CHAPTER XI

_WHITE-GROUND AND LATER FABRICS_

Origin and character of white-ground painting—Outline drawing and polychromy—Funeral lekythi—Subjects and types—Decadence of Greek vase-painting—Rise of new centres—Kertch, Cyrenaica, and Southern Italy—Characteristics of the latter fabrics—Shapes—Draughtsmanship—Influence of Tragedy and Comedy—Subjects—Paestum fabric—Lucanian, Campanian, and Apulian fabrics—Gnathia vases—Vases modelled in form of figures—Imitations of metal—Vases with reliefs—“Megarian” bowls—Bolsena ware and Calene phialae.

§ 1. WHITE-GROUND VASES

The method of painting on a white ground, which was brought to such perfection in the fifth century, really requires a section to itself, its development being parallel to, yet different from, that of the painting in red on black. Its genealogy can be traced almost throughout the period of Greek vase-painting, beginning with the Ionian fabrics of Rhodes and Samos, through the more developed vases of Naukratis and Kyrene, until it was introduced at Athens in the latter part of the sixth century, perhaps, as we have seen (p. 385), by Nikosthenes. The method was not, of course, new then to Continental Greece. It was the one usually employed for painting votive tablets or pictures on wood, the surface of the tablet being prepared by covering it with a thick slip of creamy-white lustrous character, known as λεύκωμα.[1409] Thus it is used in one of the few examples known of Attic painting, apart from the vases, the Warrior pinax from the Acropolis, which may be dated about 500 B.C., and stands midway between frescoes and white-ground vases (see above, p. 397). Possibly the idea of the white slip was to get the effect of painting on marble such as we see in the tombstones of Lyseas and Aineos.[1410]

This method was adhered to throughout the fifth century by all the great painters, such as Polygnotos, and hence the importance to us of the white-ground vases of that time, as reflecting their methods, and in a miniature form the appearance of their works. In the fifth century the all-important consideration in a picture was perfection of design and composition; colouring was relatively unimportant, and the technical processes exceedingly simple, three or four colours alone being employed. Cicero[1411] tells us that Polygnotos, Zeuxis, and Timanthes only used four colours—black, white, red, and yellow. It is interesting to note that these are just the four colours we ordinarily find on the polychrome vases, the flat tints so frequently employed being no doubt suggested by the mural paintings.

To go back to the earlier Athenian vases with white ground, we observe that at first the method of painting in silhouette, in the manner of the ordinary B.F. vases, obtains exclusively.[1412] About the beginning of the fifth century this method is superseded by what we may regard as a transitional class, in which the figures are painted partly in silhouette, partly in outline, the simple black-on-white design being preserved, with a very occasional use of purple or yellow.[1413] According to Winter, the origin of outline drawing of this kind may be found in the partly outlined female heads which are found on some of the minor artists’ cups, such as those of Sakonides, Eucheiros, and Hermogenes.[1414] We need not go as far as he does in explaining the _catagrapha_ of Kimon (see p. 397) as the replacement of mere silhouettes by outline drawing, so as to give individuality and variety to faces; but the vases which he publishes are remarkable for the highly developed character of the heads depicted thereon.[1415] One in particular is more like a head by Euphronios than one of the Epictetan cycle, to which it must belong in point of date. But it must be remembered that Epiktetos and his school were still hampered by archaic conventions, while the painter on a white ground was carving out the way to perfect freedom.

The shapes employed for the new white-ground technique are much the same as those used in the previous period—the kylix, the lekythos, the oinochoë, the pyxis, and the alabastron.[1416] But of these only one retains its popularity for any length of time; in fact, after the middle of the fifth century it is the only one employed at all. This shape is the lekythos, on which, indeed, alone the whole development of white-ground painting can be traced from the B.F. types down to the fourth century, when it finally disappears. Although not exclusively the sepulchral vase (as may be seen from the appearance of other vases on tombs in the painted funeral scenes[1417]), yet for some reason it came to be regarded as the proper shape for such purposes, and the fashion of making white lekythi exclusively for the tomb, and decorated as a general rule with funerary subjects, prevailed for about a hundred and fifty years. We have elsewhere (pp. 132, 143) noted instances of its use recorded by Aristophanes.

The introduction of polychromy is a gradual development. At first, as we have seen, colour is very sparingly employed, only in the use of a brownish yellow (produced by thinning out the black) for details or washes, or of a purple or pinkish brown. Subsequently the outlines are drawn in black or brown, and filled in with black, brown, or purple washes; the occasional use of a clear, thick, white pigment, standing out against the cream background, is also to be noted[1418]; and next a wash of bright red or vermilion is employed. In the final stages of polychrome painting, during the fourth century, the range of colours is greatly extended, and blue or green are employed

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in addition to those already named. The outlines are also painted in the vermilion colour already mentioned, instead of the black in previous use. Up to the end of the fifth century the colouring always preserves a character of soberness and austerity; and such a feature as the use of gilding[1419] is quite exceptional.

Some of the white-ground kylikes are only partially so; the exterior is painted in the ordinary R.F. manner, of the “strong” style, as in the case of the Anesidora cup in the British Museum. On the other hand, a fine cup at Gotha has a red-figured interior and polychrome exterior.[1420] In the Munich collection there are three very beautiful cups of this kind.[1421] The interior subjects are respectively Europa on the bull, a frenzied Maenad, and Hera. The cup with the Maenad is attributed by Furtwaengler to the style of Brygos, and may therefore be dated about 470–460 B.C. It is rare to find a large vase decorated in this method, but there is a very fine krater of the calyx type in the Museo Gregoriano at Rome,[1422] which has been attributed to the middle of the fifth century (contemporary with Euphronios’ later manner); the subject is the delivery of the infant Dionysos to the nymphs of Nysa, and is painted throughout in polychrome on a white ground. Of late years some very fine pyxides in this style have been found in Greece,[1423] often decorated with marriage scenes, the style of the painting being contemporary with Duris and Brygos. But for beauty and delicacy all are surpassed by some of the smaller cups, above all the Aphrodite cup from Kameiros in the British Museum,[1424] in which refinement and grace are combined with boldness of conception and accuracy of drawing in a marvellous degree. Or, again, the group of cups and bowls by Sotades (see above, p. 445),[1425] some with mythological or other subjects painted in minute and graceful style, others of fantastic or unusual shape and decoration, form a unique series among the white-ground vases.[1426]

To sum up in the words of A. S. Murray the characteristics of these vases[1427]: “There was thus in the white vases an exceptional opportunity for purity of outline in the drawing, and it is not without reason that they are regarded as the best representatives we yet possess of the great age of Greek fresco-painting, in which also purity and sweep of outline on a white ground, simplicity of composition, and a limited scale of brilliant colours, were the chief characteristics.”

It remains now to speak of the funeral lekythi as a distinct class, their subjects and method of treatment.[1428] Although it was formerly customary to speak of “vases of Locri” or “vases of Gela” in speaking of examples found on those sites, it is almost certain that they are all really of Athenian origin.[1429] Apart from the fact that the great majority have been found at Athens, there are no special peculiarities about those from other sites which would justify any such distinction of fabrics. The same remarks apply to the numerous examples which have been found of late years at Eretria in Euboea, and have caused some recrudescence of the theory of non-Attic origin.[1430] But Eretria was so near to Athens that importation must have been quite a simple matter. In regard to the Locri vases, it has been noted by M. Pottier[1431] that they seem to represent an _inferior_, though still Athenian fabric, in which the white is more lustrous and less flaky than in the better examples, and the outlines are in black exclusively. Black silhouettes are occasionally found, and the subjects are not necessarily funerary.

The funerary subjects fall into four classes; they will be enumerated in Chapter XV., where examples of each class are given, but may be briefly recapitulated here, in order to note some artistic considerations.

(1) The _Prothesis_, or laying-out of the corpse (Plate LV.).

(2) The _Depositio_, or laying of the body in the tomb: chiefly in the Thanatos and Hypnos type (see Fig. 123, Chapter XIII.).

(3) _The Journey to Hades_; Charon in his bark (see Fig. 122, Chapter XIII.).

(4) _The Cult of the Tomb_, this being by far the most common of the four classes (see Plate LV. and Fig. 19, p. 143).

The _Prothesis_ type is an old one, occurring not infrequently on black-figured vases, especially on the slim “prothesis-amphorae” which are sometimes found at Athens. M. Pottier reckons ten examples, to which may be added a fine specimen now in the British Museum (Plate LV., fig. 1). The _Depositio_ type is somewhat rare; it is occasionally found in B.F. vases,[1432] but is usually idealised, the body being carried by winged genii, to whom the names of Thanatos and Hypnos are usually given. The type, as has been pointed out elsewhere, is originally mythological, being derived from that of the burial of Memnon. Some half-dozen examples are known (see Chapters XIII., XV.). Of the Charon vases M. Pottier reckons twenty-one, which he classifies under three heads: (1) Charon on the left in a boat, which two or three persons enter. (2) Charon on the right in a boat; persons ready to enter. (3) The deceased is seated on a stele at which women make offerings; Charon approaches in his boat.[1433] The conception is essentially a pictorial one, and it may reasonably be inferred that it is a reflection of Polygnotos. The same subdued pathos and the same style of composition are characteristic of his paintings. Pausanias, in describing his _Nekyia_ in the Lesche at Delphi, says: “There is water, which seems intended for a river, evidently the Acheron, and reeds growing therein ... and there is a boat on the river, and the ferryman at the oar.”[1434]

In the vases representing the Cult of the Tomb (Plate LV. and Fig. 19), the normal type is that of two or three persons bringing offerings, wreaths, vases, etc., to a stele[1435] ornamented with coloured sashes, or engaged in conversation thereat; sometimes one sits on the steps of the stele. The persons with offerings are usually feminine; where men occur, they are either attired as warriors, or stand leaning on a spear or staff, conversing with the women. The correspondence of some of these compositions to the “type” of Orestes and Electra meeting at the tomb of Agamemnon has more than once been noticed, but it does not seem here to be a case of borrowing the heroic “type,” as in the Thanatos and Hypnos instance. Where such scenes can be identified on vases,[1436] they are all of late date and mostly of South Italian manufacture; and we may rather suppose that the contrary was the case, and that the lekythos “type” was idealised and borrowed for the Orestes scene. Moreover, the popularity of the latter subject is probably largely due to its treatment by the tragic poets.

Among other details of interest in these scenes may be noted the appearance of the εἴδωλα or ghosts of the deceased, represented as tiny hovering winged creatures. M. Pottier has noted eighteen instances, and the number has since then been greatly increased.[1437] The invariable youthfulness of the figures—which, it may be remarked, are always purely impersonal; and mere _types_ of mourners—is noteworthy as a characteristic of later fifth-century art, which tended to create ideals of youth and beauty.[1438] This, of course, is everywhere apparent in sculpture, as in the Parthenon frieze and the works of Polykleitos; and reminiscences of Pheidian youthful types may be suggested by some of the figures on the lekythi.[1439] In the figures of deities the same change was going on, as in the case of Hermes, and even the aged and grim figure of Charon is toned down on the funeral vases to a more humane conception. It has also been suggested that the choice of youthful figures is due to the thought that youth is the period when bereavement produces its simplest and most natural effects.

The influence of the sepulchral stelae of the fifth and fourth centuries soon begins to be apparent in the lekythi, especially in the scenes of tomb-offerings.[1440] Like the vases, the stelae always varied in merit, some being refined and artistic compositions, others poor and commonplace. The choice of subjects, indeed, differs in some degree, the subjects on the stelae relating chiefly to the previous life of the deceased, those of the vases to the actual death and burial. But there are many lekythi, the subjects on which are more like those of the stelae, not being strictly funerary.[1441] Thus we see the deceased as a warrior charging with a spear or on horseback, like the Dexileos of the Kerameikos; the young hunter pursuing a hare; the lady at her toilet with mirror or jewellery in hand, attended by her maidens, like the charming Hegeso (Plate XLIII.); or the warrior parting from his spouse.

Regarding the funeral lekythi in their artistic aspect, we note, as M. Pottier points out, two main characteristics—restraint and uniformity of composition. The space for the decoration being limited to about two-thirds of the whole circumference, the figures are necessarily few in number, varying from one to three, but very rarely more. Emotion and pathos are produced by the simplest means. Murray instances the prothesis lekythos in the British Museum (Plate LV. fig. 1) as an example of deep pathos expressed in a simple, yet strong and rapid manner, and two others (D 70 = Plate LV. fig. 2, and D 71) as showing almost tragic emotion expressed only by a few outlines. Uniformity of composition is manifested in the repetition of types, often copied from familiar models, yet with an infinite variety of detail (as, for instance, in the form of the stelae) which does not affect the constancy of the main idea. In this respect they may be compared with the terracotta Tanagra figures, of which many are turned out from the same mould; yet by varying the pose of the head or position of the arms the artist was able to avoid the absolute identity of any two figures.

The lekythi can hardly be classified chronologically; we cannot say to what extent the rougher examples may be earlier, and _vice versa_; but even in the poorest examples skill and lightness of touch are always discernible. The classification given by M. Pottier,[1442] however, may serve as a general indication of chronological succession and development. He collects them under three heads, as follows:

(1) The paste is of a light red colour, the walls thin, and the white slip unpolished; the main design is first sketched, then painted, the outlines being usually in red. The ornaments are palmettes and maeander, in black and red, the subjects almost exclusively funerary. The slip and colours are delicate, the style fine, and the polychromy restrained.[1443]

(2) The paste is grey, the walls thicker; the white is sometimes polished, and the outlines black or brown. The ornaments are palmettes and maeander, with crosses or stars, in black only. The subjects are funerary or from daily life, with figures of deities; the style is still fine, but the polychromy is more varied.[1444]

(3) The clay is red and light, the white unpolished, the outlines yellow. The slip is not extended to the shoulder, on which is a tongue-pattern in black; the maeander is careless. The subjects are either funerary or from daily life, the style negligent; the designs are almost entirely monochrome.[1445]

§ 2. THE DECADENCE OF GREEK VASE-PAINTING

We have now reached the point at which the centre of ceramic industry is no longer to be found at Athens, but must be sought in distant colonies in various parts of the Mediterranean. The extinction of vase-painting as a decorative art at Athens was brought about as much by political events as by sheer artistic decadence at the end of the fifth century. It had until recent years been customary to assume that red-figured vases continued to be made at Athens through the greater part of the fourth century; but the evidence of excavations on many sites has been too decisive for the maintenance of such a view. That certain classes of ceramic products, such as the Panathenaic amphorae and the funeral lekythi, still continued to be made we have already seen; but these are only exceptions, and due entirely to their religious associations.

The evidence for the revised chronology has been summarised by Milchhoefer in a paper already referred to,[1446] in which he pointed out the importance of historical considerations. Even during the Peloponnesian War the manufacture and export of painted vases must have been much crippled, and the absence of the later Athenian wares from the tombs of Etruria clearly shows that commercial relations between the two countries had ceased.[1447] Similarly intercourse with Campania largely ceased after the Samnite invasion of 440 B.C., and relations with Sicily must have been entirely broken off after the outbreak of hostilities with Syracuse in 427.

Again, in the city of Rhodes, which was founded in B.C. 408, no Attic vases have been found, while all those from Kameiros must be earlier than that date.[1448] In Athens itself no R.F. vases of any importance have been found in fourth-century tombs, although some fragments of fine style are reported from the tomb of Dexileos, which is not earlier in date than 394 B.C.[1449] Hence the conclusion is irresistible that no good Attic R.F. vases can be assigned to the fourth century, which is only represented at Athens by the funeral lekythi, the Panathenaic amphorae, and a few isolated, generally inferior, R.F. specimens.

The new centres of vase-painting, from about 400 B.C. onwards, are three in number—the Crimea, the Cyrenaica in North Africa, and Southern Italy. Among the vases from the Crimea[1450] are some of the most magnificent that we possess, which in spite of their florid style and careless technique are really of considerable merit. They can, however, hardly be considered to rank more highly than the best of the products of Southern Italy, which we are now about to consider; in other words, they belong to a later stage of development than the “late fine” style of Attic R.F. vases, as represented by the Rhodian “pelike” with Peleus and Thetis in the British Museum, and the Gigantomachia vase from Melos in the Louvre. The fine krater with the contest of Athena and Poseidon at Petersburg (Plate L.) is clearly a reminiscence of the Parthenon pediment, and, allowing for the difference of style, cannot be earlier than the closing years of the fifth century. Again, there is the vase signed by Xenophantos,[1451] who, as we have seen, expressly calls himself an Athenian, and on this ground has been regarded as a resident in Panticapaeum (Kertch). The reliefs with which this vase is partly decorated are examples of a tendency which hardly came into existence before the fourth century; the subject also is more suggestive of local taste.

It may be an open question whether these vases were imported from Athens, but at least the vase of Xenophantos testifies to the existence of a local fabric at Panticapaeum, and it is not at all unlikely that the general upheaval brought about by the Peloponnesian War led to a dispersion of Athenian artists, and thus to the continuance of their art in other lands, but not in Athens itself. We shall see that this largely accounts for the origin of the fabrics of Southern Italy. In any case Panticapaeum was a place of considerable importance in the fourth century, being the chief place whence the Athenians obtained their supplies of grain, as we learn from the orations of Demosthenes, such as the _Contra Phormionem_.

With the Cyrenaica circumstances were no doubt little different. But the vases from this site, though similar to those of the Crimea, are mostly inferior, of small size, and often of very rough character. Like the former they exhibit a preference for polychromy and gilding. Similar fabrics are also found in the Greek islands, such as Karpathos and Telos, in the Troad, and elsewhere,[1452] but for the most part of a very inferior character.

In the tombs of Southern Italy many vases are found representing the same stage of development as those of the Crimea and Cyrenaica, varying from large kraters with fine if florid designs, often enhanced by a lavish use of white pigment, to inferior and almost worthless specimens. Inasmuch as these vases are not distinguished by any stylising tendencies such as enable us to classify the other fabrics of Southern Italy and assign them to particular districts, and on the other hand bear the same relation to the later R.F. vases of Athens as do those of the Eastern Mediterranean, it is evident either that all these fabrics were imported from Athens or that Athenian artists had been driven to settle in these respective regions. And since it is exceedingly unlikely that the exportation of pottery from Athens can have gone on to any extent in the fourth century, it seems, on the whole, most probable that the latter is the true version.

We may, then, establish a class of vases intermediate between the R.F. fabrics proper and the local Italian fabrics, which represents the manner in which Athenian artists carried on their traditions under new circumstances, and serves to explain how the new Italian schools came into being.[1453]

These vases are often characterised by a refinement of drawing and simplicity of conception which recall the earlier R.F. period, and in such cases accessory colours, elaborate draperies, and the filling-in of the field with miscellaneous objects are studiously avoided. Even the decorative patterns show considerable restraint. It is probable that some of these belong to the latter part of the fifth century, even if they are not actually imported from Athens. But there are others of a distinctly florid kind, in which we may trace the influence of Meidias and his school. The compositions are crowded with figures, often placed at different levels (without indication of ground-lines), and there is a general tendency to elaborate decoration, both by means of white pigment and by richly embroidered draperies. As examples may be cited two fine kraters in the British Museum, one with a scene from the lesser Mysteries at Agra (F 68), another with Thetis and the Nereids bearing the arms of Achilles (F 69). The bell-shaped krater is by far the most favourite form, although practically a new one in Greek ceramics; contrary to the usual rule, the reverse often has a definite subject, in which accessories are used, although the tendency had begun some time before the end of the fifth century to neglect the decoration of the reverse in kraters and other large vases.

In its new home in Southern Italy this branch of Greek art had lighted on a very favourable soil. The great colonies such as Tarentum, Capua, Cumae, and Poseidonia, founded almost in the dawn of Greek history, were not only as completely Hellenic as Athens and Corinth, but in luxury and splendour even surpassed them at this period. Hence, art flourished in such towns far more readily than in the distant and comparatively barbarous regions of South Russia and North Africa. In the character of their productions we shall see the nature and condition of the inhabitants of Southern Italy reflected. The chief aim is splendour and general effect; and both the size and colouring of the vases indicate to some extent the luxury and magnificence in which the people lived.

It must not, however, be supposed that vase-painting was a new art introduced to this region by Athenians in the earlier part of the fourth century. In another chapter we shall speak of the early attempts at imitation of Greek vases on the part of the semi-barbarian natives of the peninsula, and reminiscences of these early attempts crop up from time to time under circumstances of greater development, as will be seen. Moreover, a constant stream of importations from Athens (small indeed as compared with that to Etruria, but still steady) had been finding its way to the Greek colonies of Southern Italy and Sicily; special fabrics were made for export to Nola, Gela, and other places; and thus the local artists had all along been undergoing an unconscious training which enabled them to take up the industry at the point where the Athenian artists left off.[1454]

The local fabrics of Southern Italy fall into three main classes, corresponding to the geographical divisions of Apulia, Lucania, and Campania, which three, with some modifications, include all that come under discussion in the present section. Before, however, entering upon the question of the criteria on which this classification is based, a few general considerations may be touched upon by way of preface.

The study of South Italy fabrics is to some extent a new one. At the beginning of the last century, when scarcely any vases had been found outside Italy, the majority of both public and private collections consisted of vases of this period. Of those now exhibited in the Fourth Vase Room of the British Museum, at least one-fifth are from the collections of Sir William Hamilton, Charles Towneley, and Richard Payne Knight; and in such publications as those of D'Hancarville, Tischbein, Inghirami, and Millin, a great majority of the plates are devoted to them. Hence their importance was much over-estimated; but, on the other hand, no attention was paid to questions of style or provenance, and they were only regarded as pretty pictures. Subsequently to the discoveries at Vulci, and the gradual growth of the scientific study of vase-painting, the later vases suffered greatly from neglect, as yielding less interest than the early fabrics and the products of the best Athenian artists, and even at the present day it is rare to find them made the subject of serious study. The only writer, in fact, who has attempted in recent years to apply to them the critical methods of modern archaeology is Signor G. Patroni of the Naples Museum, who has availed himself of the opportunities afforded by the extensive series under his care.[1455]

The vases from Southern Italy, which from their style may be regarded as undoubtedly local non-Attic fabrics, are all distinguished by certain common features. In all there is seen a perpetual striving after effect rather than beauty, manifested in the size and splendid appearance of the earlier Apulian products, in the largeness of style and bold drawing of Lucanian artists, especially the school of Paestum, and in the gaudy colouring of the Campanian vases. The later Apulian wares are chiefly remarkable for varied and exaggerated shapes.

Common to all vases alike is the fondness for ornamental patterns, such as the egg-pattern, wave-pattern, maeander, palmettes, and wreaths of laurel, myrtle, or ivy; though even these are guided by certain rules, much as on the black-figured vases. On the large bell-shaped kraters the decoration almost invariably consists of a laurel-wreath round the lip, maeander below the designs, and palmette patterns under the handles; and every shape of vase has its characteristic decoration. The Campanian vases show the least tendency to formal ornament, and the Lucanian run to the opposite extreme. The column-handled kraters are almost alone in retaining the archaic scheme of decoration in panels with borders of ornament, to which they adhere throughout the R.F. period; but the panels are occasionally employed for hydriae or oinochoae. In most cases, however, the luxuriant palmette patterns under the handles form an adequate frame for the design with the maeander band below. A female head frequently occurs as a decorative motive, especially in the Apulian vases; either forming the main decoration, or placed under the handles, or adorning the neck, encircled with foliage. So too the figure of Eros is employed on the later Apulian vases purely as a decorative motive.

The shapes of the vases present a very great variety, as compared with the Athenian fabrics.[1456] The bell-shaped krater enjoyed a short vogue, and is only found in the earlier examples; but besides the column-handled type already mentioned, the calyx-krater (_vaso a calice_) and the volute-handled (_a rotelle_) form occur from time to time. Among the early Apulian vases a variety of the latter, with medallions (_mascherone_) in place of the volutes, frequently occurs; these are often of gigantic size, decorated with several rows of figures, and nearly all the finest existing specimens are of this form. It is also the usual type for the sepulchral vases (see below). The medallions are ornamented with Gorgons’ masks and other devices, coloured on a white slip. A peculiar local variety of the krater, with four handles, is found in Lucania only (see p. 172).

Other vases for holding liquids are the situla, lebes, amphora, and hydria, forms which are more or less familiar. The amphora is slender, with more or less elliptical body; in Campania it is small and squat-shouldered, the body almost cylindrical, but in Apulia it is usually very tall and elegant (cf. Plate XLV.). An occasional variant has a cylindrical flat-topped body, with elaborate handles in the form of scrolls; the so-called _pelike_ is a more common type, but somewhat inelegant. The hydria is usually a degenerate version of the R.F. _kalpis_, but at Paestum the Attic type still obtains. A new form is that known as the _lekane_, a jar for holding sweetmeats; it has vertical handles and a cover of elaborate form, often surmounted by a small vase. Of similar type is the so-called _lepaste_, a circular covered dish on a high stem.

Among the smaller vases may be mentioned the oinochoë, of which there are one or two varieties, notably the graceful _prochoos_, with its high handle and foot, and the equally ungraceful _epichysis_, with its long beak-like mouth and pyxis-shaped body; both of these are confined to Apulia. The lekythos retains the bulbous body and low foot of the later R.F. period; the askos in various forms is fairly common. Two new varieties are a sort of alabastron without a handle but with flat base, and a jar with a handle over the mouth. Of drinking-cups the kantharos and rhyton are popular among the later Apulian wares; the kotyle is rare, and the kylix has almost entirely disappeared, its place being taken by a gigantic circular dish, elaborately decorated inside and out. These are obviously designed with a view to general effect, and seem to have been intended for hanging up against a wall.

In regard to the technique the general method is that of the later R.F. vases; but in the majority all idea of simplicity and refinement is lost, and the tendency to exaggeration and showiness is manifested both in drawing and colouring. Throughout there is a fondness for large masses of white, and this pigment is used not only for the flesh of women and of Eros, but for architectural details and other objects, such as temples, shrines, and lavers. Yellow is largely employed for details, especially for features or hair, and for picking out the ornamental patterns; purple, too, is not uncommon. Attempts at shading are occasionally found.[1457] Accessory colours are, however, seldom found on the reverses of the vases, which are always drawn and painted with the greatest carelessness.

The drawing is entirely free, and in fact errs on the other side, becoming careless and faulty; the forms are soft, and the male figures often effeminate. An extreme facility of hand has indeed proved the ruin of the vase-painter. The love of the far-fetched betrays itself in variety of posture and elaborate foreshortening; and in the richly embroidered draperies and studied settings of some scenes the influence of the theatre is obviously to be traced. Frequent attempts are made at perspective, especially in buildings of which the insides are shown, but the attempts are seldom successful. As a rule the artist is content to indicate figures in the background by placing them on a higher level, or only showing the upper half of the figure. On many vases with mythological subjects, especially those of Apulia, a row of deities is thus represented, as if seated on the θεολογεῖον of the stage. Landscape is represented by rocks, stones, and flowers scattered about, trees and buildings; but in most cases the painter prefers the old system of merely giving a clue to the scene, representing the palaestra by jumping-weights or oil-flasks suspended, women’s apartments by sashes, toilet-boxes, or small windows, and so on.

The pictorial effect of the scenes on many vases naturally gives rise to the question to what extent the artists were indebted to the great painters of the fifth and fourth centuries. In some cases the paintings seem to be more naturally adapted for large canvases than for the limited surface of a vase; but more than this, in others the subjects actually lead our thoughts directly back to the works of great masters of which we have record. The influence of Polygnotos and his school has indeed died out, but the emotional tendencies of the fourth-century painters and their fondness for new and difficult subjects found a ready echo in the conceptions of the Apulian vase-painters. It may suffice to quote a few instances from the British Museum collection. Thus on one vase (F 479) we find a representation of the infant Herakles strangling the snakes, a theme selected by the great Zeuxis, and also to be seen in one of the paintings from the house of the Vettii at Pompeii. Or, again, the famous sacrifice of Iphigeneia and the death of Hippolytos, subjects which employed the brushes of Timanthes and Antiphilos respectively, are depicted in a truly pictorial manner on two kraters (F 160, F 279). In each case we are able to note a correspondence with the description of the pictures given by Pliny; in the last-named, also, with a picture described by Philostratos. Were more known of ancient pictures, it is possible that other examples would be readily found; but that some such influence was exerted can hardly be questioned.

Again, in the later vases with opaque designs on black grounds (see p. 488), most of which are merely decorated with wreaths, festoons, or masks, we are at once reminded of the Pompeian wall-paintings, or rather of their predecessors in the Hellenistic Age, since the vases must be earlier than most of the pictures of Pompeii. There is a vase of late date in the British Museum (F 542) which, with its elaborate treatment of light and shade effects and its border of arabesques, not only in its subject (a young shepherd and his dog), but also in method, suggests a close connection with the Pompeian frescoes.[1458]

Another influence at work on the vases of the period besides that of the great painters was that of the stage, in which both tragedy and comedy play their part. The influence of tragedy as represented on the Greek stage is seen not only in the choice of subjects, but in the composition of the scenes and the costumes of the figures. This is especially the case with the large Apulian vases with mythological subjects. The architectural arrangements, with a temple, altar, or statue in the centre, the embroidered draperies and gorgeous tiaras worn by the principal personages, and the abundance of dramatic or even passionate action, can only be due to the influence of the stage. But it is only to Euripides that we can ascribe this influence. There appears to have been a great revival of his plays towards the end of the fourth century, especially in Magna Graecia, and the extent of the effect of this revival on the vase-paintings has been discussed by several writers. The tendency of the age to passion and pathos, seen in the Pergamene sculptures and other great works of art, as well as in the paintings of a Parrhasios or a Timanthes, would naturally find an echo in the subjects treated of by Euripides. Of the existing dramas, we find scenes drawn more or less directly from the _Hecuba_, the _Hercules Furens_, the _Hippolytos_, the two _Iphigeneias_, the _Medeia_, and the _Phoenissae_. Many others can be traced to the lost dramas, as for instance (to quote only from examples in the British Museum) the _Alkmena_, the _Oineus_, the _Antigone_, the _Andromeda_, the _Oinomaos_, and the _Lykourgos_.[1459]

It has been observed that on many vases of this period on which mythological subjects are represented, although the theme is essentially tragic, yet the treatment has a somewhat grotesque, not to say burlesque effect. A notable instance is the well-known vase of Assteas in Madrid, with Herakles destroying his children (Fig. 107). This quasi-comic element, which appears to be quite unintentional, is often accompanied by considerable largeness of scale, exemplified in the size of the figures, the expression of the features, and the drawing generally. It may be that a certain element of exaggeration attended the revival of tragedy in Southern Italy,[1460] caused by unsuccessful attempts to retain the lofty manner and large style of the old productions. Hence too, perhaps, the fondness for burlesques of tragedies among the comic writers of the period, reflected in another class of vases.

In the vases with comic subjects it is not necessary to have recourse to the Attic Comedy, New, Middle, or Old, to account for their introduction; an explanation lies nearer at hand. It is true that the costumes worn by the actors are closely related to those of the Old Comedy,[1461] and that one or two subjects may possibly be traced to the _Frogs_ of Aristophanes (see Chapter XV.). But it is not likely that these plays were ever revived in Southern Italy, as were those of Euripides. They were essentially topical, and their political and social satire would have been lost on a later generation. On the other hand, we know that a kind of farce, known as the φλύαξ was especially popular with the people of Tarentum and other towns of Southern Italy in the fourth century, either dealing with subjects of daily life or burlesquing mythology and heroic legends. It was during the performance of one of these in the theatre at Tarentum that the spectators saw the Roman fleets entering their harbour in 302 B.C.[1462] The best-known writer of _phlyakes_ was Rhinthon, whose _Amphitruo_ was the original of Plautus’ play of that name; a scene from this may be portrayed in a vase in the Museo Gregoriano at Rome.[1463] His plays, to judge from the titles, were mainly burlesques; but all literary remains have perished, and we can only form an idea of them from the vases.

In many of these scenes the actual stage is represented; in others we have merely the figure of a comic actor, sometimes in a grotesque attitude. The figures almost invariably wear masks and padded stomachs, their dress consisting of a close-fitting leather garment with sleeves and tight trousers, over which is a short loose tunic (see Fig. 105); on their feet are the traditional _socci_ or low shoes of comedy, and there is one instance of an actor wearing gloves. The subjects of these vases have been dealt with elsewhere,[1464] and need not be recapitulated here; the example given in Fig. 105, a burlesque of Herakles and Auge,[1465] may serve as typical. They have a peculiar style of their own, and can hardly be classed with any of the known fabrics, though found all over Southern Italy. One is signed by the painter Assteas of Paestum, but we look in vain for evidence of his usual style thereon. They may all be regarded as belonging to the fourth century.

Turning to the subjects in general on these vases, we note the systematic supplanting of the old heroic myths by new subjects of a dramatic and emotional nature. As in the case of the gods Zeus and Athena are replaced by Apollo, Aphrodite, and Dionysos, so instead of the labours of Herakles and Theseus we find themes drawn from the stories of Troy and Thebes, or the legends of Pelops, Hippolytos, Pentheus, and Lykourgos. The taking of Troy in particular is a popular subject on the large vases, as are single episodes, such as Ajax seizing Kassandra. Among entirely new subjects, introduced from the tragedies, are those relating to Alkmena, Pelops, Oedipus, and the later Theban heroes.

Cosmogonic myths such as the Gigantomachia and the Birth of Athena entirely disappear, as do many of the myths connected with the gods; on the other hand, such subjects as the contest of Apollo and Marsyas, the Judgment of Paris, Triptolemos, or Europa and the bull, retain their popularity. Herakles is conveyed to Olympos by Nike instead of Athena; but his labours and combats are seldom represented. The typically Attic subjects, Theseus, Eos and Kephalos, and the Birth of Erichthonios, disappear as might have been expected, as does the wrestling of Peleus and Thetis. Combats of Greeks with Centaurs and Amazons are favourite subjects, but often little more than decorative.

Dionysiac scenes are very frequent, but usually in the form of groups of figures without any particular meaning; Aphrodite, and even Apollo, similarly occur in the midst of Nymphs and attendants, without special characterising of the figures. A peculiar feature of the period is the almost universal presence of Eros. Whether the scene be mythological, Dionysiac, or from daily life, he is an almost invariable participant, and on the later Apulian vases frequently occurs as a single decorative figure.

Scenes from daily life are, if anything, more common than mythological subjects. Banquet-scenes and revels are very popular, and the kottabos is sometimes introduced (see Chapter XV.). A departing warrior is sometimes represented on Lucanian and Campanian vases (see Fig. 108 and Plate XLIV.), but chariot and battle scenes are comparatively rare. Among the Apulian vases occur a large class of subjects formerly characterised on insufficient grounds as “toilet scenes” of Aphrodite or Helen. Many no doubt actually represent scenes from women’s daily life; but the commonest type is that of a seated woman and a standing youth exchanging presents of fruit, mirrors, sashes, or toilet-boxes. The presence of Eros in most cases suggests scenes of courting and the offerings of lovers; but as a rule they are purely fanciful, like the designs on Dresden and Sèvres china.

Athletic scenes, in which a race or contest, is going on, are practically non-existent; but groups of athletes, or rather of _ephebi_, usually wrapped in mantles and conversing together, furnish the stock decoration of the reverse of the kraters and other double-sided vases, a practice already begun in the Athenian R.F. vases, and now become invariable.

Two classes of subjects to which allusion has not yet been made, and which are almost confined to the large Apulian vases, have an important bearing on the purpose for which these vases were made—namely, for use at funerals. The first class includes scenes from the under-world, and in this series are some of the most magnificent of existing vases (see Plate LII.). The subjects and the manner of their representation have been fully discussed elsewhere (Chapter XIII.); they are treated in the same theatrical style as the mythological scenes already discussed.

The second class is confined to scenes representing offerings at the tombs of the departed, which may take two forms. In the simpler, which is characteristic of Lucania and Campania, and especially of the hydria form, the tomb is a stele, like those of the Athenian lekythi, at which the relatives of the deceased meet to mourn or make offerings (Fig. 20). The “type” is that of Orestes and Electra at the tomb of Agamemnon, but only in one or two cases is it possible to suggest this interpretation. On the Apulian vases, almost exclusively on the large kraters and amphorae, but sometimes also on the hydriae, a more elaborate treatment of the subject is employed. The centre of the scene is occupied by an Ionic distyle building representing a ἡρῷον or shrine devoted to the worship of an ancestor or family “hero.” In the entrance of this building (which is painted white to denote marble) stands or sits the figure of a young man or a woman holding some attribute—a cup or piece of armour—or standing by a horse. These figures are usually painted white throughout like the building, which seems to imply that a statue or relief is represented rather than an actual human figure.[1466] On either side of the shrine figures are represented bringing libations. Sometimes the actual tomb of the deceased is represented with a plant growing in it; or, again, a lady is represented at her toilet with her maid, as in the Athenian sepulchral reliefs (Fig. 106). Each person is represented with his appropriate costume or attributes—the warrior with horse or armour, the hunter with dog, the lady with articles of toilet.

In spite of the absence of “banquet” or “greeting” scenes, the parallelism with the Attic reliefs is very marked, and the sepulchral character of these vases is indubitable. It is, further, natural to suppose that there is some reference to the worship of a ἥρως or deceased ancestor, such as is known to have been a universal custom among the Greeks.[1467] Reliefs have been found at Tarentum with subjects which obviously have this reference. Apart from these two classes, however, the majority of the vases of Southern Italy seem to have been made originally for ornamental purposes, such as the decoration of a house, as is implied by the distinction in the artistic merit of the two sides.

Artists’ signatures in this period are exceedingly rare; only three, in fact, are known. Of these one may be briefly dismissed—Lasimos,[1468] who signed a fine Apulian vase in the Louvre, with sepulchral and other scenes; his style is hardly distinctive enough to admit of identifying any others as his work. But in the other two names, those of =Assteas= and =Python=, we find more interest. Five vases exist with the signature of Assteas, and one with that of Python, and it is interesting to note that they both use the form ἔγραψε (see Chapter XVII.). The list is as follows:

ASSTEAS. (1) Krater from Paestum in Madrid. Reinach, i. 168 = Baumeister, i. p. 665, fig. 732 = Fig. 107. Herakles destroying his children.

(2) Krater from Paestum in Naples (3412). _Wiener Vorl._ B. 2. Phrixos and Helle.

(3) Krater from S. Agata dei Goti in Naples (3226). Millingen, _Anc. Uned. Mon._ i. 27. Kadmos slaying the dragon.

(4) Krater from S. Agata dei Goti in Berlin (3044). _Wiener Vorl._ B. 3, 1. Scene from farce (parody of Prokrustes?).

(5) Lekythos from Paestum in Naples (2873). Millin-Reinach, i. pl. 3. The garden of the Hesperides.

PYTHON. Krater from S. Agata dei Goti in the British Museum (F 149). _J.H.S._ xi. pl. 6. Alkmena on the funeral pyre.

The characteristics of Assteas’ work are very marked, and, curiously enough, Python’s differs little from it. Both are essentially pictorial artists, trained in Greek traditions, and inheriting from Attic painters like Meidias the love of elaborate and minutely rendered draperies and picturesque grouping of figures at different levels. In the latter detail we also seem to see signs of the influence of Polygnotos.

There are many other vases in our museums which present the same features of style and treatment as these.[1469] Besides those already mentioned, the fondness for half-figures in the background, the large heads, pronounced features, and heavy masses of hair in the figures on these vases connect them unmistakably with the school represented by the two artists. It is not the style of Lucania or of Campania, still less that of Apulia; and yet it is clearly an Italian fabric. Some previous writers have maintained that Assteas came from (or was resident at) Tarentum, arguing thus partly on epigraphical grounds, partly on the ground of his employment of scenes from the farces,[1470] which, as we have seen, were popular in that city. But having regard to the fact that three out of five of Assteas’ vases were found at Paestum, and that he combines certain characteristics of Lucanian and Campanian fabrics, we may fairly assume that he (and therefore also Python) resided in that city, which lay on the border of the two districts.

We are thus enabled to establish a =style of Paestum= distinct from the other Italian fabrics—a conclusion at which the present writer and Signor Patroni arrived independently some years back. The latter has pointed out that several small details also point to that city—such as the gaily plumed helmet worn by Herakles on the Madrid vase, which resembles those worn by local warriors on paintings found in that city.[1471] And in the Naples Museum there are several other vases in the style of Assteas from Paestum.[1472] Signor Patroni dates Assteas about 350–320 B.C., Python a little later.

The Madrid vase and the Python krater are in their way masterpieces, and form almost the finest examples we possess of South Italian vase-painting. Both are extraordinarily rich in colouring as well as in detail. The former (Fig. 107) represents, as has been said, Herakles destroying his children the subject being treated in a manner which to us appears almost grotesque, not to say comic. But it is probable that this is due partly to the element of exaggeration which has been ascribed to the revival of tragedy (see p. 472). The whole conception is obviously theatrical, with the setting of Herakles and his child, the principal figures, against a background formed, after theatrical models, by the front of the palace, through openings in which appear the horrified faces of Alkmena and Iolaos, and that of Mania, the goddess of madness. Herakles has already set fire to a confused pile of household furniture—tables, chairs, and wool-baskets—and a child clings to him in agony, while Megara tears her dishevelled hair; but their pleadings have no effect. In the Python krater the action is less violent and theatrical, but there is the same gaudiness of colouring and richness of embroidered costume. Alkmena is seated on the pyre, to which Amphitryon and Antenor are about to set light, and raises her hand in supplication to Zeus, whose bust is seen above. In answer to her prayer the Hyades or rain-nymphs pour down water from their pitchers to extinguish the flames. It should be noted that in this painting we have several successive stages of time combined in one (cf. Vol. II. p. 10); the pyre is not yet lighted, but the water is already descending to extinguish it.

We now proceed to describe in detail the characteristics of the three principal fabrics, beginning with that of =Lucania=, as the earliest in character, if not necessarily in point of time. Lucanian vases stand nearer to the latest Attic fabrics than do those of the other districts, and do not present the same local peculiarities; nor do they sink like the others into a state of decadence and barbarism, but are very conservative in their style.

We note in them a much greater unity of style than in the vases of Campania, and everything points to one centre of fabrication. This is most probably Anzi, where the largest number have been found. Information as to provenance is unfortunately often vague, but few other places are given as sources (see p. 83), almost the only other names being those of Pisticci and Pomarico. But the number of vases that it is possible to attribute to Lucania is not large in any case.

The designs are usually somewhat severe and restrained, and characterised by a certain stiffness of drawing and largeness of scale. The heads of figures are abnormally large, with great staring eyes and masses of hair rendered without detail. The draperies are comparatively free from ornamentation, only broad black borders and patterns of small dots being admitted. The clay is of a rich red colour, but accessory colours are exceedingly rare. Hence they present a great contrast to the Apulian and Campanian, with their masses of white and generally gaudy appearance. Another peculiarity is that fillets in the hair are rendered simply by leaving a narrow band across the head in the colour of the clay. The figures often stand in the air without the usual dotted ground-lines, but sometimes the ground is represented by a heap of loose stones. A favourite device is that of a half-shield seen in the upper part of the scene, as a sort of indication of locality or action.[1473] Fig. 108 gives a typical example of Lucanian vase-painting.

Among the favourite shapes are the bell-shaped krater and the amphora, also the hydria and column-handled krater. The hydria is generally employed, as in Campania, for sepulchral subjects. The vases are mostly of large size, whence a corresponding largeness of the figures; whereas Campanian vases are generally small, and make up for the absence of imposing figures by their colouring. An entirely new shape, peculiar to this style, is the four-handled krater, to which the name of _nestoris_ has been somewhat absurdly given[1474]; it is undoubtedly a local form, being found in the indigenous pottery of the district.[1475] There are two varieties, one with a high neck, the other with sloping shoulder and no neck. The handles are usually ornamented with discs painted with rosettes, and the designs are in panels surrounded by ornament, sometimes on the second variety with a lower frieze of figures. Generally speaking, secondary ornamentation is largely employed on these vases, especially on the last-named shape. The palmette patterns under the handles are usually very luxuriant.

The vases of =Campania= present in many ways a striking contrast to those of Lucania. Their chief characteristic is, as has been noted, love of picturesque effect and variety of colour, even to the extent of introducing attempts at shading (see above, p. 471). The vases are mostly small, and none of the large kraters or amphorae belong to this class. The favourite shapes are the hydria, lekythos with bulbous body, and amphora; the latter is clearly an imitation of the Attic “Nolan” amphorae, which were so largely imported into the district, but the body is usually more symmetrical. The clay is usually of a buff or dull yellow ochre tone, and red and yellow washes are frequently used, as well as large masses of white; these tints are laid on very carelessly, and the white is of a kind that is apt to flake off and disappear. Yellow, purple, and white are largely used as accessories, and the drawing has a tendency to become very careless. The lines of the ground are indicated by occasional strokes of white, or by rocks strewn with flowers. Ornamental patterns are not so popular as in Lucania; the favourite is the wave, and the palmettes under the handles are thick and ugly, with angular leaves. Some decorative motives seem to be derived directly from nature.

The subjects are often interesting and uncommon, introducing recondite or unusual myths; many of the vases with comic scenes appear to belong to this class, and one in the British Museum has an Oscan inscription. Local peculiarities of costume and armour, which Signor Patroni calls Osco-Samnite, are often found; for instance, warriors wear a very short chiton with broad girdle, a helmet with waving crest and tall side-plumes of Italian type,[1476] and a remarkable breast-plate formed of three circular plates of metal arranged in a triangle.[1477] These same peculiarities are found on the wall-paintings at Paestum, and there are indications that Virgil was familiar with them.[1478]

Signor Patroni, by dint of an exhaustive study of the Naples collection, has made a tentative classification of Campanian vases according to fabric; he distinguishes those of Cumae, Saticula (Santa Agata dei Goti), and Abella; but those of Capua, Nola, and Neapolis appear to have no distinctive style. The Cumae fabric, for studying which the _Raccolta Cumana_ in Naples gives exceptional facilities, is represented by the long, straight-bodied amphorae, the hydriae with female heads under the handles, and kraters on which the design is framed by stylised floral patterns or heavy palmettes. Among the characteristic patterns are the wave, large flowers in profile, and ground-ornaments generally, such as ivy-leaves, branches, and small windows. The strong tendency to polychromy seems to be the result of using the late Attic polychrome vases as models. In the colouring a new feature is the use of a carmine red, which, according to Patroni, is only found in the Cumae fabrics.[1479] Mythological subjects are rare,[1480] sepulchral common, and shrines are found on these alone; but the majority have scenes from daily life,[1481] banquets, return of warriors, etc. It is on these that the local costumes are usually found.

The Saticula fabrics are very uniform,[1482] practically all bell-shaped kraters with red clay; colours are sparingly used, and then only white; a maeander takes the place of the wave-pattern as a border; ground-lines are usually indicated. Of subjects Dionysiac have the preference. The vases of Abella are of late date, chiefly hydriae of very pale clay with accessory colours; among the typical patterns are arabesques ending in white daisies. They sometimes show reminiscences of the Paestum style.[1483]

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PLATE XLIV

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There are a few peculiar fabrics which we may also attribute to a Campanian origin, including rude imitations of the B.F. style, chiefly small amphorae with single figures; imitations of Nolan amphorae, reproducing both their form and their scheme of decoration[1484]; and bell-shaped kraters imitating the Attic style, which Signor Patroni has associated with Saticula. The imitations of Nolan amphorae have a slim body, twisted handles, and a sharply set-off shoulder forming a right angle with the neck instead of a graceful curve. As in their prototypes, the subjects are confined to one or two figures each side. The lustrous black glaze of the Attic vases is admirably reproduced. There is also a class of vases with designs painted in opaque red on the black ground, reproducing the method of the transitional vases described on p. 393.[1485] They are very rude in character, with roughly incised details and subjects of a simple kind; the red pigment appears to have been made from fragments of pounded pottery (_testa trita_). There is, however, one remarkable exception—a small phiale in the British Museum,[1486] dating from the third century, with the subject of a shepherd-boy with his dog. The design is carefully painted in opaque red and white in the style of the Pompeian wall-paintings, and the effect of light and shade produced by hatched lines is both remarkable and unique. A krater found at Civita Castellana (Falerii),[1487] the paintings on which are in Campanian style, is unique in having Latin inscriptions over the figures, a group consisting of Zeus (... SPATER, _Die_]_spater_), Ganymede, Eros (CVPIDO), and Athena (MENERVA). The subject is conceived rather in the style of the Etruscan mirrors than that of the painted vases, and is obviously under local influence. As Falerii was destroyed in 243 B.C., a _terminus ante quem_ may be obtained for the date of the vase, as for others found on this site (see p. 75).

The vases of =Apulia= are not only more numerous, but of more merit and greater interest than those of the other two classes. In them may be observed two or three stages of development, beginning with a fifth- or early fourth-century group of Attic type, consisting of large amphorae with two friezes of figures.[1488] Both in shape and method of decoration these form the prototype of the large kraters and amphorae which comprise the second class; they are distinguished from the latter by severity of treatment and absence of colour. The second class includes the large vases with mythological and tragic subjects, the Under-world vases, and those with sepulchral scenes; they are all richly decorated from head to foot, with two main rows of figures, smaller subjects on the neck, and ornamentation over every available space. The theatrical characteristics of which we have spoken above (p. 472) are best illustrated by some of this series.

The third class includes some large vases, such as the so-called _pelikae_ and the large phialae, and the smaller forms, the oinochoë and its varieties, and kanthari, rhyta, and other kinds of drinking-cups. Some shapes are peculiar to this class. In spite of the great variety of shape, there is a remarkable poverty of conception in the subjects, which show a tendency to become purely decorative, and are mainly confined to the vague “courting” scenes or “toilet” scenes, or to single figures of Eros and Nike. On the smallest vases the commonest subject is often that of a female head covered with a cap, sometimes of a relatively colossal size, and this also occurs, surrounded by foliage, on the necks of the large vases. The shapes, as in the case of the _epichysis_ (p. 179), often tend to ugliness and over-refinement.

The conception of Eros on the later Apulian vases is one of their chief characteristics (cf. Plate XLIV.). An almost invariable participant in every scene, his form assumes an androgynous character; his hair is arranged in feminine fashion, and his person adorned with necklaces, earrings, and other jewellery. Among other peculiarities we may note the double line of white or yellow dots for ground-lines; the characterising of Oriental figures by tiaras and cross-belts; the general treatment of the hair of women, at first long, thick, and wig-like, but later gathered up in a cap, from which the ends float out behind; the thick but effeminate proportions of the men; and the small heads of the horses.

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PLATE XLV

_To face page 486._

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There does not seem to be any possibility of distinguishing different centres of fabric in Apulia. Nor can Tarentum have been a centre of vase-fabrics, although Lenormant stoutly upheld its claims, as the chief centre of Greek civilisation in that region. But Tarentum has been the scene of much excavation, and results do not point to that conclusion; most of the vases found there are purely Greek. On the other hand, enormous numbers have been found at Ruvo, and this was undoubtedly the chief centre, though without a distinguishing style of its own. Ruvo was famous for its red clay, and remains of furnaces and potteries have been found there. Other sites where vases have been found are Bari, Canosa, and Ceglie. At Canosa there was a preference for the tall amphora with scroll-handles, the large phiale, and the prochoös,[1489] and purple accessories were largely used here. It is also interesting to recall that Canosa seems to have been the centre for the large ornamental vases of terracotta painted in _tempera_ (p. 119).

On some of the column-handled kraters[1490] local costumes appear, probably representing the Peucetians, and having some affinities with those of Lucania; the principal features are the tall pointed cap and short striped chiton worn by both sexes. Another group peculiar to Apulia is formed by the fish-plates[1491]—a peculiar form of plate, with low stem, a sinking in the centre, and edge turned over, all being painted with fish of various kinds (Plate XLIV.). They were no doubt used for eating fish, the sinking being for the sauce; but they may also have been hung up as votive offerings in the temple of some marine deity.

* * * * *

The last efforts of vase-painting on the soil of Magna Graecia date from the latter half of the third century B.C. By this time vase-painting had reached a stage of complete decadence, devoid of style or taste, and rapidly verging on barbarism, as shown in some specimens, which seem to be the efforts of local craftsmen to copy the better examples, but with the same want of success as the Etruscans.[1492]

Another direction which vase-painting took before it finally disappeared is illustrated by a group of vases mostly found at Egnazia (Gnathia) in Apulia, which clearly form a final stage in the evolution of the local fabric just discussed. Originally known from the place where the majority was found as _vasi di Egnazia_ or Gnathia vases, they were in the view of Lenormant more probably made at Tarentum.[1493] But we have seen that there is slight evidence of local fabric there,[1494] and their connection with the fabrics of Ruvo and Canosa makes it more likely that they came from that neighbourhood. It is therefore probable that the old name is the correct one.

The characteristics of this group are: (1) the black varnish with which the _whole_ vase is covered; (2) the designs painted in opaque colours—white, purple, and yellow; (3) the tendency to imitate vases of metal, as seen in the vertically ribbed bodies and other details of form. The important _rôle_ played by the black varnish is interesting, as showing the increasing tendency to reduce the painter’s labour to a minimum, combined with a striving after novelty and the rejuvenation of the art. The practice, no doubt, arose from the discovery of the painter that it was easier to paint the figures on the black in opaque colour than to trace them out in the clay and work round them with the varnish, especially in the case of the elaborate foliage patterns which played so important a part in Apulian vases.

The subjects are usually confined to the shoulder or neck, at least of the larger vases; but figures are comparatively rare. One krater in the British Museum (F 543) which belongs to the comic series is a notable exception; and there is a pleasing subject on a skyphos in the Louvre[1495]—a cock and goose confronted, and greeting one another with the respective salutations, “Ah, the goose!” “Oh, the cock!” But in the majority of cases the only designs are female heads, Erotes (Fig. 118), birds, comic and tragic masks suspended from wreaths, and simple foliage patterns. The reverse of the two-sided vases is often undecorated.

It is interesting to note that specimens of this ware are sometimes found on Greek sites, such as Athens, Myrina in Asia Minor, Melos, and Cyprus. At Curium in the latter island a fine hydria in this style, with figures on the shoulder (Fig. 109), was found in 1895.[1496] Whether these were imported from Italy or made elsewhere is quite uncertain.[1497]

Another interesting but much smaller class which belongs to the latter half of the third century is formed by a group of vases, mostly small phialae, which are distinguished by bearing painted Latin inscriptions.[1498] Some also have figures (Eros, a female head, etc.), which are treated in the same manner as the Gnatia vases. It is probable that Rome was the place of origin of this class, in spite of the fact that most of them were found in Etruria.[1499] But the Latin language at that time was more at home in Campania than anywhere else outside Rome. The inscriptions take the form: AECETIAI POCOLOM, _Aequitiae poculum_ (B.M. F 604 = Fig. 110); IVNONENES POCOLOM, _Junonis poculum_; and so on,—Saturn, Mercury, and other Roman deities being included in the list. Reasons have been given for dating this series in the First Punic War, 260–240 B.C.

* * * * *

Formerly it was universally supposed that the art of vase-painting was brought to an end in 186 B.C. by the action of the Roman Senate when they issued their edict against Bacchanalian ceremonies, which undoubtedly affected Southern Italy. But this was only a natural view to be taken by writers who associated the painted vases with the Eleusinian mysteries and similar ideas; on other grounds it is hardly tenable. Especially in regard to the general putting back of the chronology of the art, it is impossible to suppose that painted vases with mythological subjects were still made in the second century. The character of the mid-third-century vases just described is sufficient to indicate that they represent the last stage to which Greek painting could ever have reached.

§ 3. FIGURE-VASES AND VASES WITH RELIEFS

We propose to conclude this sketch of the history of Greek vase-painting with a few words on a principle which, while always present in Greek pottery, yet at all times lay in the background, until the latest stages of the art, when it entered on a phase of increased popularity. This is the principle of combining the ceramic with the plastic art—in other words, the manufacture of vases in the form of human or animal figures or heads.

It has already been noted, in discussing the primitive pottery of Troy (p. 257), that the idea of associating the vase form and the human form is a very old one. At Troy it is of course seen in its most rudimentary stage, when correct modelling was a thing quite beyond the potter’s scope, and he could only roughly indicate features and limbs on the surface of the vase, which thus always remained a vase, and the figure idea never gained, as in later times, the predominance. In the Mycenaean period the advance in modelling was great, but only reached a high level in Crete. It is only since the discoveries at Knossos that we have been able to account for the astounding group of porcelain _rhyta_ from the Enkomi tombs in Cyprus (see Plate X., fig. 4),[1500] which at first sight seem to have been made by a sixth-century artist, so admirable and lifelike are they. Although the rams’ heads bear the palm, the female heads are, for the period, a _tour de force_, so advanced in type that it would be pardonable to argue—apart from the circumstances of their discovery—that they must belong to a later stage of art.

Apart from these, however, the principle did not find its way into Greece before the seventh century B.C., and then its origin is indubitably Oriental. It is best exemplified by the discoveries in Rhodes, especially at Kameiros,[1501] where vases of porcelain and terracotta are found modelled in the form of helmeted heads or heads of animals (see Plate XLVI., fig. 1, and p. 127). The type adopted is that of the aryballos (p. 197); it was no doubt a comparatively easy matter to model its spherical body into the form required, applying paint where necessary to bring out the details as on the vases. In the Western Mediterranean the _alabastron_ form seems to have been more popular.[1502] It is often adopted for the Canopic vases of Etruria (see Chapter XVIII.). Many of these are unpainted, or rather are covered with a white slip and then painted in _tempera_ like the ordinary terracotta figures; they are, in fact, figurines in essence, vases by accident; whereas in the first-named group the vase idea retains the predominance. But it is almost impossible to draw the line. A fine early instance of imitation of metal in early Greek pottery is the British Museum jug from Aegina (A 457) terminating in the head of a Gryphon.

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PLATE XLVI

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During the sixth century painted figurine vases are rare, though there are not wanting various examples of the class just described, which belong to this period; but at all events hardly any examples can be traced to Athenian manufacture during the age of B.F. vase-painting. Towards the end of the century, however, the fashion was reintroduced by the potter Charinos, who belongs to the transitional period (about 525–500 B.C.). A vase signed by him, which was found at Corneto, is in the form of a female head surmounted by a _kalathos_.[1503] It was made in a mould like the terracotta figures, but the painted decoration, which is remarkably elaborate and minute, is entirely B.F. in character. The patterns on the head-dress include maeander, stars, ivy-leaves, lozenge and net patterns, and a minute frieze of animals, painted in black on the clay ground. A similar vase, but later in date, is in the Berlin Museum[1504]; in this example we may note the introduction of R.F. ornamentation, in the palmettes and diapering round the top.

These two stand at the head of a series of similar vases extending throughout the succeeding periods down to the end of the age of painted vases. They compare for style with the heads of the female statues found on the Acropolis, which belong to the same period. Two other potters, Kaliades and Prokles, made similar vases.[1505]

The fashion started by Charinos continued throughout the fifth century, but the plastic conception tended to become subordinate to the ceramic, and it became more and more customary to decorate the non-plastic portions in the manner of the vases. Of this development the most noteworthy example is the beautiful rhyton in the British Museum in the form of a Sphinx (E 788), the upper or vase part of which is ornamented with the subject of Kekrops and Erichthonios. The body of the Sphinx is covered with a fine white slip, and the details are picked out with red and gilding. This vase dates from about the middle of the century. There also exist many examples of rhyta or kanthari, formed of a head or two heads back to back, usually a Maenad and a Seilenos.[1506] Another favourite type is that of a jug in the form of a negro’s or Aethiopian’s head[1507]; and there are also rhyta which terminate in the head of a lion, mule, or other animal finely modelled (Plate XLVI., figs. 2, 5).

Towards the end of the fifth century there is a reversion to the purely plastic figure-vase, usually in the form of a lekythos with spherical body, to the front of which the figure is attached (Plate XLVI., fig. 4). The vase is usually covered with black glaze, and the figure with a white slip like the terracottas, with polychrome colouring. Examples of this class are the series of lekythi representing Aphrodite Anadyomene in a scallop-shell, of which there are examples at Athens and Petersburg,[1508] and the fine vase in the British Museum (E 716) with the bust of Athena Parthenos. A series of smaller lekythi, of which the British Museum possesses examples (G 2–7), represents Eros on a dolphin, the young Dionysos in a sort of canopy, Europa on the bull, a boy with a dog, and other subjects; the technique is similar to that of the larger specimens, with pink and green colouring. They form charming little objects, and are often well executed.[1509]

In Southern Italy many of these types are continued, the most popular being that of the rhyton ending in an animal’s head (p. 193), of which many examples have been found in Apulia. They usually have some simple design painted on the upper part, such as a figure of Eros. There are also numerous examples of vases in the form of animals or human figures (Plate XLVI., fig. 3), some of which are in black glazed ware with patterns in white like the vases of Egnazia, others being covered with white slip like the terracottas. With the decay of painted decoration the plastic element gradually predominates more and more, until the vase form becomes, so to speak, purely accidental. Thus in the third century the fabrics of Canosa, of which we have spoken in a previous chapter (p. 118), entirely hold the field, and the vases pass out of the sphere of the history of vase-painting.

In all or nearly all of the vases just described we observe the same principle at work—namely, the tendency to imitate metal in terracotta. It is one that is constantly recurring throughout the whole history of Greek ceramics, with more or less persistency and prominence. Sometimes, as in the Melian, Proto-Attic, and other fabrics, the imitation is limited to the form of the handles, which is, strictly speaking, inappropriate in terracotta, though frequently found in early bronze vessels.[1510] It is seldom found in Ionia, but in Western Greece there are many examples during the seventh and sixth centuries, as in some of the Proto-Corinthian and early Corinthian wares,[1511] This is doubtless in a large measure due to the influence of the great centres of metal-work at that time, Corinth and Chalkis. We are not, therefore, surprised to find the tendency exemplified in the pottery fabrics of those two centres, and at Chalkis, as has already been noted (p. 321), it is especially conspicuous in the form and minor details of the vases. At Athens examples are rare, with the exception of the vases of Nikosthenes, who not only copies complete vases in metal, as in his peculiarly-shaped amphorae and in a small _phiale mesomphalos_ in the British Museum,[1512] but is also addicted to adorning the handles of jugs with female heads in relief, as on specimens in the Louvre and elsewhere.[1513] After the sixth century the tendency is far less conspicuous, owing to the high esteem in which vase-painting was then held, and little is seen of attempts at imitating metal until the revival of the plastic element in pottery in the fourth century. An almost unique exception is the Berlin krater from Corinth (2882), which must date from the fifth century. It is of black ware, with designs in relief round the body.[1514]

The tendency also manifests itself in a marked degree in another direction in early Greek art—namely, in that of ornamenting vases with reliefs. So much evidence of this has been yielded by discoveries on Greek soil that it is now certain that this method of decoration had its origin in Greece, and not in Etruria, although the close resemblance between early relief-wares from Rhodes and the large πίθοι of Cervetri (see p. 153) had led archaeologists in the past to regard Etruria as its original home. The Etruscans always preferred modelled vases or relief decoration to painted ware, as their _bucchero_ fabrics show; but we know that they had no inventive power, and even in this they have proved to be only imitators.[1515]

Turning to details of the early Greek vases with reliefs, we may note that there are two varieties: firstly, those in which the reliefs are made by rolling a cylinder round the vase, the design being repeated over again; secondly, those in which the reliefs are made from separate moulds, and attached with some kind of cement.[1516] In both classes the shape usually affected is that of a large πίθος (cf. p. 151), of a somewhat coarse red clay. It is the first variety which so closely resemble the πίθοι found at Cervetri, and which are now known to be the prototypes, not imitations, of the Etruscan examples.[1517]

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PLATE XLVII

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In Greece fragments of the first class have been found on the Acropolis at Athens, the recurring design being a two-horse chariot which a warrior mounts, with a scorpion in the field. The similarity in the clay, the shape, and the technique of the reliefs with the Cervetri vases is remarkable; the subject is one common on Corinthian vases. Other fragments have been found at Tanagra, and there is a good example in the Louvre with a series of figures, representing a dance of women, all of similar types, yet not from the same stamp, but different moulds.[1518] The variations of detail in dress and hair show conclusively that the cylinder process is not employed here, but that the figures are freely modelled from a single type. The costume is that typical of the women on early B.F. vases (cf. p. 372). Some very fine examples of πίθοι with reliefs, dating from the end of the seventh century, have been published by De Ridder.[1519] They are all from Boeotia, and are similar to those made in Rhodes, but with the characteristic ornamental handles of metallic form. Here again the figures are freely modelled with variations of detail, and they afford interesting points of comparison with the painted vases and with the early bronze reliefs which are variously attributed to Corinth and Chalkis.[1520] One in Athens (_Cat._ 462) has the interesting subject of Artemis Diktynna; another (_Cat._ 466 = Plate XLVII.), an accouchement scene. Similar finds have been made in Kythnos, Tenos, Crete, and Rhodes,[1521] the ornamentation being for the most part purely geometrical, but sometimes with Centaurs or human figures.[1522] In none of these examples is there any peculiarly Etruscan feature; all is purely Hellenic, presenting close analogies not only with metal-work in relief, but also with the Oriental art to which the Greek work of that age was so much indebted, as in the case of the cylinder process.[1523]

A new method of decorating vases, which first makes its appearance towards the end of the fifth century, is by means of _appliqué_ reliefs. It is doubtless due to the influence of sculpture, and perhaps more especially to that of the bronze reliefs which on vases and mirror-cases were now becoming popular. The former influence is clearly at work in the great Kertch vase with the contest of Athena and Poseidon (Plate L.), where we may see in the two central figures, which are modelled in relief and applied to the surface of the vase, an undoubted reminiscence of the western Parthenon pediment. There are also vases from Athens, Kertch, the Cyrenaica, and Southern Italy,[1524] in which the figures are either partially or wholly modelled in relief, like the vase of Xenophantos or a fine lekythos in the British Museum (G 23) representing the rape of Kassandra by Ajax. Another fine specimen, found at Cumae and now at Petersburg, has a group of Eleusinian deities in relief on the shoulder.[1525] Yet another example, recently found at Lampsakos, has the Calydonian boar-hunt as its subject; the figures are in relief on a gilded ground.[1526]

The imitation of metal technique[1527] is even more marked in the vases of Southern Italy than in those from other parts. At Capua, Cumae, and Metapontum amphorae, hydriae, and oinochoae are found, covered with a very brilliant black varnish, but without any painted decoration; the only ornament is in the form of gilded wreaths and other simple patterns, or designs in relief. The British Museum has a fine series from Capua with garlands of foliage and ornaments in the form of festoons and pendants, the whole forming, as M. Collignon says, “a brilliant and luxurious system of decoration which contrasts with the sober taste of the Attic potters.” Some of the hydriae are clearly of local fabric, imitations of the Campanian hydriae of bronze.[1528] The forms are often very elaborate, with ornamental handles, ribbed bodies, and moulded stems. An oinochoë has been found with an inscription which gives the names of leῖa for smooth-surfaced vases, ῥαβδωτά for those ribbed or fluted. Heavy imitations of the gilt and relief wares have often been found at Alexandria,[1529] and isolated specimens occur in Attica, Rhodes, and the Cyrenaica.

The growing fashion of using only vases of chased gold and silver in preference to painted pottery made itself more and more felt both in Greece and Italy during the Alexandrine period. The same tendency which we have already noted, to reproduce as far as possible the characteristics and appearance of metal, may be observed in all the pottery of this period. Not only do the subjects moulded in relief reproduce the appearance of the chased and _repoussé_ designs, but the shapes are those of the metal vases, and even in the black glaze there are attempts to produce a metallic effect. It is clear that the pottery of this period presents throughout the effect of a striving after outward show on the part of those who were unable to afford the more precious metal for their household utensils, and were forced to be content with imitating it to the best of their ability in the humbler material.

In Greece this tendency is best illustrated by a series of vases known as Megarian or Homeric bowls, of hemispherical form,[1530] without handles. The former name was given to them by Dumont[1531] and Benndorf,[1532] but with little authority beyond the fact that several were found at Megara. But they might on equally good grounds be called Boeotian, others having been found at Thebes and elsewhere in the neighbourhood. They have also been found in Kalymnos, Crete, and Cyprus, but the majority are from Thebes, Tanagra, and Anthedon. Professor Robert thinks they may be identified with the _vasa Samia_ so often mentioned by ancient writers (see Chapter XXII.), and refers to the μαστοί dedicated at Oropos and Paphos.[1533] All are of red clay, with a thin metallic black glaze giving a quasi-metallic appearance; the hemispherical form is only departed from in one or two instances.[1534]

The other name, Homeric, has been applied to them by Professor Robert with reference to the well-known passage of Suetonius, which describes Nero as using bowls (_scyphi_) called Homeric because they were chased with subjects from Homer’s poems.[1535] Our clay examples would then be reproductions of the chased metal vases, used by those who could not afford originals, and corresponding in some degree to modern plaster casts. It is true that only five of the examples we possess have subjects from Homer; but most of the others may be so called as belonging to the Epic cycle. They thus differ from most relief-vases of the period, in that the designs are not purely decorative or repetitions of simple motives, but are, so to speak, “illustrations of the classics.”

Professor Robert distinguishes two classes: (1) those with figures made from separate stamps, attached to the vase after it was made, and often repeated; (2) vases made wholly, figures and all, in a mould, like the Arretine wares.[1536] In the latter case they were doubtless made from the same moulds as the metal vases, and of this we have an undoubted example, not indeed among the “Megarian” bowls, but in analogous specimens from Italy. It has already been noted (p. 134) that in the British Museum there are two examples of a silver bowl with _repoussé_ designs, representing round the interior four deities in chariots, which form part of a silver treasure found at Èze in the south of France; and that in the same collection there is also a clay bowl (_Cat._ G 118 = Plate XLVIII., fig. 5) which exactly reproduces the silver vase in shape, size, and decoration.

Among the subjects we have the rape of Persephone[1537]; the sacrifice of Iphigeneia; Achilles and Priam[1538]; the flight to the ships (from the _Iliad_), the sack of Troy and the sacrifice of Polyxena; the destruction of the suitors (from the _Odyssey_). From the Theban legend we have the stories of Oedipus’s childhood and the Seven against Thebes[1539]; other vases give the labours of Herakles or his rape of Auge (Plate XLVIII., fig. 2)[1540]; and a jug made by Dionysios has the interesting subject of Autolykos and Sisyphos.[1541] The British Museum possesses a very interesting bowl with scenes taken directly from the _Phoenissae_ of Euripides,[1542] and other comparisons with that author may be made in the case of the bowls with Iphigeneia and Polyxena. Sometimes the scenes are inscribed with verses from the poems or plays illustrated, or with a prose description of the scene,[1543] or merely with the names of the figures. The letters in all cases are raised. It is clear that all these bowls belong to the same period and fabric, and many small details point to the third century as their date. We may bear in mind that this was the time of the great revival of Homeric study at Alexandria.

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PLATE XLVIII

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In Italy the introduction of relief wares became general as painting was abandoned, but did so gradually, not suddenly. In the third century both existed side by side. The principle of a purely mechanical process in pottery, which now first appears in the manufacture from a mould, was not, strictly speaking, a new one in Italy, nor yet in Greece. It is first seen in the early Etruscan and Rhodian vases (see p. 496) with stamped and rolled-out designs repeated in long friezes. And we shall see later how for several centuries moulded vases, in the form of _bucchero_ ware, formed the national pottery of Etruria. There was always in Etruscan, as also in Greek pottery,[1544] a tendency towards the imitation of metal, and this tendency about the fourth century seems to have spread over the rest of Italy, even to the Iapygian Peninsula. Thus it is that the vases of Gnatia (p. 488) are largely metallic in form and treatment, with their ribbed bodies and other details. To the same cause is mainly due the series of Capua and Cumae vases which has already been discussed, with its brilliant varnish and gilding. Signor Gamurrini actually gave to the Italian black glaze wares the name of “Etrusco-Campanian.”[1545] After the disappearance of _bucchero_ ware similar vases came to be made at Cervetri, Chiusi, Corneto, and Bolsena, the principal art centres of Etruria. At Bolsena in particular they have been found in considerable numbers; and as this city (_Volsinium novum_) was only founded in 264 B.C., a _terminus post quem_ for their date is afforded.

A group of vases found chiefly at the last-named place[1546] does not appear to have been covered with black varnish, but with a metallic preparation of gold or silver, which has now mostly disappeared, and they are left with the plain glazed clay. Some of these are not without merit. In the general arrangement of the designs, usually in friezes round the shoulder, there is obviously a reminiscence of _bucchero_ ware. The metallic preparation with which they were covered may have been something of the kind which Athenaeus[1547] describes in speaking of certain drinking-cups made at Naukratis, which “were dipped [in some preparation] so as to appear silver.”

In Italy the manufacture of vases of black ware with reliefs appears to have centred at Cales in Campania during the third century.[1548] The principal type is that of a bowl, not of the hemispherical form, but shallow, with the designs in the interior, either in the form of a frieze or of a central medallion. These are usually called Calene phialae, but it is not certain whether the majority were really made at Cales. At all events, it is, like “Megarian bowl,” a convenient name for the class. The British Museum bowl G 118, with the frieze of chariots (see above), is a good example of the frieze type of design. The subject, which is treated in a very spirited manner, is the apotheosis of Herakles, who is conducted by Athena, Ares, and Artemis to Olympos, accompanied by Victories. There is also a good specimen in Berlin (_Cat._ 3882) with Odysseus and the Sirens. Another with decorative patterns only, bears the signature of the potter, L. Canoleios of Cales, in Latin letters.[1549] Examples are also given in Plate XLVIII., figs. 3, 5, 6.

Of the type with central medallions comparatively few complete examples exist, but the British Museum possesses a series of fragments on which the medallions have been preserved.[1550] The subjects are usually those characteristic of the Alexandrine period: Aphrodite, Adonis, and Erotes; Herakles and Hylas, and others familiar from Theocritus; or Trojan scenes, such as Thetis with the arms of Achilles or Paris attacked by Deiphobos. A unique instance is that of Romulus and Remus suckled by the wolf (G 125). Two names of potters occur—K. Atilius and G. Gabinius. The date of these phialae is probably that of the Second Punic War (about 230–200 B.C.). The designs, being taken from moulds[1551] and inserted separately, are frequently repeated. The fashion—obviously another instance of imitation of metal[1552]—of adorning bowls with central designs also takes other forms at this period. Simple heads of deities or Satyrs are found, and there are also instances of facsimiles of Syracusan coins. Two bowls in the British Museum (G 121–22) have in the centre copies of a decadrachm with the head of Persephone (Plate XLVIII., fig. 4: cf. p. 210).[1553]

Analogous to these in character and technique are the series of small lamp-feeders or _gutti_, a variation of the _askos_ form, which are found chiefly in Southern Italy, but also in North Africa and the Eastern Mediterranean.[1554] In the latter case they are usually distinguished by having an arched handle over the back instead of the usual ring-handle at the side, and the body is flatter. The Italian type has a deep ribbed body, with a flat circular space on the top containing a design in relief, made separately and inserted in the vase (Plate XLVIII., fig. 1). The range of subjects is wide, but the majority are mythological: heads or masks of a Dionysiac character or of Medusa form a large proportion of the whole.

Larger vases of black ware with reliefs inserted or attached are sometimes found, but are not common. The British Museum possesses two good specimens—a krater (G 29) with panels inserted bearing mythological designs,[1555] and a large covered jar (G 28) with the inscription BASSVS in Roman letters, presumably the potter’s name. The subjects, in two friezes, represent Erotes and festoons of vine-leaves, and Poseidon and Victory, five times repeated.

* * * * *

The series of vases which we have been discussing are clearly paving the way for the new development of pottery which prevailed throughout the Roman period—that of the ware formerly known as Samian, but now usually spoken of as Arretine or (a more comprehensive term) _Terra sigillata_. This will of course be more appropriately dealt with in a subsequent chapter under the heading of Roman Pottery. In the course of the second century the Roman dominion spread over most of the Greek lands, and Greek art as an independent entity almost ceased to exist. It is, however, not a little remarkable at what a late date some forms of distinctively Greek pottery lingered on in Hellenic regions, such as Attica, Egypt, and Southern Russia. The subject has hitherto received but little attention, and the materials have hardly been collected with sufficient completeness to admit of adequate discussion and classification.[1556]

Footnote 1409:

See Hesych. _s.v._ πινάκιον; Athenag. _Leg. pro Christo_, 17, p. 293; also p. 316.

Footnote 1410:

See Loeschcke in _Ath. Mitth._ 1879, p. 289 ff. The revision of chronology since his article was written has only served to give additional support to his view, bringing the white vases nearer in date to the painted stelae.

Footnote 1411:

_Brut._ xviii. 70: see also Plut. _de defect. orac._ 47, 436 C; Pliny, _H.N._ xxxv. 50.

Footnote 1412:

See _B.M. Cat. of Vases_, ii. B 613 ff.

Footnote 1413:

Winter in _Arch. Zeit._ 1885, p. 195 ff.

Footnote 1414:

_Ibid._ p. 187 ff.: cf. also Hartwig in _Jahrbuch_, 1899, p. 160.

Footnote 1415:

_Arch. Zeit._ 1885, pl. 12. Cf. B.M. D 22, 32; Dumont-Pottier, i. pl. 11; Rayet and Collignon, pl. 10, 1. The severe type of face should be compared with Attic coins of the fifth century.

Footnote 1416:

Cf. _Arch. Zeit._ 1881, p. 35.

Footnote 1417:

Cf. B.M. D 65 and Fig. 19, p. 143.

Footnote 1418:

_E.g._ B.M. D 21, 33.

Footnote 1419:

As on the Anesidora cup in the British Museum (D 4) and the Euphronios cup in Berlin (2282).

Footnote 1420:

_Mon. dell’ Inst._ x. 37 _a_; _Annali_, 1877, p. 287.

Footnote 1421:

_Cat._ 208, 332, 336; published in Jahn, _Entführ. d. Europa_, pl. 7; Furtwaengler and Reichhold, pl. 49 (Fig. 121); and Overbeck, _Kunstmythol. Atlas_, pl. 9, No. 19.

Footnote 1422:

Rayet and Collignon, p. 223: see _Anzeiger_, 1891, p. 69, where it is attributed to Sotades.

Footnote 1423:

_E.g._ B.M. D 11 = Plate XLIII. fig. 1; _Mon. Grecs_, 1878, pl. 2 (in Louvre).

Footnote 1424:

Also attributed by Furtwaengler to Sotades (_Anzeiger_, _loc. cit._).

Footnote 1425:

Formerly in the collection of M. van Branteghem: see his Sale Cat. Nos. 159–66, and Plate XL.

Footnote 1426:

A complete list of white-ground cups is given by Hartwig, _Meistersch._ p. 499. Among signed examples are the Euphronios cup in Berlin (2282); those by Sotades and Hegesiboulos (p. 445), and also _Mon. dell’ Inst._ x. 37_a_ (—νις ἔποιησεν).

Footnote 1427:

_White Athenian Vases_, p. 5.

Footnote 1428:

See generally Pottier, _Les Lécythes Blancs_.

Footnote 1429:

In the B.M. collection, D 52 is from Locri, D 28, 47, 63, 87 from Gela.

Footnote 1430:

_E.g._ B.M. D 33, 54–7, 62; Athens 1625 ff.

Footnote 1431:

See Dumont-Pottier, ii. pp. 50, 53.

Footnote 1432:

Notably Athens 688 = Reinach, i. p. 164 (_Mon. dell’ Inst._ viii. pl. 4).

Footnote 1433:

For references to this subject on the lekythi see Chapter XIII., and for a typical example, _ibid._, Fig. 122. For the different types see (1) Athens 1662–63; (2) B.M. D 61; (3) Berlin 2680–81, Athens 1661.

Footnote 1434:

x. 28, 1.

Footnote 1435:

On the forms of the stele see Brueckner, _Ornament und Form der attischen Grabstelen_.

Footnote 1436:

As for instance Naples 1755 = Baumeister, iii. p. 1848, fig. 1939. See also Roscher, iii. p. 967; B.M. F 57.

Footnote 1437:

Cf. also B.M. D 54; Pottier, pls. 2, 4; and see Chapter XIII.

Footnote 1438:

We may recall the _dictum_ of Aristotle (_Poet._ 2) that Polygnotos painted men better (or more beautiful) than reality.

Footnote 1439:

_E.g._ B.M. D 54, D 56; and another with horsemen unpublished.

Footnote 1440:

It may be noted conversely that Attic tombstones were often in the form of lekythi (e.g. _B.M. Cat. of Sculpt._ i. Nos. 681–82, 687 ff.).

Footnote 1441:

See the list of non-funerary subjects given by Pottier, _op. cit._ p. 5. Cf. also B.M. D 21, 51, 57, D 19 and 24 (Nike), 31 (Iris), and 23 (priestess of Athena).

Footnote 1442:

_Lécythes Blancs_, p. 103.

Footnote 1443:

Examples are: Benndorf, _Gr. u. Sic. Vasenb._ pls. 26, 33.

Footnote 1444:

_E.g._ Athens 1626; Benndorf, pl. 18, fig. 2, pl. 20, fig. 2.

Footnote 1445:

_E.g._ Benndorf, pl. 24, figs. 1, 3.

Footnote 1446:

_Jahrbuch_, ix. (1894), p. 57 ff.

Footnote 1447:

Milchhoefer attributes this to Hiero’s victory in 474; but the date seems too early compared with other evidence.

Footnote 1448:

The latest R.F. vase from Kameiros is the polychrome “pelike” E 424 in the British Museum. Furtwaengler (_Gr. Vasenmalerei_, p. 205) gives reasons for dating it in the third century; but the circumstances of its discovery at Kameiros render so late a date improbable, apart from considerations of style.

Footnote 1449:

Hartwig in _Mélanges d’Arch._ 1894, p. 11.

Footnote 1450:

See above, p. 60, for the sites on which they have been found; also the plates of the Atlas to Stephani’s _Compte-Rendu_ and of the _Ant. du Bosph. Cimmérien_.

Footnote 1451:

See above, p. 447.

Footnote 1452:

_E.g._ B.M. F 4–7, 23, 27–9.

Footnote 1453:

See on this group of vases some very illuminating remarks by Furtwaengler in his _Meisterwerke_, p. 149.

Footnote 1454:

See also what is said below (p. 485) on early Apulian fabrics.

Footnote 1455:

See his _Ceramica Antica_, _passim_.

Footnote 1456:

See generally Chapter IV., p. 162 ff.

Footnote 1457:

Cf. B.M. F 193, F 210, F 542.

Footnote 1458:

See also below, p. 485.

Footnote 1459:

The subject has been fully treated by Vogel, _Scenen Eurip. Tragödien_; Huddilston, _Gk. Tragedy in Vase-paintings_; and Engelmann, _Arch. Studien zu den Tragikern_: see also _B.M. Cat. of Vases_, iv. p. 10.

Footnote 1460:

See _J.H.S._ xi. p. 228.

Footnote 1461:

See Körte in _Jahrbuch_, viii. (1893), p. 61 ff.

Footnote 1462:

Dio Cassius, _frag._ 39, _ed._ Bekker.

Footnote 1463:

Helbig, ii. p.314, No. 121 = Schreiber-Anderson, _Atlas_, pl. 5, fig. 8: see also B.M. F 150.

Footnote 1464:

See Chapter XV. § 3. They are also fully discussed by Heydemann in _Jahrbuch_, i. p. 260 ff.

Footnote 1465:

See also Vol. II. Fig. 134.

Footnote 1466:

Cf. a tomb with paintings at Tritaea in Achaia described by Pausanias, vii. 22, 4.

Footnote 1467:

Cf. Roscher, _Lexikon_, i. p. 2441 ff. (_s.v._ Heros); _J.H.S._ v. p. 105 ff.; _Brit. Mus. Cat. of Sculpt._ i. p. 293 ff.; Furtwaengler, _Coll. Sabouroff_, i. p. 17 ff.

Footnote 1468:

Possibly a mistake for, or variation of, the name Dasimos, which occurs on a fourth-century bronze votive helmet from Southern Italy in the British Museum (_Cat._ 317).

Footnote 1469:

_E.g._ B.M. F 150–6; Naples 1778, 1779, 1782, 1787, 3248; and others given by Patroni, _Ceramica Antica_, p. 77. A vase published by Inghirami (_Vasi Fitt._ 1–3) is thought by Engelmann to be the work of Python (_Ann. dell’ Inst._ 1874, p. 35). But this hardly seems likely. The B.M. vase F 155 is much more after his style.

Footnote 1470:

Two of these vases in the British Museum (F 150–51) are in the style of Assteas. Furtwaengler assigns all, including that signed by A., to Campania. It is, however, more likely that they were mostly made at Paestum. The one in Rome with Zeus and Alkmena (see p. 473) may be by Python.

Footnote 1471:

_Mon. dell’ Inst._ viii. pl. 21.

Footnote 1472:

See note above and Patroni, p. 71.

Footnote 1473:

_E.g._ B.M. B 159, 160, 174.

Footnote 1474:

See above, p. 172.

Footnote 1475:

See Patroni, _op. cit._ p. 25, and Chapter XVIII. It appears in the vase-painting given in Fig. 108.

Footnote 1476:

Cf. that worn by Herakles on the Assteas vase, Fig. 107.

Footnote 1477:

See Plate XLIV. and _B.M. Cat. of Bronzes_, No. 2845.

Footnote 1478:

_Mon. dell’ Inst._ viii. pl. 21 and _Annali_, 1865, p. 262 ff.: cf. Virg. _Aen._ vii. 785; ix. 365. See also _B.M. Cat. of Vases_, p. 20.

Footnote 1479:

Naples 856; B.M. F 213 (?).

Footnote 1480:

Naples 2293 and R.C. 141 = Reinach, i. 387; Berlin 3023.

Footnote 1481:

B.M. F 191 ff.; Naples 871, 2855, 3368.

Footnote 1482:

Patroni thinks that such vases as Jatta 1498 (= Reinach, i. 110, 4) have formed the model for these Saticula vases.

Footnote 1483:

_E.g._ Naples 2852.

Footnote 1484:

_E.g._ B.M. F 143–148; Naples 3093, 3129: see _Arch. Anzeiger_, 1893, p. 93.

Footnote 1485:

_B.M. Cat. of Vases_, iv., F 523 ff.

Footnote 1486:

F 542: see above, p. 471.

Footnote 1487:

_Röm. Mitth._ 1887, pl. 10, p. 231.

Footnote 1488:

_E.g._ Reinach, i. 448 = _Arch. Zeit._ 1883, pl. 7; Dubois Maisonneuve, _Introd._ pl. 69; Naples 3241 = Reinach, i. 384, 1–3; Naples 2416, 2418, 2894, 2918, 3247; see Patroni, _Ceram. Antica_, p. 33, and Furtwaengler, _Meisterwerke_, p. 149.

Footnote 1489:

_E.g._ B.M. F 237, 238 (wrongly attributed to Campania in Catalogue).

Footnote 1490:

See B.M. F 297, 301, and _Ann. dell’ Inst._ 1852, pls. M, N, P, p. 316 ff.

Footnote 1491:

B.M. F 254–68; Berlin 3607–19; Naples 2542–61; Petersburg 1693–1710. Cf. _Notizie degli Scavi_, 1894, p. 107, and _Ath. Mitth._ 1901, pl. 2 (an example from the Acropolis at Athens); also a plate inscribed underneath [ΙΧΘVΑΙ] (Schöne in _Comm. Phil. in hon. Mommseni_, p. 653). See also p. 194 and Chapter XV.

Footnote 1492:

See Chapter XVIII. For examples of these degenerate vases see _B.M. Cat._ iv. F 490 ff.

Footnote 1493:

In this he is followed by Rayet and Collignon (p. 328).

Footnote 1494:

Lenormant, however, states that they have been found at Tarentum, as also in the neighbourhood of Lecce and Bari (_Gaz. Arch._ 1881–82, p. 103).

Footnote 1495:

Rayet and Collignon, pl. 13, p. 330.

Footnote 1496:

_Excavations in Cyprus_, p. 77, fig. 140.

Footnote 1497:

See also B.M. F 553; _Ath. Mitth._ 1901, pls. 3, 4, p. 70 ff.; Pottier, _Louvre Cat._ ii. p. 276.

Footnote 1498:

See _Ann. dell’ Inst._ 1884, p. 5 ff.; Rayet and Collignon, p. 332. Fourteen or fifteen examples are known.

Footnote 1499:

One was found by Lord Savile at Civita Lavinia (Lanuvium) in recent years (_Notizie degli Scavi_, 1895, p. 45). They have also been found on the Esquiline (see _Röm. Mitth._ 1887, p. 233).

Footnote 1500:

_Excavations in Cyprus_, pl. 3.

Footnote 1501:

For terracotta examples painted in _tempera_ see _B.M. Cat. of Terracottas_, B 281–91; and compare B 286 with an example from Cyprus, Perrot, _Hist. de l’Art_, iii. p. 697. See also Berlin 1292 ff.

Footnote 1502:

See for a terracotta example B 460 in B.M.; also B 203–4 from Rhodes. Cf. Dumont-Pottier, i. chap. xiii.

Footnote 1503:

_Röm. Mitth._ v. (1890), pl. 11, p. 313 ff.

Footnote 1504:

_Cat._ 2190: cf. _Röm. Mitth._ 1890, p. 316.

Footnote 1505:

Klein, _Meistersig._^2 p. 216; Berlin 2202. A vase in the Louvre with the καλός-name Epilykos is probably by Prokles (see _Monuments Piot_, ix. p. 142).

Footnote 1506:

See Rayet and Collignon, p. 261: for other examples, B.M. E 786, 792, 793; Berlin 4044 = _Coll. Sabouroff_, pl. 69; _Mus. Greg._ ii. 89, 1; and the Kleomenes vase in the Louvre (if genuine). See on this vase _Mon. Grecs_, 1897, pls. 16–7, p. 53; Furtwaengler, _Neuere Falschungen_, p. 21; _Rev. Arch._ xxxvii. (1900), p. 181; _Monuments Piot_, ix. p. 138.

Footnote 1507:

See Hartwig in Ἐφ. Ἀρχ. 1894, pl. 6, p. 121.

Footnote 1508:

Stephani, _Compte-Rendu_, 1870–71, pl. 1; _Ber. d. sächs. Gesellsch._ 1853, pls. 1–2 (with Eros, dove, and swan): cf. the B.M. terracottas, D 89–91.

Footnote 1509:

See Rayet and Collignon, p. 275, and for other examples Stackelberg, _Gräber der Hell._ pls. 49–52; Treu, _Gr. Thongef._ pl. 1; _Cab. Pourtalès_, pl. 28.

Footnote 1510:

Cf. the Proto-Attic vases, Athens 468 and 657, with the B.M. bronze vase-handles, Nos. 258, 383.

Footnote 1511:

Cf. the Aegina jug mentioned above, B.M. A 1369 and the vase given in Rayet and Collignon, p. 68; also the Tanagra tripod, Berlin No. 1727, and Louvre A 396 from Rhodes.

Footnote 1512:

See B.M. B 295, 296, 382.

Footnote 1513:

Louvre F 116–17; B.M. B 620. See _Arch. Zeit._ 1881, p. 36, and p. 385 above.

Footnote 1514:

Cf. _Coll. Sabouroff_, pl. 74, 3: see also _Ath. Mitth._ 1880, pl. 10; Ἐφ. Ἀρχ. 1885, pl. 9, 11; B.M. G 22–3; Berlin 2704, 2884; Raoul-Rochette, _Mon. Inéd._ pl. 49, 3.

Footnote 1515:

Cf. _Röm. Mitth._ 1897, p. 253 ff.; _Mon. Grecs_, 1885–88, p. 43 ff.; Rayet and Collignon, p. 341; _Bull. de Corr. Hell._ 1888, p. 491.

Footnote 1516:

Cf. Dumont-Pottier, i. p. 186 ff.

Footnote 1517:

See _Bull. de Corr. Hell._ 1888, p. 491 (Pottier).

Footnote 1518:

_Ibid._ p. 497; also _Mon. Grecs_, 1885–88, pl. 8, p. 44: cf. the Etruscan _bucchero_ vases, _e.g._ Pottier, _Louvre Cat._ ii. p. 316 ff.

Footnote 1519:

_Bull. de Corr. Hell._ 1898, pp. 439, 497.

Footnote 1520:

De Ridder, _De ectypis aeneis_, _passim_.

Footnote 1521:

_Bull. de Corr. Hell._ 1888, p. 500; _Ath. Mitth._ 1886, pl. 4 (Crete).

Footnote 1522:

_E.g._ B.M. A 587, 597 ff.

Footnote 1523:

For a complete list of early vases with reliefs see _Mon. Grecs_, 1885–88, p. 54 ff.

Footnote 1524:

For examples see Rayet and Collignon, p. 266; _Jahrbuch_ 1894, p. 62.

Footnote 1525:

_Cat._ 525 = Reinach, i. 11.

Footnote 1526:

_Monuments Piot_, x. pls. 6–7.

Footnote 1527:

On the later development of imitation of metal in vases see Rizzo in _Röm. Mitth._ xii. (1897), p. 253 ff.

Footnote 1528:

See also on these vases _Gaz. Arch._ 1879, pl. 6, p. 38 ff., and Martha, _L'Art Étrusque_, p. 488. They are styled by Gamurrini “Etrusco-Campanian.”

Footnote 1529:

_Amer. Journ. of Arch._ 1885, pl. 1.

Footnote 1530:

To this the name μαστός has been given: cf. p. 186.

Footnote 1531:

_Céramiques_, i. p. 393.

Footnote 1532:

_Gr. u. sic. Vasenb._ p. 117.

Footnote 1533:

_Homerische Becher_, in _50^{tes} Winckelmannsfestprogr._ (1890).

Footnote 1534:

G 104 in B.M. and the jug by Dionysios (Robert, _op. cit._ p. 90).

Footnote 1535:

_Op. cit._ p. 1 ff.: cf. Suet. _Ner._ 47.

Footnote 1536:

Clay moulds for these bowls have been found at Athens, suggesting that there was a fabric there. But they were probably not confined to one centre. See _Ath. Mitth._ 1901, p. 67, note.

Footnote 1537:

_J.H.S._ xxii. p. 3.

Footnote 1538:

_Arch. Anzeiger_, 1904, p. 191 (in Oxford).

Footnote 1539:

Cf. _Mon. Grecs_, 1885–88, p. 48.

Footnote 1540:

Berlin 2891, from Crete.

Footnote 1541:

See Robert, _op. cit._ p. 90. In the same work will be found full descriptions of most of the other bowls.

Footnote 1542:

See _Class. Review_, 1894, p. 325.

Footnote 1543:

_E.g._ G 105, in B.M.

Footnote 1544:

See above, p. 495.

Footnote 1545:

See above, p. 498.

Footnote 1546:

B.M. G 179 ff.: see _Ann. dell’ Inst._ 1871, p. 5 ff.; _Röm. Mitth._ 1897, p. 260; _Notizie degli Scavi_, 1897, p. 390.

Footnote 1547:

xi. 480 E: see above, pp. 73, 189.

Footnote 1548:

_Gaz. Arch._ 1879, p. 43. Recent writers have maintained that “Calene” ware is Greek in origin, and not confined to this site. See Dragendorff in _Bonner Jahrbücher_, xcvi. p. 25, and Rizzo in _Röm. Mitth._ 1897, p. 259: cf. Berlin 3882.

Footnote 1549:

Benndorf, _Gr. u. sic. Vasenb._ pl. 56.

Footnote 1550:

_Ibid._ pls. 57–8.

Footnote 1551:

For instances of moulds for these medallions see _B.M. Cat. of Terracottas_, E 72–4.

Footnote 1552:

See _Röm. Mitth._ 1897, p. 260.

Footnote 1553:

See Evans, _Syracusan Medallions_, in _Num. Chron._ 3rd Ser. xi. p. 319; also _Rev. Arch._ xxiv. (1894). p. 173.

Footnote 1554:

See _B.M. Cat. of Vases_, iv., G 37 ff., and above, pp. 200, 211.

Footnote 1555:

A similar example is in the Athens Museum, from Crete (_Invent._ No. 2141).

Footnote 1556:

Reference may be made generally to important articles by Watzinger in _Ath. Mitth._ 1901, p. 50 ff., and Dragendorff in _Bonner Jahrbücher_, ci. p. 140 ff.; also (for Egypt) to _Amer. Journ. of Arch._ 1885, p. 18 ff., and Furtwaengler in _Gr. Vasenm._ p. 205 ff. See also Chapter XXII., and XXI. _init._

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Transcriber’s Note:

Errors which can be attributed to printer’s mistakes have been corrected, as noted below. Lapses in punctuation are corrected with no further mention.

In Volume II, the author has included as Fig. 173 a table of alphabets used on Greek vases.

Inscriptions are presented in archaic Greek script, which more or less follows that table. For instance, the character for pi (Π) resembles the modern gamma (Γ). All inscriptions are given using modern Greek characters. References to individual characters may appear with very brief descriptions, derived where possible from that table. The character upsilon (Υ) frequently appears as a modern Roman V. On occasion, sigma appears in the form of a modern C (the lunate sigma Ϲ).

Footnotes, which were numbered sequentially on each page, have been resequenced to be unique across the text. Cross-references to those numbers in the text have been changed to reflect this. The notes themselves have been moved to the end of each chapter.

Each plate was followed by a blank page on its verso, which have been removed here. The position of each plate, as well as that of all other figures, has been adjusted slightly to avoid falling in mid-paragraph. The pages devoted to plates were not counted in pagination.

* * * * *

The following anomalies regarding footnotes were observed:

On p. 153, the reference to the third footnote (521), referring the reader to “Pottier _Louvre Cat._, p. 381 ff.” does not appear in the text. The section discusses “Les vases à reliefs de style archaique en Italie et en Sicile”. The reference has been added following the paragraph ending with “designs of Oriental character”.

On p. 158, the reference to footnote (531) is missing from the text. The reference has been added at the end of the sentence beginning “Falkner found at Pompeii...”.

On p. 210, the sole footnote is missing its number, which is added here as 770.

On p. 214, the reference to the first footnote (775), referring the reader to Alexandre Brongniart’s _Traité des arts céramiques: ou des poteries_, i., p 552, does not appear in the text. The passage discusses the analysis of the glaze, and it seems appropriate to add the reference at the end of the paragraph beginning “This lustrous glaze...”.

On p. 427, footnote 1314 refers to a series of items, the last of which (‘270’) seems either out of order, or a misprint for ‘470’.

The following table contains those textual issues which are readily attributed to printer’s errors:

p. 96 which[,] were so light Removed p. 204 It has been noted by J[o/a]hn Corrected.