above without consideration.
Adolf Hitler proclaimed the following explanation for this program on the 13 April 1928:
Explanation
Regarding the false interpretations of Point 17 of the program of the NSDAP on the part of our opponents, the following definition is necessary:
“Since the NSDAP stands on the platform of private ownership it happens that the passage” gratuitous expropriation concerns only the creation of legal opportunities to expropriate if necessary, land which has been illegally acquired or is not administered from the viewpoint of the national welfare. This is directed primarily against the Jewish land-speculation companies.
PARTIAL TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1709-PS
[Report of Special Delegate for Art Seizures, July 1943]
[_Page 68 Par. 134_]
The collection Lubomierski in Lemberg contained among others 31 valuable hand drawings by Albrecht Duerer. An offer made in the spring of 1940 by a special commissioner through the foreign office to the Russian government, to exchange these drawings by Duerer for equally valuable Russian works of arts and literary monument, was refused. On the day of the capture of Lemberg, the special commissioner, Dr. Muehlmann and the museum director Dr. Kudlich went there by order of the Reichmarshal, to conduct a search for the hand drawings. The investigation encountered considerable difficulties, because the Russians had reorganized the system of museums in Lemberg and because the collection Lubomierski did not exist any more.
In the course of further investigations Prof. Gebarowicz of the Bawarowski-museum, who had publicized the drawings in the past, was thoroughly interrogated also. Finally he explained that he kept the drawings carefully hidden from the Russians in the Bawarowski-museum. On demand, he also brought them out from concealment.
After thorough examination, the sequestration was announced, and a regular receipt was issued.
The special commissioner has turned over these hand drawings in July 1941 to the Reichmarshal in person, who brought them to the Fuehrer into the headquarters, where they still are. By specific order of the Fuehrer, they remain temporarily in his possession.
The following single drawings are affected, which were entered in the supplement of the catalogue (31 drawings on 23 cartons):
Carton I 1. Self portrait 2. 6 pillows Carton II 3. The young steer Carton III 4. Nude with mirror 5. Partial sketch of the same figure Carton IV 6. Nude woman with headscarf in a niche on a sphere Carton V 7. Nude man with lion 8. Nude man with mirror 9. Attached weak reprint of the same figure Carton VI 10. Corner ornament with eagle 11. The holy family Carton VII 12. Drapery study 13. Nude man lying down Carton VIII 14. Oarsman Carton IX 15. Horse Carton X 16. Europa on the steer Carton XI 17. Corpus Christi Carton XII 18. Nude woman with a staff Carton XIII 19. Sampson with the city gates of Gaza Carton XIV 20. Mary and child 21. Childhead Carton XV 22. Pictures of the emperors Charlemagne and Sigismund Carton XVI 23. The holy family in a hut Carton XVII 24. Study for a Madonna and the head of an old man 25. Two geometric drawings Carton XVIII 26. Mary with a child in an indicated renaissance hall Carton XIX 27. Christ as king of the universe Carton XX 28. Man’s head with a cap Carton XXI 29. Lamentations over Christ Carton XXII 30. Head of a deer Carton XXIII 31. Study for an adoration, left kneeling Mary, right Holy Joseph
[_Page 77, Par. 148_]
_Works of art for decorative purposes_
On the desire of the Governor General, a number of 2nd and 3rd class art objects was made available to him for exhibition and decorative purposes,--Reference Paragraph 141 and 142.--The architect Franz Koettgen in Krakau was charged with the execution of this mission, especially the furnishing of Castle Kressendorf and the castle in Krakau. A list was made by the special commissioner, in which all objects, put at the disposal of architect Koettgen, were exactly listed in detail.
During the conference with the architect Koettgen, on 30 July 1942, the latter promised, to continue the inventory, already started by him, more rapidly, and to conclude by the end of 1942 at the latest. He furthermore said he was willing, to provide the special commissioner after the completion of the inventories with a directory of the location of the individual objects. The completeness of the transferred art objects and their careful storing can only be examined after the completion of the inventories.
A copy of the above mentioned lists on the object, put at the disposal of Koettgen is added to the report as enclosure Nr. 8.
[_Page 80_]
Of the objects, taken from the depot of the special commissioner in the state library in Krakau as of 1 Aug 1942, the following were inspected:
I. In Berlin in the depot of the special Commissioner and in the safe of the German Bank:
_Catalogue No._ East German Master 1430 “Picture of the Vesper” 4 German Master 16th century “Picture of a bearded man” 17 Master von Kappenberg “Mary with child” 27 Dirk Bouts “Annunciation of Mary” 35 Netherland Master “Lamentation over Christ” 42 Berckheyde “Small Houtpoort in Haarlem” 45 Breughel “Folksfestival” 47 Gerrit Dou “Rembrandt’s mother” 51 Pinturicchio “Madonna and child” 138 Raffael “Picture of a young man” 141 Venetian Master “Mary and child” 145 de Largilliere “Portrait of a lady” 158 Further two 2nd class pictures, namely “The lustful old man” (unequal lovers), “Fugger’s Portrait”.
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1721-PS
CONFIDENTIAL
Supreme SA Command FO No 82/277-38 n.f.D. Ha/Hbl.
MUNICH, 29 November 1938 For Use of the Services Only Distributor I
Subject: Measures against the Jews.
The Stabsleiter of the Fuehrer’s deputy, in Order No. 189/38 (not to be made public), makes the following announcement:
“In connection with the actions against the Jews arising from the public, valuable objects had to be safeguarded here and there by the offices of the Party and its branches for the protection of German public property. I order that such objects be turned over at once to the nearest office of the Secret State Police, and receipts be given therefor.”
“If, in connection with these actions, the offices of the Party and their branches should become aware or have been aware of thefts, which unfortunately may have occurred, it is to be reported at once to the nearest Police Station. The same is to be done upon the appearance of suspicious objects.”
“The offices of the police are to be aided to the fullest extent in accomplishing their assignment.”
Chief of the Fuehrungshauptamt: Signed: JUETTNER Obergruppenfuehrer
Official /s/ [Illegible] Standartenfuehrer STAMPED: SA Group Kurpfalz 1543 /s/ [Illegible] 30 November 1938
# # # # #
CONFIDENTIAL
SA der NSDAP 50th Brigade (Starkenburg) Division F Reference No 4309
DARMSTADT, 2 Moosbergstrasse 11 November 1938 Tel. 7042 and 7043 Postal checking account: Frankfurt on the Main 234-38 Bankaccount City Savings Bank 155 To: SA Group Electoral Palatinate [Kurpfalz] _Mannheim_
The following order reached me at 3 o’clock on 10 November 1938.
“On the order of the Gruppenfuehrer, all the Jewish synagogues within the 50th Brigade are to be blown up or set on fire immediately.”
“Neighboring houses occupied by Aryans are not to be damaged. The action is to be carried out in civilian clothes. Rioting and plundering are to be prevented. Report of execution of orders to reach Brigade Fuehrer or office by 8:30.”
I immediately alerted the Standartenfuehrer and gave them the most exact instructions; the execution of the order began at once.
I hereby report that the following were destroyed in the area of:
Standarte 115
1. Synagogue at Darmstadt, Bleichstrasse destroyed by fire.
2. Synagogue at Darmstadt, Fuchsstrasse destroyed by fire.
3. Synagogue at Ober/Ramstadt interior and furnishings wrecked.
4. Synagogue at Graefenhausen interior and furnishings wrecked.
5. Synagogue at Griesheim interior and furnishings wrecked.
6. Synagogue at Pfungstadt interior and furnishings wrecked.
7. Synagogue at Eberstadt destroyed by fire.
Standarte 145
1. Synagogue at Bensheim destroyed by fire.
2. Synagogue at Lorsch in Hessen destroyed by fire.
3. Synagogue at Heppenheim destroyed by fire and blown up.
4. Synagogue at Birkenau destroyed by fire.
5. Prayer House Alsbach destroyed by fire.
6. Meeting room Alsbach destroyed by fire.
7. Synagogue at Rimbach furnishings completely destroyed.
Standarte 168
1. Synagogue in Seligenstadt destroyed by fire.
2. Synagogue in Offenbach destroyed by fire.
3. Synagogue in Klein-Krotzenburg destroyed by fire.
4. Synagogue in Steinheim on the Main destroyed by fire.
5. Synagogue in Muehlheim on the Main destroyed by fire.
6. Synagogue in Sprendlingen destroyed by fire.
7. Synagogue in Langen destroyed by fire.
8. Synagogue in Egelsbach destroyed by fire.
Standarte 186
1. Synagogue in Beerfelden blown up.
2. Synagogue in Michelstadt furnishings wrecked.
3. Synagogue in Koenig furnishings wrecked.
4. Synagogue in Hoechst i/Odenwald furnishings wrecked.
5. Synagogue in Gross-Umstadt furnishings wrecked.
6. Synagogue in Dieburg furnishings wrecked.
7. Synagogue in Babenhausen furnishings wrecked.
8. Synagogue in Gross-Bieberau destroyed by fire.
9. Synagogue in Fraenk. Crumbach furnishings destroyed.
10. Synagogue in Reichelsheim furnishings destroyed.
Standarte 221
1. Synagogue and Chapel in Gross Gerau destroyed by fire.
2. Synagogue in Ruesselheim torn down and furnishings destroyed.
3. Synagogue in Dornheim furnishings destroyed.
4. Synagogue in Wolfskehlen furnishings destroyed.
The Fuehrer of Brigade 50 (Starkenburg)
/s/ [Illegible] Brigadefuehrer
Stamped: SA Group Electoral Palatinate (Kurpfalz) 11 Nov 1938
/s/ [Illegible]
# # # # #
CONFIDENTIAL
Notice!
8.35 Oberfuehrer Durein [?] for the area of Brigade 51 reports completion of the matter of the Synagogues.
Everything has been carried out up to Roelsheim [?] near Germersheim.
10 Nov 38 (s) [Illegible]
# # # # #
CONFIDENTIAL
Note for Files
Telephone call by the Fuehrer of Brigade 50, Darmstadt. Brigadefuehrer Lucke.
Brigadefuehrer Lucke reports at 9 o’clock on 10 November 1938: The Jewish church at Darmstadt, the Synagogue at Darmstadt, and the Synagogue at Eberstadt were destroyed by fire. The Synagogue in Darmstadt destroyed and burned out. The Synagogue in Eberstadt destroyed and burned out. The Synagogues in Griesheim, in Graefenhausen and Oberramstadt destroyed. The Synagogue in Bensheim destroyed by fire. The Synagogue in Lorsch near Bensheim destroyed by fire. The Synagogue in Heppenheim blown up. The Synagogues in Rimbach and Birkenau destroyed. The Prayer Hall at Alsbach a.d.B. destroyed. Meeting-room in the Jewish cemetery in Haehnlein destroyed. The Synagogue and Church in Gross-Gerau destroyed by fire. The Synagogue in Ruesselsheim wrecked. In addition, the Synagogue and wooden church in Dornheim were demolished. In Offenbach the big Church and the Synagogue were destroyed by fire. Synagogues that may still exist will also be found and destroyed.
Mannheim, 10 Nov 1938 /s/ LOHMANN Sturmhauptfuehrer Copied:
# # # # #
CONFIDENTIAL
Note for Files
Telephone call from Brigade 151, Saarbruecken, by Sturmhauptfuehrer Rossel.
Sturmhauptfuehrer Rossel reports at 9.15 on the morning of 10 November 1938. Tonight the Synagogue in Saarbruecken was set on fire, and the Synagogues in Dillingen, Merzig, Saarlautern, Saarwillingen and Broddorf were also destroyed. Jews were taken into protective custody. The fire departments are occupied with extinguishing the fires. In the area of Standarte 174 all Synagogues were destroyed.
MANNHEIM, 10 November 1938 Copied:
/s/ ZIMMERMANN Standartenfuehrer
# # # # #
CONFIDENTIAL
Note for Files
Telephone call from the Fuehrer of Standarte 250, Bruchsal, Standartenfuehrer Ritter von Eberlein.
Standartenfuehrer Ritter von Eberlein reports at 9.00 on the morning of 10 November 1938. In the early morning of 10 November 1938, between the hours of 4.30 and 6.00 o’clock, the Synagogue at Bruchsal burned down to the foundations. The crowd broke all shop windows of the Jewish stores in the city; the alerted SA put guards before the Jewish stores to prevent plundering. The Rabbi and several prominent Jews had to be taken into protective custody for their own safety. This was done by the Gestapo. The Synagogue at Philippsburg also burned down at the same time. The infamous Rabbi Neuburger, who is known because of his foreign connections was taken into protective custody by instigation of the SA. During the night the Synagogues at Wiesloch, Walldorf and Malsch were also destroyed. The male Jews had to be taken into protective custody for their personal safety. In the area of Sturmbann III/250 the Synagogues at Sinsheim, Neidenstein, Neckar-Bischofsheim, Hoffenheim, Wollenberg and Ittlingen were also destroyed.
MANNHEIM, 10 November 1938 Copied:
/s/ ZIMMERMANN Standartenfuehrer
# # # # #
CONFIDENTIAL
Note for Files
Standarte 17 reports by telephone call from Sturmbannfuehrer. Then at 10.13 o’clock in the morning of 10 November 1938: The Synagogues at Ludwigshafen and Frankenthal were burned down completely this morning between 7 and 8 o’clock. Several Jewish stores were demolished.
MANNHEIM, 10 November 1938 Copied:
/s/ [Illegible] Standartenfuehrer
PARTIAL TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1723-PS
DECREES, REGULATIONS, ANNOUNCEMENTS [The German publication entitled “Verfuegungen, Anordnungen, Bekanntgaben”] Pp. 430-39.
_Security Police_
Cooperation of the Party offices with the Secret State Police [Gestapo].
In a summary of all the previously issued decrees on the cooperation between the Party and the Gestapo I refer to the following and ordain:
1. To the Gestapo has been entrusted the mission by the Fuehrer to watch over and to eliminate all enemies of the Party and the National Socialist State as well as all disintegrating forces of all kinds directed against both. The successful solution of this mission forms one of the most essential prerequisites for the unhampered and frictionless work of the Party. The Gestapo, in their extremely difficult task, is to be granted support and assistance in every possible way by the NSDAP. The supervision of the Party itself does not come under the jurisdiction of the Gestapo.
I prohibit all offices of the Party, its organizations and associated groups to conduct investigations and interrogations regarding affairs which concern the Gestapo only. All occurrences of a political-criminalistic nature are to be reported without prejudice along Party channels and as ever brought to the knowledge of the Gestapo immediately.
2. The secret state police must report automatically all occurrences of a criminal nature, even if it includes Party Members, to the responsible public prosecutor according to the laws of the National Socialist State, in force for all nationals. In such cases, the State police offices will notify, as before, the county and Gauleiters concerned, of the reports made to the public prosecutor. Reports will include reasons for the incidents. In the interest of the movement the functionaries [Hoheitstrager] are obliged to suspend, if necessary, the party members, after contacting the responsible Party Court; the latter will hold a public hearing, to decide on the temporary suspension.
_Invitation of the leaders of offices in the Security Police and the Security Service to attend Party meetings._
In order to establish closer connections between all the offices of the Party and their organizations and the office leader of the Security Police and SD, the leader of the Party Chancellor asks that they should be invited in the future to all large official meetings of the Party.
_The taking over of political offices by officials of the Gestapo_
The Secret State police has the mission to safeguard the unhampered development of all forces active in the party and released by it in the National Socialistic State.
Since it is still in a state of being organised and the available officials and employees are very much in demand they are only to be employed in order to take over positions in the Party in as much as it is compatible with their official duties in the Secret State Police.
I, therefore, ask to check in every single case and in close harmony with the department of the Secret State Police concerned, whose leader welcomes the taking over of political functions by officials and employees of the Secret State Police, whether the transfer of political missions into the Party can be justified in the interest of the official obligations of the Secret State Police.
_Presentation to the State Police upon request by Party offices_
The Chief of the Security Police and SD has issued the annexed decrees of 29 March 1940 and 4 November 1940. It is ordered herewith that departments of the Secret State Police will be obliged to execute the presentation request when the same emanates from the Reichsleiters or the Gauleiters. If the request for presentation originates from subordinate departments of the party it will only be granted if particular interests of the State Police seem to warrant a presentation.
In the future the county administration and local administrations are to direct all requests through the district administration to the responsible department of the Secret State police.
# # # # #
Berlin, 29 March 1940
The Chief of the Security Police and SD I A 1 NR. 102/40-176 To all State police departments
By way of information to the Inspectors of the Security Police and SD.
Subject: Presentation to the State Police upon request by Party offices.
Repeated requests by Party offices for presentation to the State Police of Volksgenossen who did not heed the summons of the Party offices, cause the following regulations to be decreed:
1. If the district administration makes the request the same is to be granted as long as no important interests of the State Police interfere.
2. If a party office subordinate to the district administration requests the presentation, the same has to be denied in as far as no important interests of the State Police seem to warrant a presentation.
Signed: HEYDRICH
Verified: Schoenbrunn of the Chancellery
# # # # #
Berlin SW 11 4 November 1940
The Chief of the Security Police and SD IB 1 NR 763/40-151
To All State Police Departments
By way of information to the Inspectors of the Security Police and SD
Subject: Presentation to State Police upon request of Party Offices
Reference: Decree of 29 March 1940 IA 1 NR 102/40-176
In supplement to my decree of 29 March 1940 I order that presentation requests by Reichsleiters be granted in so far as important interests of the State Police do not interfere.
Signed: HEYDRICH
# # # # #
_Protective Custody_
Protective custody must be viewed as the strongest measure in order to impressively instruct the Volksgenossen, who maliciously neglect their duties toward the community or endanger the security of the State, that they have to conform themselves to the universal interests and to adapt themselves to State discipline. Therefore it should only serve as a means of combatting real enemies of the Reich, but should never be used for the clarification or punishment of different or insignificant offenses.
An excessive use of protective custody, as well as its infliction without previous indisputable clarification of the state of affairs and the question of guilt, is neither justified with regard to the future of the one involved nor with respect to the reduction of its moral effect.
Therefore it must be expected that protective custody is only to be employed in really pressing and substantial cases.
I request that the county leaders be instructed orally to avoid any written communications; special emphasis on secrecy.
_Protective Custody_ (_Regulations_)
Through the circular of the 25 January 1938, the Reich Minister of the Interior has issued new regulations regarding the introduction of protective custody. In the following, I announce the wording of this decree for confidential information.
# # # # #
Berlin 25 Jan. 1938
The Reich Minister of the Interior
The following regulations regarding protective custody go into effect on the 1 February 1938. At the same time, the following are rescinded:
a. My decree of 12 April 1934--I 3311 A/28.2 along with the supplement of 26 April 1934 and 10 July 1934 (directed to governments of the states and to the Reichstatthalters).
b. My decree of 12 April 1935--VI B 757A/3014 along with the supplementary decree of 1 June 1935 VI B 11568/3014 (directed to the governments of the states, Reichstatthalter, Prussian presidents of government districts).
c. My decree of 17 June 1935--III P 3311/329 (directed to the state government and the Reichstatthalter.)
d. The decree of office of Secret State Police of 3 July 1934--B Nr. 19582 II I D (directed to the presidents of the Prussian government districts).
e. The decree of the Political Police Commander of the Lands of the 9 Sept 1935--B. Nr. 37840/35 II I D (directed to the Political police of the states and the Prussian State Police offices).
Article 1 Admissibility
Protective custody can be decreed as a coercive measure of the Secret State Police against persons who endanger the security of the people and the state through their attitude, in order to counter all aspirations of enemies of the people and state.
Protective Custody shall not be decreed for penal purposes or as a substitute for punitive arrest. Punishable offenses have to be decided finally by the courts.
Article 2 Competence
1. The Secret State Police exclusively is competent for the application of protective custody.
2. Motions in behalf of the application of protective custody have to be directed to the Secret State police through the State police offices. Every motion has to be substantiated in detail; the statements of the arrested person have to be considered in it. A copy of the hearing of the person temporarily apprehended has to be forwarded immediately.
3. Protective custody may only be inflicted if the accused has previously had a hearing on offenses imputed to him.
Article 3 Temporary Arrest
1. The Secret State police bureau, the offices of the State police director and of the State Police are authorized under the provisions of par. 1 to order the temporary arrest of persons:
a. If it is feared that the freedom will be abused for activities hostile to the state.
b. If danger of under-cover activities exists.
c. If there is suspicion of escape.
2. The accused has to be notified at the latest within 24 hours after the arrest. He is to be heard on the grounds for the infliction of the temporary arrest according to protocol.
3. A temporarily arrested person has to be released at the latest after an elapse of 10 days from the day of apprehension if the Secret State police bureau has in the meantime not decreed protective custody (5).
* * * * * * *
Article 6 Execution
The protective custody has to be executed generally in the State Concentration Camps.
Article 7 Duration
1. Protective custody shall only be upheld as long as it serves its purpose.
2. The Secret State police bureau authorizes release from protective custody. For that reason the bureau investigates periodically but not exceeding 3 months, whether the protective custody should be cancelled. The release must have taken place, at the latest, on the third day after the lifting of the protective custody.
Article 8 Foreigners
As a matter of principle deportation procedure has to be carried out against foreigners who have been taken into protective custody unless particular reasons interfere.
Article 9 Executory Regulations
The Chief of the Security Police issues the necessary regulations for the execution.
PARTIAL TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1724-PS
Press conference on August 4, 1938 headed by Regional Leader [Gauamtsleiter] Schoeller
Duration: 1 hour
[Page 1, par. 4]
The breaking up of the synagogue (information must still be secret).
On August 10, 1938 at 10 o’clock A. M. the breakup of the synagogues will commence. Gauleiter Julius Streicher will personally set the crane into motion with which the Jewish symbols (Star of David etc.) will be torn down. This should be arranged in a big way. Closer details are still unknown.
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1725-PS
1935 REICHSGESETZBLATT, PART I, PAGE 502
Ordinance on Enforcement of the Law for Securing the Unity of Party and State of 29 March 1935
By virtue of the law for securing the unity of Party and State of 1 December 1933 (RGBl I, 1016) I order:
ARTICLE 1
1. The NSDAP and the Hitler Youth Movement, Inc. are to be expunged in the corporation register. The property of these corporations has without liquidation become the property of the NSDAP as a corporation of public law.
2. The land deeds and other public records are to be corrected free of charge on request.
3. Until the decree of the statute of the NSDAP (Article 1, Section 2 of the Law for Securing the Unity of Party and State of 1 December 1933), the previous statute of the National Socialist German Workers’ Corporation, Inc., is applicable in this sense to the NSDAP as a corporation of public law.
ARTICLE 2
The SA,
The SS,
The National Socialist Driver Corps [Kraftfahrkorps],
The Hitler Youth (including the Jungfolk, the League of German Girls and Jungmaedel),
The National Socialist German Student League,
The National Socialist German Women’s Auxiliary [Frauenschaft], are components of the party.
ARTICLE 3
The National Socialist League of German Physicians, Inc.,
The League of National Socialist German Jurists, Inc.,
The National Socialist Teachers’ League, Inc.,
The National Socialist People’s Welfare, Inc.,
The National Socialist War Veterans’ Administration, Inc.,
The Reich League of German Officials, Inc.,
The National Socialist League of German Technologists,
The German Labor Front (including the National Socialist foundation “Kraft durch Freude”),
are the organizations affiliated to the NSDAP.
ARTICLE 4
1. The components of the NSDAP possess no legal character of their own and no property of their own.
2. The NSDAP forms with its components as a corporation of public law, a unit for the domain of the entire organization, with reference to property rights. Therefore the entire corporation is exclusively obligated and justified as to property rights.
3. The Reich Treasurer of the NSDAP is the Plenipotentiary of the Fuehrer in all legal matters relating to property of the NSDAP. The Plenipotentiary rights include the right to assign sub-powers of attorney generally or for individual matters.
ARTICLE 5
1. The affiliated organizations can possess their own legal character.
2. The affiliated organizations are subject to the financial supervision of the Reich Treasurer of the NSDAP.
3. The other legally determined supervisory rights are not touched by the financial supervision of the Reich Treasurer of the NSDAP.
ARTICLE 6
All authorities have to assist the Reich Treasurer of the NSDAP and his agent in the fulfillment of his duties and to conform with the requests of the Reich Treasurer of the NSDAP, which go to them on the basis of this order.
ARTICLE 7
1. The first enforcement order of 23 March 1934 (Voelkischer Beobachter, Munich edition No. 86 of 27 March 1934 and Berlin edition No. 87 of 28 March 1934) on the law for securing unity of party and state dated 1 December 1933 is abrogated.
2. Likewise all previous orders and regulations contrary to the above enforcement order on the law for securing unity of party and state of 1 December 1933 are abrogated.
ARTICLE 8
1. The Deputy of the Fuehrer issues terms for enforcement and supplementing Articles 2 and 3 of this order. The Reich Treasurer of the NSDAP issues the remaining terms for execution of this order.
2. This law takes effect on the day following its announcement.
Berlin, 29 March 1935
The Fuehrer and Reich Chancellor Adolf Hitler
The Deputy of the Fuehrer R. Hess Reich Minister without Portfolio
The Reich Minister of the Interior Frick
COPY OF DOCUMENT 1726-PS
STATEMENT OF THE NETHERLANDS GOVERNMENT IN VIEW OF THE PROSECUTION AND PUNISHMENT OF THE GERMAN MAJOR WAR CRIMINALS
Enclosure “h” entitled: _Central Bureau for Statistics_
THE DEPORTATION OF NETHERLANDS WORKMEN TO GERMANY [Pages 1-3].
The enlistment of working labourers took quite a different course. Many big and reasonably large business concerns, especially in the metal industry, were visited by German commissions who appointed workmen for deportation. This combing out of the concerns was called the “Sauckel-action”, so named after its leader, who was charged with the appointment of foreign workmen in Germany.
The employers had to cancel the contracts with the appointed workmen temporarily, and the latter were forced to register at the labour offices, which then took care of the deportation under supervision of German “Fachberater”.
Workmen who refused (relatively few) were prosecuted by the “Sicherheitsdienst” (SD). If captured by this service, they were mostly lodged for some time in one of the infamous prisoners camps in the Netherlands and eventually put to work in Germany.
In this prosecution the “Sicherheitsdienst” was supported by the German Police Service, which was connected with the labour offices, and was composed of members of the N.S.B. and the like.
At the end of April 1942 the deportation of working labourers started on a grand scale. Consequently in the months of May and June the number of deportees amounted to not less than 22,000, resp. 24,000 of which many were metal workers.
After that the action slackened somewhat, but in October 1942 another top was reached (2,600). After the big concerns, the smaller ones had, in their turn, to give up their personnel. * * *
This changed in November 1944. The Germans then started a ruthless campaign for manpower, passing by the labour offices. Without warning, they lined off whole quarters of the towns, seized people in the streets or in the houses and deported them.
In Rotterdam and Schiedam where these raids (razzia’s) took place on 10 and 11 November, the amount of people thus deported was estimated at 50,000 and 5,000 respectively.
In other places where the raids were held later, the numbers were much lower, because one was forewarned by the events. The exact figures are not known as they have never been published by the occupants.
The people thus seized were put to work partly in the Netherlands, partly in Germany.
The events of the war then took such a turn that further deportations did not take place. But still in the North and East of the country, many men, up to 60 years, were seized and forced to build defence works in the neighbourhood of their homes.
PARTIAL TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1741-PS