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FOOTNOTES:
[1] And this opinion was the cause of the omission in the First Edition.
[2] See Sweet, History of English Sounds, p. 17.
[3] As pronounced, _e.g._, in Dutch _gaan_. This sound does not now exist in English.
[4] This factor in the change of language (which has only recently received investigation) cannot here be dwelt upon, as readers who have not studied phonetics would be unable to follow the argument. Such should at once endeavour to obtain at least a mastery of the elements of phonetics, without which they cannot possibly understand many of the problems with which we have here to deal, and all should then read the very interesting article on _Phonetic Compensations_, by C. W. Grandgent and G. S. Sheldon of Harvard University, in Modern Language Notes, June, 1888, No. 6, pp. 177-187.
[5] For further instances, see Skeat, Principles of English Etymology, p. 376.
[6] A similar transference is observable in γέρανος, γρῦς, and in words in modern languages expressive of the same idea; cf. also _corvus_, which means a raven, a grapnel, a battering-ram, a surgical instrument, and a sea-fish.
[7] See Marsh, English Language, in Students’ Series, lect. iii., pp. 55-62, with note on p. 64.
[8] See the discussions of the examples below. The ‘various’ meanings of these words there given are mostly ‘usual’ ones. Whenever a speaker utters any of these words in the body of his discourse, the word has only one of the various ‘usual’ senses. The use of the word ‘body’ in this very note may serve as illustration of an ‘occasional’ signification of a word with sundry ‘usual’ meanings.
[9] Vid. Murray, p. 1257.
[10] A more definite and unmistakable instance of a word acquiring a concrete sense would be, ‘He raised his arm, and, with outstretched _hand_, exclaimed, etc.’
[11] Murray, p. 898.
[12] Shakespeare could not gain currency for his _forgetive_, nor Bishop Wilkins for his ‘_unwalkative_ cripple.’
[13] Cf. Whitney’s Life and Growth of Language, pp. 27, 28.
[14] Other examples are _fera_, _thier_, _deer_; γυνή, _queen_, _quean_; and the modern Greek ἄλογο(ν) (the unreasoning animal), for ‘a horse.’
[15] Skeat, English Etymology, p. 257.
[16] In some cases the termination comes from the French _-eur_; and in this case, too, the same remarks apply. Cf. also the words _butler_ = _bottler_; _usher_, _ostiarius_, etc.
[17] So termed from the white streaked face of the animal. Gael. _broc_, O. Celtic _broccos_. Cf. Murray, Dictionary, i. v.
[18] Bain’s ‘English Composition,’ p. 23.
[19] Similar instances are _Capability_ Brown, _Satan_ Montgomery.
[20] Cf. Rowland’s Grammar of the Welsh Language, 4th edition, (Wrexham, Hughes), p. 23, § 132, where more instances, and also some from Armorican, are cited.
[21] Raoul de la Patisserie: De la Psychologie du Langage. Paris, 1889, pp. 22, 41.
[22] So again, ‘brung’ can often be heard from children, and in German, ‘gebrungen’ appears as a humorous form, probably in imitation of an original blunder.
[23] Cf. Studies in Classical Philology, No. II., B. I. Wheeler: Analogy, and the Scope of its Application in Language (Ithaca, N.Y., 1887), p. 7. Much of what follows is taken from this little work, which contains an admirable discussion of analogy, besides a highly useful bibliography of the subject. See also Jespersen’s article in the Internationale Zeitschrift für Allgemeine Sprachwissenschaft, Zur Lautgesetzfrage, (1886). Professor Wheeler, however, ranges under ‘Analogy-formation’ much that we should prefer to consider separately under ‘Contamination.’
[24] The personal influence, or ‘magnetism,’ of the speaker or speakers who engender the ‘mistake’ is also an important element in determining its propagation. We, parrot-like, imitate the speech, like the manners, of some more readily than of others.
[25] Cf. C. Goeders, Zur Analogiebildung im Mittel-und Neuenglischen. (Kiel, 1884.) Dr. Goeders has collected an enormous mass of illustrative material. Some of his examples, however, may not prove as new as he thinks. Our posterity will be able to decide this point if Dr. Murray’s Dictionary has made greater progress than at present. This apprehension, however, does not detract from the value of Goeders’ work, nor from the truth of the proposition which he illustrates.
[26] Henry, Étude sur l’Analogie en général et sur les Formations de la Langue Grecque. Paris, Maisonneuve, 1883.
[27] Professor Almkvest kindly informs us that there are rules about the grave accent in the Swedish, but that they are difficult to investigate. The grave accent, as it occurs in Swedish, is quite peculiar, and nothing similar exists in other languages.
For instance, the first syllable in _brä́der_ (pl. of _brä́de_ = board) and _sånger_ (pl. of _sång_ = song) has the accent, but is musically lower than the second syllable, which has a feeble secondary accent, and is musically higher. This is different--in contradiction to _breder_ (pres. of _breda_ = to spread), where the first syllable has the accent, and is musically higher than the second syllable, which is quite without accent.
It is the first-named pronunciation, _brä́dè_, _brä́dèr_; _góssè_ (a boy), _góssàr_, which has nothing corresponding to it in other languages.
(_a_) Short treatises for practical use:--
_Sweet_: On Sounds and Forms of Spoken Swedish (1½ pp. about accent), in _Transactions of the Philological Society_, 1877-79.
_Schwartz and Noreen_: Swedish Grammar: Stockholm, 1881; (4 pp. about accent, mostly practical).
(_b_) Scientific works--
_Lythkius and Wulff_: About the Rules of Sounds and Signs in the Swedish Language, and about the Accent; Lund, 1885; 460 pp. (in Swedish).
_Koch_: Philological Researches about Swedish Accent; Lund, 1878; 211 pp.
_Paul_: Grundriss der German. Philol., vol. i., abschn. 5, pp. 417, etc.: Geschichte der Nordischen Sprachen, von Noreen (gives the historical cause for, and explains the growth of the grave accent).
[28] Byrne, Principles of the Structure of Language, p. 475.
[29] Cf. Spencer, Philosophy of Style.
[30] On the sense in which the words _concrete_ and _abstract_ are here used, see Chap. IV., p. 45.
[31] Mason’s English Grammar, p. 149, note.
[32] Cf. Zumpt, Lat. Gr., § 609.
[33] But cf. _Quisnam hoc fecit?_ in Latin, by the side of _Si quis hoc fecit_.
[34] Thus, in French: _Ma fille l’aimerait?_ (Duval); _Vous n’avez nul remords?_ (Delavigne); _Ces messieurs viennent de Paris?_ (Picard). Latin: _Clodius insidias fecit Miloni?_ (Cicero, pro Mil., xxii.).
[35] Thus, in French: _Richard député, pourquoi pas?_ (Dumas); _Rien de Monsieur le duc de Richelieu?_ (Dumas).
[36] Similarly, in French: _Quoi tu connais l’amour et tu n’es pas humain!_ (Ducis).
[37] We must not forget that these terms are here used in the very widest sense, and not in the limited meaning of ordinary grammar.
[38] See pp. 119, fol.
[39] This symbol is somewhat different from the one employed by Professor Paul, which is (_a_ + (_b_) + _c_). Though we think the one we have chosen is rather more simple, the other is not difficult to understand, as symbolising the result of combining (_a_ + _b_) with (_b_ + _c_). If, instead of two similar sets of brackets, different ones were used, say {_a_ + [_b_} + _c_], the meaning of what now appears as (_b_) might be clearer still. Professor Paul uses _a_, _b_, and _c_ as indicating three different _parts_; we use three letters for three parts, but make two letters alike, because two of the three parts have the same _function_. Cf., later on, for our symbol of the second case, page 119.
[40] Paul (_a_ + _b_) + _c_. See note on p. 110.
[41] Not to be understood as if it were English: _A couple, who lived ... vexed_. See the next example.
[42] See Skeat, s.v. _book_.
[43] A good collection of examples will be found in Sweet’s Anglo-Saxon Reader, introd., p. lxxxvii.
[44] Cf. Mätzner, iii. 202.
[45] Cf. Koch (ii., p. 95), who cites a number of examples.
[46] See Vocabulary to Beowulf, by Heine, under _standan_, _gangan_, _lácan_, etc., and their compounds. Also Koch, ii., p. 3, verbs from A.S. which are transitive and intransitive, e.g., _winnan_, to fight; _fleogan_, to fly; etc.
[47] See King and Cookson, Comparative Grammar of Greek and Latin, p. 177.
[48] Mason’s Grammar, p. 107.
[49] See Zumpt, § 428.
[50] Fiedler and Sachs, ii. 273.
[51] Numerous instances are given in Hodgson, p. 105, and in Mätzner, vol. iii., p, 80.
[52] A strict attention to this difference would involve the transference of some of Professor Wheeler’s examples, in his admirable pamphlet on Analogy, to the head of ‘Contamination.’
[53] ‘Synonymous’ must here be understood in a wide sense, embracing sets of words which, though really distinct in meaning as well as origin, become confused, and consequently become synonymous merely by misunderstanding (see our first example).
[54] Skeat, Principles of English Etymology, p. 357.
[55] Skeat, Principles of English Etymology, p. 361.
[56] Cf. ibid., p. 368.
[57] Cf. Gröber, p. 630.
[58] Gröber, p. 524.
[59] Ibid., p. 629.
[60] Skeat’s Etymological Dictionary, p. 363.
[61] Cf. ibid, s.v.
[62] As in the case of many other verbs: cf., e.g., _make_ with _match_; _bake_ with _batch_; _wake_, _watch_; _break_, _breach_; _speak_, _speech_; _stick_, _stitch_. Cf. Murray, Dictionary, s.v. _ache_, upon which the discussion of the above example is based.
[63] Of course, Anglo-Saxon is not _derived_ from Gothic. The Anglo-Saxon forms are of common origin and cognate with Gothic, but not derived from them.
[64] Quoted by Hodgson, Errors in the Use of English.
[65] See Abbott’s Shakespearian Grammar, p. 297.
[66] See note at end of chapter.
[67] Cf. Skeat, Etymological Dictionary, s.v. _behalf_.
[68] See other instances in Hodgson, p. 74.
[69] Numerous other instances are given in Hodgson, p. 195.
[70] Cf. Zumpt, § 424.
[71] Numerous other examples are given in Hodgson, p. 72.
[72] Quoted by Crombie, Etymology and Syntax, p. 256.
[73] Zumpt, § 340.
[74] See Hodgson, p. 215, where more instances are given.
[75] Cf. Morris, p. 106.
[76] Cf. Berliner Wochenschrift, No. 52, p. 1622.
[77] Chevallet, vol. i., p. 40.
[78] See other instances in Abbott, § 406.
[79] Abbott, § 406 and § 408.
[80] Cf. also such sentences as _Il n’écrit pas mieux cette année ci qu’il_ N_’en faisait l’année passée_; and _Il faut plus d’esprit pour apprendre une science, qu’il_ N_’en faut pour s’en moquer_.
[81] Cf. Skeat, Etymological Dictionary, p. 761.
[82] In O.Fr. we find _baer_, Prov. _badar_, ‘to open the mouth,’ properly speaking to ‘utter the sound _ba_;’ _bouffer_, from a French interjection _buf_. The word _piquer_ comes from an interjection representing the sound uttered on giving a prick, _pic!_ Other examples are O.Fr. _glapir_, ‘to bark;’ _ronfler_, _miauler_, _chuchoter_, _caqueter_, _toutouer_, _vonvonner_, _pouf_.
[83] Heb. _hóshí’ a_, ‘to save,’ hiphil (_i.e._ active causative) of _yásha’_; and _ná_, a particle signifying entreaty. (Skeat, Etymological Dictionary, s.v.)
[84] _Halelú_, ‘Praise ye,’ (from verb _halal_,) and _jáh_, short form of _Jahve_ = _Jehovah_. See ibid., s.v.
[85] The relation of sound to meaning in _gee-gee_ is, _for infants_, no clearer than between _horse_ and its meaning. This offers the best proof of the conventionality of much nursery talk.
[86] See also an article of S. Mallery on Gesture Language among Savages, in Techmer’s Internationale Zeitschrift, vol. i., p. 193.
[87] The latter, the formation of new groups, forms the subject of the next chapter.
[88] I.e. the _sound_ of _g_ was replaced by the _sound_ of the (vowel) _y_; the _spelling_ varies, as is shown by the given instances.
[89] The _á_ and _í_ have here the acute accent to indicate _length_ of the vowel, not the _stress_ or ‘accent.’
[90] Mätzner, i., p. 380.
[91] Cf. Fr. _chez_ = (in) casis.
[92] We choose this term in preference to ‘reaction,’ which, in the physical sciences, has a specific meaning not applicable here.
[93] And by the expectation thus created of the regular occurrence of such differentiation between past singular and past plural, even where this ablaut did not show different vowels.
[94] Thus says Professor Skeat, Etymological Dictionary, s.v.; others maintain that it is due to Northumbrian preservation of _a_, which in the South became _o_.
[95] Professor Skeat (Principles of English Etymology, p. 411) draws a useful distinction between _homographs_ and _homophones_, or words spelled alike and those sounded alike. For our purpose, as students of the spoken language, the homophones alone are of importance. A homograph is commonly, but not invariably, a homophone; cf. ‘I _read_ now’ and ‘Yesterday I _read_.’ We need not here further consider such vagaries of English spelling.
[96] It is unnecessary to point out in the text that we must bear in mind that French nouns or adjectives are almost always derived from the accusative case as representative of the oblique cases. For the full explanation of this see Brachet’s Grammaire Historique, Introd.
[97] See Skeat, Etymological Dictionary, s.v. _settle_; Stratman, s.v. _sahtlen_.
[98] Skeat, Principles of English Etymology, p. 410.
[99] Or rather Fr. _(je) cesse_. Just as, in the French language, we must explain most nouns from the Latin accusative form, so in English most of the verbs which we owe to French can only be explained by the ‘strong’ forms, _e.g._ first person singular of the present tense; as _complain_ from _je complain_, and not from _complaindre_; _to despise_, O.Fr. _tu despis_, not infinitive _despire_; _to prevail_, _je prévail_, not _prévaloir_; _to relieve_, _je (re)lieve_, not from _relever_; _to acquire_, _j’acquier_, not from _acquérir_.
[100] See Skeat, s.v.
[101] It appears that this, and not _Billy ruffian_, is the form used by sailors. It would thus seem that _Billy ruffian_ is a further popular etymology, due to ‘scholars.’
[102] See Palmer, Folk Etymology, s.v.
[103] This derivation is given in a certain well-known SCHOOL edition of Milton’s Comus: _liquorice = something which makes one lick one’s lips!_
[104] Braune, Goth. Gram., § 135-137.
[105] For similar interchanges of _r_ and _z_ (_s_), cf. Latin _Venus_, _Veneris_ for *_Venesis_; _arbos_, _arboris_ for *_arbosis_, etc.
[106] Braune, Alt-Hochdeutsche Gram., § 260 sqq.
[107] The term _umlaut_ is more convenient than ‘modification of the vowel sound.’
[108] Noreen, Altisl. Gram., § 266, 299, 307.
[109] So, indeed, is our present nom. sing. fem. _she_.
[110] Murray, Dictionary, s.v. 29 c.
[111] Cf. Murray, s.v.
[112] Murray, s.v.
[113] Ibid., s.v.; and Skeat, Etymological Dictionary, s.v.
[114] Used very often in a sense quite distinct from _the Liberal ones_; _the Conservative ones_, etc.
[115] Cf. King and Cookson, Principles of Sound and Inflexion, p. 285.
[116] This last ungrammatical form, like the singular _his self_ (now a vulgarism), testifies to the confusion of dative and genitive.
[117] Cf. Roby, Latin Syntax, p. xxiii., and §§ 1069, 1073.
[118] Morris, Historical Outlines, p. 6.
[119] See Roby, Syntax, p. 51.
[120] Nay, we even find the suffix _-pse_ attached to other parts of speech; cf. _sirempse_, Plaut., Amphit., Prol. 73.
[121] See Mätzner, vol. ii., p. 313, 314, etc.
[122] Cf. Skeat, Etymological Dictionary, s.v.
[123] See Clédat, Grammaire de la Vieille Langue Française, p. 261.
[124] Clédat, p. 253.
[125] See Dräger, Historische Syntax, vol. ii., p. 436.
[126] Cf. Mason, English Grammar, p. 64.
[127] Cf. Murray’s Dict., _-ble_ and _-able_.
[128] That ‘carriageable’ is a very unusual word does not matter at all, the point is that it _is_ formed and that it _cannot_ be derived from a verb.
[129] What follows is almost entirely taken from the article in Murray’s Dictionary dealing with the suffix. Our excuse for reproducing it is the unavoidably high cost of the work, which places it beyond the reach of the ordinary student, so that a mere reference to it would be useless; and, secondly, that we believe that in Murray’s otherwise admirable treatment of the subject, one not unimportant side of the question has been overlooked. To avoid misunderstanding, we ought perhaps to assure the reader that what we give is not simply a copy of the article in question; this will appear to any one who will take the trouble to compare the two. Our object being different, we lay more stress upon some points which are less material to Dr. Murray; we, however, use his facts, and wish to acknowledge our indebtedness.
[130] The number in brackets behind these words gives the date of the earliest quotation found for their use in Murray’s Dictionary.
[131] It will help us to realise the strength of the ties which united these groups, if we remember that the modern pronunciation of the ending, _tion_ as _shun_ is really quite modern, _i.e._ that, formerly, the _ti_ was in such words pronounced as _tea_ and not as _sh_. The verb _abject_ consisted therefore of the first two syllables of the noun abjection, WITHOUT ANY ALTERATION.
[132] A carefully compiled list of _all_ forms in _ation_, past participles in _ate_, verbs in _ate_, found in Dict. Murray, sub. let. _A._, has given the following results:--
Forms in _ation_ 219. Of these the first instance belongs to the fourteenth century in 11, fifteenth in 26, sixteenth in 49, seventeenth in 76, eighteenth in 23, nineteenth in 34 cases.
Among the 219, the form in _ation_ is the _only_ one in 89 cases, distributed over the same centuries as follows,--fourteenth, 2; fifteenth, 9; sixteenth, 10; seventeenth, 31; eighteenth, 15; nineteenth, 22.
There are 138 verbs in _ate_, 20 of which stand alone. Distribution: fourteenth century, 0; fifteenth, 4; sixteenth, 53 + 7; seventeenth, 53 + 13; eighteenth, 13; nineteenth, 15.
Of all cases where we find both the noun in _ation_ and the verb in _ate_, the noun is older in 74 and the verb in 34 cases. It seems plain therefore that we may say that in English the verbs in _ate_ are in very many cases formed from the nouns in _ation_, and that both are chiefly due to the sixteenth and the seventeenth centuries.
[133] Vol. i., p. 433.
[134] Goeders, p. 9.
[135] Cf. Abbott and Seeley, English Lessons for English Readers, p. 55.
[136] Vol. ii., p. 446, 467, Figures and Metaphors (Kenningar) of Old Northern Poetry.
[137] See Brachet, Dictionnaire des Doublets, Appendice. Paris, 1868.
[138] Other works on doublets are _Romanische wortschöpfung_, by Caroline Michaelis, Leipzig, 1876. _Latin doublets_, by M. Bréal, in the _Mémoires de la Société de Linguistique de Paris_, i. 162, sqq. (1868). For German, O. Behagel, _Die Neuhochdeutschen Zwillingswörter, Germania_, 23, 257, sqq. For English doublets, cf. Mätzner, _Englische Grammatik_, i. 221; and Skeat, _Principles of English Etymology_, p. 417; besides the appendix to his Lexicon.
[139] See Mätzner, Fr. Gr., p. 223.
[140] Page 28.
[141] _Shoal_, the substantive from A.S. _scólu_, meaning either ‘a school’ or ‘a multitude’ (see Skeat, s.v.), seems to have been used convertibly with _school_, and indeed, the meaning of _shoal_ has survived in the fisherman’s phrase a ‘school of mackerel;’ while the adjectives _shoal_ and _shallow_ likewise had the same meanings; but they have become so far differentiated that the latter form alone can be employed metaphorically; as when we say, ‘a man of shallow intellect.’
[142] See Meyer’s German Grammar, paral. series, p. 18.
[143] See Trench, Select Glossary, p. 129, numerous other instances may be found in this work.
[144] Cf. Sayce, Principles of Comparative Philology, p. 268 (3rd edit.).
[145] See Gröber, p. 788.
[146] Vol. i., p. 250.
[147] Mätzner, vol. ii., p. 143 (edit. 1864).
[148] In Hungarian, the plural ending is _-k_. But many nouns are thought of as collectives, and have no plural. And if the noun be preceded by a numeral, or by an adjective or pronoun of quantity, it does not take the plural form unless the number embraces the whole; as, _tiz apostol_ (ten apostles), but _á tizenket apostolok_ (the _twelve_ apostles). In the former case, the individuals are thought of _indefinitely_, and so the sense of the individual is weak; in the latter case, _definitely_, and therefore it is strong. Byrne, Principles of the Structure of Language, vol. i., p. 435.
[149] Accius apud Non., iii. 65.
[150] Cf. Roby, vol. ii., p. 183.
[151] On ‘abstract’ v. ‘concrete,’ see p. 45.
[152] Accordingly, in Welsh, the noun is invariably in the singular when preceded by a numeral.
[153] On ‘abstract’ v. ‘concrete,’ see p. 45.
[154] In a sentence like _I am going out; I thought you were_, even the past tense refers to future.
[155] Cf. Storm, p. 217, for other instances, such as _Sit you down_ (Shakespeare, Measure for Measure, 366), etc.
[156] Cf. Earle (Philology of the English Tongue, p. 536), who cites these phrases as provincialisms to be heard in all classes of society in Yorkshire. Every careful speaker will agree with him in deeming them “one of the finest of our provincialisms.”
[157] Cf. Cor., II. i. 217; Rich. II., III. iv. 13; 1 Hen. VI., I. i. 82.
[158] Skeat, Principles of English Etymology, p. 468.
[159] See Mätzner’s Fr. Gr., p. 176, for more examples.
[160] It is altogether unimportant that, in the case of such a sentence as the one which we took for our example, the ultimate result, as far as the understanding of the meaning goes, makes practically very little, if any, difference. Thus, we teach a child that three times five and five times three are the same, because the ultimate result of bringing together three fives or five groups of three each is identical. Still, no one will deny that, for correct conception of the operation, there is an important difference between--
..... ..... ..... and-- ... ... ... ... ...
or maintain that the understanding of this difference is of no importance for the theory. Nay, even in practical life there would be a great difference between going thrice, _e.g._, to fetch five apples at a time, and making five journeys for three apples each time. Yet every one admits that 3 × 5 = 5 × 3 is a ‘truth’ generally quite ‘true enough.’
[161] _Is_ rather than _am_ here, to symbolise the sense of _I_ as predicate.
[162] It would be worth investigating--a question which only the most extensive statistical collection of earlier examples of this construction could decide--whether the very extensive use of this construction in English is not due to, or has not been at least promoted by, the existence of the so-called pronominal prepositions in Welsh, and their construction. The personal pronouns are used in Welsh as suffixes to the prepositions: _e.g._, prep. _at_ = to; _ataf_, ‘to me;’ _atat_, ‘to thee;’ _ato_, ‘to him;’ _ati_, ‘to her;’ _atom_, ‘to us;’ _atoch_, ‘to you;’ _atynt_, ‘to them;’ _imi_, ‘to me;’ _iti_, ‘to thee;’ _iddo_, ‘to him;’ _iddi_, ‘to her;’ _ini_, ‘to us;’ _ichwi_, ‘to you;’ _iddynt_, ‘to them;’ etc. (Rowland’s Welsh Grammar, §§ 374-381). These forms were used especially in relative clauses; _e.g._, instead of--
Y cyfaill at yr hwn yr afonais lythyr, _The friend_ _to whom I-sent letter_,
we might say more elegantly--
Y cyfaill yr hwn yr afonais lythyr ato. _The friend whom I sent letter to (him)_.
Similarly--
Efe yw’r gwr yr ysgrifenaist ato. _He is the man thou wrotest_ _to (him)_.
Rhoddwch i’r hwn y cymmerasoch oddi arno. _Give_ _to whom you took_ _from (him)_.
Even the present occasional (and vulgar) repetition of the pronoun is found:--
AR yr hwn y gwelwch yr ysbryd yn disgyn ac yn ON _whom you see the spirit (in) descending and (in)_ aros arno _remaining_ ON (_him_).
A careful study of the translations here given will enable even one who has never seen any Welsh to judge of what is at least a possibility; viz., that our construction began with the relative clauses, and is, even in its present more extensive use, a remnant of Celtic origin.
[163] The grammatical and the psychological distribution, however, differs. Grammatically: subject, ‘I;’ predicate, ‘asked;’ etc. Psychologically: subject, ‘I asked him;’ predicate, ‘after his health.’
[164] Compare ‘the tother,’ _e.g._ in Wycliffe, Matt. vi. 24; ‘love the tother,’ which took its rise from ‘that other.’ The word ‘ewt’ also survived under the form _eft_.
[165] See Roby, Lat. Gr., vol. ii., p. 28.
[166] Cf. Dræger, § vii. 4.
[167] Cf. Ziemer, p. 71.
[168] Roby, vol. ii., p. 23.
[169] See Roby, vol. ii., p. 145.
[170] Cf. Ziemer, p. 96: Madvig Kl. Schr.
[171] Cf. Mätzner, ii. 147; Abbott, § 335; Hodgson, p. 142.
[172] Cf. Hodgson, p. 131.
[173] See Mätzner, vol. ii., p. 141.
[174] See Dräger, § 113, for more examples.
[175] Cf. Mätzner, vol. ii., p. 152.
[176] Another instance is furnished by Hebrew, where the root _pakad_ is conjugated 1st _pakadti_, 2nd masc. _pakadta_, 2nd fem. _pakadt_, 3rd masc. _pakad_, 3rd fem. _pakdah_, 1st plur. _pakadnu_. 2nd masc. _pekadtem_, 2nd fem. _pekadten_, 3rd _pakdu_. (Cf. any Hebrew grammar.)
[177] A fuller list is given in Mätzner, ii. p. 18.
[178] For other examples, see Mätzner, vol. ii., p. 151.
[179] Dræger, vol. i., p. 178.
[180] See Abbott, p. 166.
[181] For other instances, see Abbott, p. 281.
[182] See other instances in Abbott, p. 269.
[183] Hodgson, p. 81.
[184] Abbott, p. 293.
[185] Hodgson, p. 189.
[186] For a full list, see Roby, p. 26.
[187] Cf. Minto.
[188] Cf. Abbott, p. 262.
[189] See Mätzner, Fr. Gr., p. 446, for more examples.
[190] Cf. Mätzner, p. 92, vol. ii.
[191] On _groom_, see the excellent article in Skeat’s Etymological Dictionary.
[192] Cf. Skeat, Prin. Eng. Etymol., p. 395, from which and from his Dictionary most of these ‘obscured’ compounds are taken.
[193] Forms like _fur-booted_, _blackeyed_, etc., do not, of course, belong here. They are derived, with the suffix _ed_, from compounds or groups like _fur-boot_, _black eye_, _eagle eye_, _cone-shape_, etc., or formed by analogy to such derivatives. Some, indeed, are true compounds, but then the second element is an adjective and not a past participle. In that case they should be ranged under the compound formed from two adjectives.
[194] The great importance of this distinction will be shown later on, see page 324.
[195] It will be noticed that most of these formulative groups are alliterative.
[196] See Skeat, Etymol. Dict., s.v. _Jack_.
[197] A blackbird may be an albino and we still call it a blackbird.
[198] For the disputed derivation, see Whitney and Skeat, s.v.
[199] The student should note the difference: in the Old High German the article is _nominative_; in our English translation it is _genitive_: ‘the man’s son’ = ‘_a_ son of _the_ man.’
[200] It is, of course, not intended to say that this very combination was thus formed. It is an example to illustrate the process, and no more.
[201] Quoted by Earle, p. 493.
[202] Cf. M. Müller, Sanscr. Gram., § 249, which we here transcribe: The comparative is formed by _tara_ or _îyas_; the superlative by _tama_ or _ishtha_. These terminations, _tara_ and _tama_, are not restricted in Sanscrit to adjectives. Substantives such as _nri_, ‘man,’ form _nritamah_, ‘a thorough man;’ _strî_, ‘woman,’ _strîtarâ_, ‘more of a woman.’ Even after case-terminations and personal terminations, _tara_ and _tama_ may be used. Thus, from _pûrvâhne_, ‘in the forenoon,’ _pûrvâhnetare_, ‘earlier in the forenoon.’ From _pachati_ ‘he cooks,’ _pachatitarâm_, ‘he cooks better,’ _pachatitamâm_, ‘he cooks best.’
[203] Cf. also the (unusual) construction: ‘Geoffrey was not a religious when he wrote this play’ (Ward, Hist. Drama, p. 5, note), and ‘one more unfortunate’ (Hood).
[204] Mätzner, iii. p. 222.
[205] It will be noted that in these examples, the more they are usual the more they appear as compounds, and the less clearly and definitely we feel the force of the first noun as adjectival; cf. a _maiden over_ with a _maiden speech_.
[206] Mätzner, Fr. Gr., 157, sqq.
[207] Quoted by Storm, Englische Philologie, p. 332.
[208] Modern English spelling has been ably treated of by Skeat, Principles of English Etymology, p. 294, sqq. Clarendon Press.
[209] Cf. Spelling Reform, by J. H. Gladstone, F.R.S. (Macmillan); Pitman’s Plea for Spelling Reform; and Max Müller’s Essay on Spelling (Selected Essays, vol. i., pp. 252-299. Longmans, 1881).
[210] Page 27, u.s.
[211] Pitman, u.s., p. 8.
[212] See Storm, Die lebende Sprache, p. 259, sqq.
[213] Cf. Dilke’s Problems of Greater Britain, ch. ii., p. 53, where ‘Je n’ai pas de change’ is cited as usual.
[214] See Skeat’s Principles of English Etymology, p. 14; also Peile’s Primer of Philology, p. 80.
[215] Cf. Peile, p. 41.
[216] Quoted by Peile, Primer of Philology, p. ii., from Gavin Douglas’s translation of the Æneid.
[217] Vol. i., p. 53.
[218] Schuchardt Romanisches und Keltisches, p. 280, sqq.
[219] A good instance of this is seen in the ‘Somersetshire Man’s Complaint,’ dating from the seventeenth century, as against the ‘Exmoor Scolding,’ published at Exeter, in 1778: both are published by Elworthy in the ‘Specimens of English Dialects’ (1879). In the former of these the aspirate is fairly maintained; in the latter, it is frequently dropped.
[220] _Atlantic Monthly_, vol. xli., 495.
[221] See Sweet, Elementarbuch des gesprochenen Englisch, p. xxxi.
[222] John G. Whittier, in a poem entitled The Landmarks, _Atlantic Monthly_, vol. xliii., p. 378.
[Transcriber’s Note:
Obvious printer errors corrected silently.
Inconsistent spelling and hyphenation are as in the original.
Page xiii, Errata has been incororated into text.
Page 78, Footnote 21: “Footnote 21: Raoul de la Passerie: De la Psychologie du Langage” changed to read “Raoul de la Patisserie: De la Psychologie du Langage”.
Page 84, Footnote 23: “Zur laut-gesetz-frage” changed to read “Zur Lautgesetzfrage”.
Page 90, Footnote 25: “Zur Analogie-bildung im mittel-und neu-englischen” changed to read “Zur Analogiebildung im Mittel-und Neuenglischen”.
Page 127: ðAES changed to read ÐAES and ÓðRES changed to read ÓÐRES as characters within uppercase string should all be uppercase.
Page 150, line 1: “(Vergil, Aneid, ii. 103)” changed to read “(Vergil, Æneid, ii. 103)”.
Page 208, line 12: ment changed to read -ment.
Page 214, Missing footnote anchor, 124, added after _par trop_.
Page 222, Footnote 131: “The verb _abject_ consisted therefore of the first two syllables of the noun objection,” changed to read “The verb _abject_ consisted therefore of the first two syllables of the noun abjection,”.
Page 249, Footnote 148: “_tiz apostol_ (ten apostols)” changed to read “_tiz apostol_ (ten apostles)”.
Page 359, first line: “The adverb differs formally from the adverb in” was changed to read “The adjective differs formally from the adverb in”.]