Louis Pasteur: His Life and Labours
Part 8
Another cause of the deterioration of the quality of vinegar, which is sometimes very annoying to the manufacturer, consists in the frequent presence of little eel-like organisms, very curious when viewed with a strong magnifier. Their bodies are so transparent that their internal organs can be easily distinguished. These eel-like creatures multiply with extraordinary rapidity. Certainly there is not a single barrel of vinegar manufactured by the Orleans system which does not contain them in alarming numbers. Prior to Pasteur's investigations, the ignorance regarding these organisms was such that they were actually considered necessary to the production of the vinegar; whereas they are, on the contrary, most inimical to it, and must, if possible, be got rid of. This is, moreover, rendered desirable by the repugnance which is naturally felt to using a liquid defiled by the presence of such animalcules--a repugnance which becomes almost insurmountable to anyone who has once seen through a microscope the swarms contained in a drop of vinegar. The mischief wrought by these little beings in the manufacture of vinegar results from the fact that they require air to live. The effect can easily be perceived by filling to the brim a bottle of vinegar, corking it, and then comparing it with a similar bottle half filled with the same vinegar, and left uncorked in contact with the air. In the first bottle, the motions of the eel-like creatures become gradually slower, until after a few days they cease to multiply and fall lifeless to the bottom of the vessel. In the second bottle, on the contrary, they continue to swarm and move about. This need of oxygen is further demonstrated by the fact that, if the vinegar reaches a certain depth in the bottle, life is suspended in the lower parts, and the little eel-like organisms, in order to breathe more freely, form a crawling zone in the upper layers of the liquid.
Connecting these observations with the other fact that the vinegar is formed by the action of the mycodermic film on its surface, we can understand at once that the mycoderm and the little eels continually carry on a struggle for existence, since both of these living things--the one animal the other vegetable--imperiously demand the same aliment, oxygen. They live, moreover, in the same superficial layers, a circumstance which gives rise to very curious phenomena. When, for one reason or another, the film of mycoderm is not formed, or when there is any delay in its production, the little eels invade in such great numbers the upper layers of the liquid that they absorb all the oxygen. The little plant has in consequence great difficulty in developing itself or even in beginning its life. Reciprocally, when the work of acetification is active, and when the mycoderm has occupied the upper layers, it gradually drives away the eels, which take refuge, not deep down, where they would perish, but against the moist sides of the barrel or the vat. There they form a thick whitish scum all in motion. It is a very curious spectacle. Here their enemy, the mycoderm, can no longer injure them to the same extent, since they are surrounded with air; and here they wait with impatience for the moment when they can again take their place in the liquid, and, in their turn, fight against the mycoderm. In Pasteur's process, where the vats are very often cleansed, it is easy to keep them free from these little animalcules; they have not time to multiply to a hurtful extent. Indeed, if the operation be well conducted, they do not make their appearance at all.
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Nearly all Pasteur's publications have had from the moment of their appearance to undergo the severest criticism. Their novelty caused them to clash with the prejudices and errors current in science. His researches on fermentation provoked lively opposition. Liebig did not accept without recrimination a series of researches which concurred in upsetting the theory he had enunciated and defended in all his works. After having kept silence for ten years, he published, at Munich, where he was professor, a long memoir entirely directed against Pasteur's results. In 1870, on the eve of the war, Pasteur, who was at that time returning from a scientific journey into Austria, determined to pass by Munich, with the view of attempting to convince his distinguished adversary. Liebig received him with great courtesy, but, hardly recovered from an illness, he alleged his convalescence as a reason for declining all discussion.
Then followed the Franco-German war. Hardly was it terminated when Pasteur brought before the Academy of Sciences at Paris a defence of what he had published, as a sort of challenge to his illustrious opponent. The memoir of Liebig was filled with the most skilful arguments.
'I pondered it for nearly ten years before producing it,' he wrote. Pasteur, putting aside all subtleties of argument, went straight to the two objections of the German chemist which lay at the root of the discussion.
It may be remembered that one of the most decisive proofs by which Pasteur overthrew Liebig's theory resulted from the experiments in which by the aid of mineral bodies and fermentable matter he produced a special living ferment for each definite fermentation. By removing all nitrogenous organic matter, which in Liebig's theory constitutes the ferment, Pasteur established, at one and the same time, the life of the ferment and the absence of all action of albuminoid matter in process of alteration. Liebig here formally contested the fact that Pasteur had been able to produce yeast and alcoholic fermentation in a sweetened mineral medium by sowing therein an infinitesimal quantity of yeast. It is certain that, ten years previously, when Pasteur announced the production of yeast life and alcoholic fermentation under such conditions, his experiment was one so difficult to perform that it sometimes happened to Pasteur himself to be unable to reproduce it. The cells of yeast sown in the sweetened mineral medium found themselves often associated with other microscopic organisms, which were singularly hurtful to the life of the yeast. Pasteur was at this period far from being familiarised with the delicacy which such experiments require, and he did not yet know all the precautions indicated later on, which were indispensable to success. Though in his original memoir of 1860 Pasteur had pointed out the difficulties of his experiment, these difficulties existed nevertheless. Liebig took hold of them with skill, exaggerated them; saw, so to speak, nothing but them; and declared that the results announced never could have been obtained. But in 1871 the fundamental experiment of Pasteur, on the life of yeast in a sweetened mineral medium, had become a trifle for him. He knew exactly how to form media deprived of all foreign germs, how to prepare pure yeast, and how to prevent the introduction of new germs, which could develop in the liquids and hinder the life of the yeast.
'Choose,' said he to Liebig, 'from the members of the Academy one or several, and ask them to decide between you and me. I am ready to prepare before you and before them, in a sweetened mineral medium, as much yeast as you can reasonably ask for, and with substances provided by yourself.'
Liebig's second objection had reference to acetic fermentation. The process of acetification known as that of 'beech shavings' is widely practised in Germany and even in France. It consists in causing alcohol diluted with water and with the addition of some _millièmes_ of acetic acid to trickle slowly into barrels or vats filled with shavings of beech, either massed together without order or disposed in layers after having been rolled up like the spring of a watch. Openings formed in the sides of the barrel, and in a double bottom upon which the shavings rest, permit the access of the air, which rises into the barrel as it would in a chimney, and yields all or part of its oxygen to the alcohol to convert it into acetic acid. All writers prior to Pasteur, and Liebig in particular, maintained that the shavings acted like porous bodies in the same manner as finely divided platinum. The acetic acid, they said, was formed by a direct oxidation, without any other influence than the porosity of the wood. This view of the subject was rendered plausible by the fact that in many manufactories the alcohol employed is that of distillation, which contains no albuminoid substances. Moreover, the duration of the shavings is in a sense indefinite.
According to Pasteur, the shavings perform only a passive part in the manufacture. They promote the division of the liquid and cause a considerable augmentation of the surface exposed to the air. They moreover serve as a support for the ferment, which is still, according to him, the mycoderma aceti, under the mucous form proper to it when submerged.
Certainly appearances were far from being favourable to this view. When the shavings of a barrel which has been in work for several months or even for several years are examined, they are found to be extraordinarily clean. It might be said that they had just been carefully washed. Pasteur has shown that this is but a deceptive appearance, and that in reality these shavings are partly or wholly covered with a mucous film of mycoderma aceti of excessive tenuity. It is necessary to scrape the surface of the wood with a scalpel and examine the scrapings with the microscope to be assured of the presence of this pellicle.
Liebig, who somewhere speaks, not without a certain contempt, of the microscope, denied formally the exactitude of these assertions.
'With diluted alcohol, which is used for the rapid manufacture of vinegar,' he wrote, 'the elements of nutrition of the mycoderm are excluded, and the vinegar is made without its intervention.' He asserted also in his memoir of 1869 that he had consulted the head of one of the principal manufactories of vinegar in Germany, that in this manufactory the diluted alcohol did not receive during the whole course of its transformation any foreign addition, and that beyond the air and the surfaces of wood and charcoal--for charcoal is sometimes associated with the beech shavings--nothing can act upon the alcohol. Liebig added that the director of the manufactory did not believe at all in the presence of the mycoderm, and that finally he, Liebig, in examining the shavings which had been used for twenty-five years in the manufactory, saw no trace of mycoderm on their surface.
The argument appeared conclusive. How, in fact, could we understand the production of a plant containing within itself nitrogen and mineral elements which was nevertheless to be nourished by water and alcohol.
'You do not take into account,' replied Pasteur, 'the nature of the water which serves to dilute your alcohol. This water, like all ordinary waters, even the purest, contains salts of ammonia and mineral matters which are capable of nourishing the plant. Finally, you have not rightly examined with the microscope the surface of the shavings, otherwise you would have seen the little particles of the mycoderma aceti united, in some cases, to a thin film which can even be lifted up. I propose to you, moreover, to send to the Academic Commission charged with the decision of the debate, some shavings that you have obtained yourself in the manufactory at Munich, and in the presence of its director. I will undertake to prove before the members of the commission the presence of the mycoderm on the surface of these shavings.'
Liebig did not accept this challenge. To-day the question is decided.
_THE QUESTION OF SPONTANEOUS GENERATION._
'All dry bodies,' said Aristotle, 'which become damp, and all damp bodies which are dried, engender animal life.' Bees, according to Virgil, are produced from the corrupted entrails of a young bull. At the time of Louis XIV. we were hardly more advanced. A celebrated alchemist doctor, Van Helmont, wrote: 'The smells which rise from the bottom of morasses produce frogs, slugs, leeches, grasses, and other things.' But most extraordinary of all was the true recipe given by Van Helmont for producing a pot of mice. It suffices to press a dirty shirt into the orifice of a vessel containing a little corn. After about twenty-one days, the ferment proceeding from the dirty shirt modified by the odour of the corn effects the transmutation of the wheat into mice. Van Helmont, who asserted that he had witnessed the fact, added with assurance:
'The mice are born full grown; there are both males and females. To reproduce the species it suffices to pair them.'
'Scoop out a hole,' said he again, 'in a brick, put into it some sweet basil, crushed, lay a second brick upon the first so that the hole may be perfectly covered. Expose the two bricks to the sun, and at the end of a few days the smell of the sweet basil, acting as a ferment, will change the herb into real scorpions. An Italian naturalist, Redi, was the first to subject this question of spontaneous generation to a more attentive examination. He showed that maggots in meat are not spontaneously generated, but that they are the larvæ of flies' eggs. To prevent the production of maggots, Redi showed that it was only necessary to surround the meat with fine gauze before exposing it to the air. As no flies could alight upon meat thus protected, there were no eggs deposited, and consequently neither larvæ nor maggots. But at the moment when the doctrine of spontaneous generation began to lose ground by the limitation of its domain, the discovery of the microscope brought to this doctrine new and formidable support. In presence of the world of animalculæ, the partisans of spontaneous generation raised a note of triumph. 'We may have been mistaken,' they said, 'as to the origin of mice and maggots, but is it possible to believe that microscopic organisms are not the outcome of spontaneous generation? How can we otherwise explain their presence and rapid multiplication in all dead animal or vegetable matter in process of decomposition?'
Buffon lent the authority of his name to the doctrine of spontaneous generation. He even devised a system to explain this hypothesis. In 1745 two ecclesiastics entered upon an eager controversy for and against this question. While the English Catholic priest Needham adopted the theory of spontaneous generation, the Italian priest Spallanzani energetically opposed it; but while in the eyes of the public the Italian remained master of the dispute, his success was more apparent than real, more in word than in deed.
The problem was again brought forward in a more emphatic manner in 1858. M. Pouchet, director of the Museum of Natural History at Rouen, in addressing the Academy of Sciences, declared that he had succeeded in demonstrating in a manner absolutely certain the existence of microscopic living organisms, which had come into the world without germs, and consequently without parents similar to themselves.
How came Pasteur to throw himself into this discussion, at first sight so far removed from his other occupations? The results of his researches on fermentation led him to it as a sort of duty. He was carried on by a series of logical deductions. Let us recall to mind, for example, the experiment in which Pasteur exposed to the heat of the sun water sweetened with sugar and mixed with phosphates of potash and magnesia, a little sulphate of ammonia, and some carbonate of lime. In these conditions the lactic fermentation was often seen to develop itself--that is to say, the sugar became lactic acid, which combined with the lime of the carbonate to form lactate of lime. This salt crystallises in long needles, and ends sometimes by filling the whole vase, while a little organised living thing is at the same time produced and multiplied. If the experiment is carried on further, another fermentation generally succeeds to this one. Moving vibrios make their appearance and multiply, the lactate of lime disappears, the fluidity returns to the mass, and the lactate finds itself replaced by butyrate of lime. What a succession of strange phenomena! How did life appear in this sweetened medium, composed originally of such simple elements, and apparently so far removed from all production of life? This lactic ferment, these butyric vibrios, whence do they come? Are they formed of themselves? or are they produced by germs? If the latter, whence do the germs come? The appearance of living organised ferments had become for Pasteur the all-important question, since in all fermentations he had observed a correlation between the chemical action set up and the presence of microscopic organisms. Prior to the establishment of the facts already mentioned, these difficulties did not exist. The theory of Liebig was universally accepted.
Thus the question as to the origin of microscopic organisms and the part played by them in fermentation was imposed as a necessity on Pasteur. He could not proceed further in his researches without having solved this question.
In the month of October, 1857, Pasteur was called to Paris. After having been made dean at an incredibly early age, he was now, at the age of thirty-five, entrusted with the scientific studies at the École Normale Supérieure. But if the position was flattering, it did not give to Pasteur what he most desired. As he had no Professor's chair, he had no laboratory. In those days science, and the higher education in science, were at a discount. It was the period when Claude Bernard lived in a small damp laboratory, when M. Berthelot, though known through his great labours, was still nothing more than an assistant in the Collège de France.
At the time here referred to, the Minister of Public Instruction said to Pasteur, 'There is no clause in the budget to grant you 1,500 francs a year to defray the expense of experiments.' Pasteur did not hesitate to establish a laboratory at his own expense in one of the garrets of the École Normale. We can readily imagine the modesty of such an establishment in such a place. Dividing his time between his professional duties and his laboratory experiments, Pasteur never went out but to talk over his daily researches with M. Biot, M. Dumas, M. de Senarmont, and M. Balard. M. Biot especially was his habitual confidant. The day when M. Biot learned that Pasteur proposed to study the obscure question of spontaneous generation, he strongly dissuaded him from entangling himself in this labyrinth. 'You will never escape from it,' said he, 'you will only lose your time;' and when Pasteur attempted some timid observations with the view of showing that in the order of his studies it was indispensable for him to attack this problem, M. Biot grew angry. Although endowed, as Sainte-Beuve has said, with all the qualities of curiosity, of subtlety, of penetration, of ingenious exactitude, of method, and of perspicuity, with all the qualities, in short, essential and secondary, M. Biot treated the project of Pasteur as a presumptuous adventure.
Bolder than M. Biot, but with a circumspection always alive, M. Dumas declared to Pasteur, without, however, further insisting upon the point, that he would not advise anyone to occupy himself too long with such a subject. M. de Senarmont alone took the part of Pasteur, and said to M. Biot:
'Let Pasteur alone. If there is nothing to be found in the path which he has entered upon, do not be alarmed, he will not continue in it. But,' added he, 'I should be surprised if he found nothing in it.'
M. Pouchet had previously stated the problem with precision:
'The opponents of spontaneous generation assert that the germs of microscopic organisms exist in the air, which transports them to a distance. What, then, will these opponents say if I succeed in inducing the generation of living organisms, while substituting artificial air for that of the atmosphere?'
Pouchet then devised this ingenious experiment. He filled a bottle with boiling water, hermetically sealed it with the greatest care, and plunged it upside down into a basin of mercury. When the water was quite cold he uncorked the bottle under the metal, and introduced into it half a litre of pure oxygen gas, which is as necessary to the life of the smallest microscopic organism as it is to that of the larger animals and vegetables. Up to this time there was nothing in the vessel but pure water and oxygen. Pouchet then introduced a minute bunch of hay which had been enclosed in a corked bottle, and exposed in a stove for a long time to a temperature of more than 100 degrees. At the end of eight days a mouldiness was developed in this infusion of hay. 'Where does this come from?' cried M. Pouchet triumphantly. Certainly not from the oxygen, which had been prepared from a chemical compound at the temperature of incandescence. The water had been equally deprived of germs, since at the boiling temperature all germs would have been destroyed. The hay also could not have contained them, for it had been taken from a stove heated to 100 degrees. As it was urged, however, that certain organisms could resist this temperature, M. Pouchet heated the hay from 200 to 300 degrees, or to any temperature that might be desired.
Pasteur came to disturb the triumph of M. Pouchet.
In a lecture which he gave at the Sorbonne in 1864, before a large assembly composed of savants, philosophers, ladies, priests, and novelists--Alexandre Dumas was in the first row--all showing eager interest in the problems to be dealt with in the lecture, Pasteur thus criticised the experiment of Pouchet: 'This experiment is irreproachable, but irreproachable only on those points which have attracted the attention of its author. I will demonstrate before you that there is a cause of error which M. Pouchet has not perceived, which he has not in the least suspected, which no one before him suspected, but which renders his experiment as completely illusory as that of Van Helmont's pot of dirty linen. I will show you where the mice got in. I will prove to you, in short, that it is the mercury which carries the germs into the vessels, or, rather, not to go beyond the demonstrated fact, the dust which is suspended in the air.'
To render visible this floating dust, Pasteur caused the hall to be darkened, and pierced the obscurity by a beam of light. There then appeared, dancing and twirling in the beam, thousands of little particles of dust.
'If we had time to examine them well,' continued Pasteur, 'we should see them, though agitated with various movements, falling downwards more or less quickly. It is thus that all objects become covered with dust--the furniture, the table, the mercury in this basin. Since this mercury was taken from the mine, how much dust must have fallen upon it, to say nothing of all that has been intimately mixed up with it during the numerous manipulations to which it has been subjected in the laboratory? It is not possible to touch this mercury, to place the hand in it, or a bottle, without introducing into the interior of the basin the dust which lies on its surface. You will now see what takes place.'
Projecting, in the darkness, the beam of light upon the basin of mercury, the liquid metal shone forth with its usual brilliancy. Pasteur then sprinkled some dust upon the mercury, and, plunging a glass rod into it, the dust was seen to travel towards the spot where the rod entered the mercury, and to penetrate into the space between the glass and the metal.
'Yes,' exclaimed Pasteur with a voice which gave evidence of the sincerity of his conviction, 'yes, M. Pouchet had removed the germs from the water and from the hay, but he had neglected to remove the dust from the surface of the mercury. This is the cause of his error; this is what has vitiated his whole arrangement.'