Part 64

She uses the correct word _jupan_ (or “count”) for the Serbian chieftains[979], but designates both King Michael (who was the first ruler of Dioklitia to bear the royal title and whose dominions included Scutari, Montenegro, the Herzegovina and the coast), and his son and co-regent, Bodin, as Exarchs of the Dalmatians[980]. She mentions also the contemporary “great” _jupan_ of the other and inland Serbian state of Rascia, the modern _sandjak_ of Novibazar, Vukan, describing him as “wielding the entire authority over the Dalmatians,” of whom she says that, “although they were Dalmatians, still they were Christians.” It is interesting to find in this passage that one of his nephews already bore the name of Urosh, so famous in the later Serbian dynasty of Nemanja, which etymologists derive from the Magyar word _úr_, meaning “lord.” The identification of the Serbians with “Dalmatians” would tend to prove the predominantly Serbian character of Southern Dalmatia in the eleventh and twelfth centuries. She was acquainted, too, with the pirates, who infested the mouth of the river Narenta, and whom she twice mentions under the name of “Vetones.”

The name of the Albanians was known to Anna Comnena, as to her predecessors, Attaleiates and Skylitzes, the first Byzantine authors who applied it to that mysterious race. She notices the exclusive admiration felt by the Albanians, as by the modern British school-boy, for physical prowess, and remarks that in that country bodily strength and size were the principal requirements that made a man a suitable candidate for the purple and the diadem[981]. In the case, however, of that tall but inane guardsman, Prince William of Wied, gigantic size was not sufficient to ensure the loyalty of the Albanians. Anna Comnena is also the first writer who mentions the existence of the Wallachs[982] in Thessaly, soon to be called “Great Wallachia” by her successor Niketas, and “Wallachia” by Benjamin of Tudela, at a place called Ezeva near Mount Ossa. Notices of this kind are what make her history valuable to us rather than the classical reminiscences, which to her and her contemporaries were doubtless its chief merit. She complained of having to insert “barbarous names[983],” which “befouled” her historical style, in her polished narrative, just as some modern imitators of Cicero objected to employing words for recent inventions unknown to the Roman orator. She cited as an excuse the example of Homer, who disdained not to mention the Bœotians and certain barbarous islands for the sake of historical accuracy. Fortunately, the more plastic Greek language is usually quite equal to this difficulty, and even the uncouth names of French Crusaders and Serbian _jupani_ are admitted to the honours of the Greek declensions by this skilled writer, of whom a contemporary said that, if the ancients had known her, “they would have added a fourth Grace and a tenth Muse.”

The time has come when it is no longer the fashion to decry Byzantine history and to deny the name of literature to the writings of the mediæval Greeks. Finlay rehabilitated the Byzantine Empire from the contempt which Gibbon had thrown upon it; in Greece a succession of modern writers, beginning with Paparregopoulos, in his great _History of the Hellenic Nation_, have reminded his countrymen that Greek history is a whole, and that contemporary Hellas owes as much, or more, to the great figures of the Middle Ages as to the heroes of classical antiquity; in France MM. Schlumberger and Diehl have combined, in truly French fashion, great erudition with great literary skill in dealing with the “Byzantine epic” of the tenth and eleventh centuries, and with the female figures that in various ages filled the Court of Constantinople. Of these Anna Comnena is perhaps the most curious. We are too much accustomed to regard Byzantine personages as merely so many stained-glass portraits, all decorations and angles, instead of men and women of like passions with ourselves. Anna Comnena was, in her loves and her dislikes, her vanities and her ambitions, very much a woman. Beneath her Attic prose, acquired by study and polished by art, there transpire the feminine feelings, which lend a peculiar turn to her history. Among the sovereigns, lawyers, statesmen, soldiers, and ecclesiastics who form the _corpus_ of the Byzantine historians, she is the only woman.

AUTHORITIES

1. _Nicephori Bryennii Commentarii._ Bonn: Weber, 1836.

2. _Michaelis Attaliotæ Historia._ Bonn: Weber, 1853.

3. _Annæ Comnenæ Porphyrogenitæ Alexias._ Two vols. Leipzig: Teubner, 1884.

4. _Princesses Byzantines._ Par Paul Adam. Paris: Firmin-Didot, 1893.

5. _Figures Byzantines._ Par Charles Diehl. Deuxième Série. Paris: Armand Colin, 1908.

FOOTNOTES

[1] XL. 5.

[2] Plutarch, _Sulla_, 13.

[3] Two Athenian inscriptions (Böckh, C.I.G., I. 409) allude to this restoration.

[4] Plutarch, _Pompey_, 28.

[5] _Epist._ II. 2, 45.

[6] _Epistolæ ad Diversos_, IV. 5, 4.

[7] Paparregopoulos, Ἱστορία τοῦ Ἑλληνικοῦ Ἔθνους (ed. 4), II. 440, inclines however to the view that their enfranchisement was of earlier date.

[8] Juvenal, I. 73, X. 170. Tacitus, _Annales_, II. 53-55, 85; III. 38, 63, 69; IV. 13, 30, 43; V. 10.

[9] Mustoxidi, _Delle Cose Corciresi_, pp. 403, 404, xi.

[10] In 1888 an inscription, containing this proclamation, was found at the Bœotian Karditza. Karolides, note 31 to Paparregopoulos, _op. cit._ II. 448.

[11] Suetonius, _Nero_, 19, 22-24.

[12] Tacitus, _Historiæ_, II. 8, 9.

[13] Pausanias, X. 34.

[14] _Ibid._ VII. 20.

[15] Eusebius, _Hist. Eccl._ III. 4; IV. 23; _Liber Pontificalis_, I. 125, 131, 155.

[16] The passages of Zosimos (I. 29), who says Ἀθηναῖοι μὲν τοῦ τείχους ἐπεμελοῦντο μηδεμιᾶς, ἐξότε Σύλλας τοῦτο διέφθειρεν, ἀξιωθέντος φροντίδος, and of Zonaras (XII. 23) seem to support Finlay’s view that this was not a new wall. Paparregopoulos, _op. cit._, II. 490, agrees with it.

[17] Hertzberg: _Die Geschichte Griechenlands unter der Herrschaft der Römer_, III. 79.

[18] Ἄλλος μετά τινος σαφηνείας Θουκυδίδης, μάλιστά γε ἐν ταῖς Σκυθικαῖς ἱστορίαις.—Photios, Cod. 82.

[19] _Historici Græci Minores_, I. 186-89.

[20] Zonaras, XII. 26.

[21] Trebellius Pollio, _Gallien_, 13.

[22] _Historici Græci Minores_, I. 438-40.

[23] A Greek inscription alluding to Jovian may still be read over the west door, but Mustoxidi (_Delle Cose Corciresi_, pp. 406-7) differs from Spon and Montfaucon in thinking that some other Jovian is meant.

[24] _In Eutropium_, II. 212 _et seq._

[25] Procopios, _De bello Vand._, I. ch. 22.

[26] Hertzberg thinks it was the bronze statue of Athena Promachos which was carried off. But Gregorovius’ view (_Geschichte der Stadt Athen im Mittelalter_, I. 49), that given in the text, seems more probable.

[27] Agathias, II. chs. 30, 31.

[28] III. 217 (ed. Bonn).

[29] Menander in _Hist. Gr. Min._ II. 98.

[30] _Hist. Eccles._ VI. 10.

[31] Leunclavius, _Jus Græco-Romanum_, I. 278.

[32] The latest study of this Chronicle is by N. A. Bees in Βυζαντίς, I. 57-105.

[33] Kampouroglos, Ἱστορία τῶν Ἀθηναίων, I. 36-72; Μνημεῖα, I. 41-46.

[34] Schlumberger, _Sigillographie de l’Empire Byzantin_, 172.

[35] III. 53.

[36] Neroutsos, Χριστιανικαὶ Ἀθῆναι in Δελτίον τῆς Ἱστ. καὶ Ἐθν. Ἑταιρίας, III. 30.

[37] Constantine Porphyrogenitus, III. 217-20.

[38] _Ibid._ III. 220-24.

[39] Kedrenos (ed. Bonn), II. 170.

[40] Mustoxidi, _Delle Cose Corciresi_, 409.

[41] Constantine Porphyrogenitus, III. 243.

[42] The two large tombs in the crypt at Hosios Loukas are according to tradition those of Romanos II and Theophano who is known to English readers as the eponymous heroine of Mr Frederic Harrison’s novel. Leo Diakonos (p. 49) calls her “the Laconian”; some say she was of low origin, others of a noble family of Constantinople. I noticed a great number of Hebrew inscriptions at Mistra, near Sparta.

[43] Kedrenos, II. 475, 482, 516, 529; Zonaras (ed. Leipzig), IV. 123; _Early Travels in Palestine_, 32.

[44] An absolutely historical fact, because the Princes of Achaia claimed to be suzerains of the two Dukes of Athens and Naxos.

[45] G. de Vinsauf, _Itin. Ricc. I_, II. 24.

[46] _Athenische Mitteilungen_, XXXIV. 234-36.

[47] _Niketas Choniates_ (ed. Bonn), pp. 840-42.

[48] Geoffroy de Villehardouin, _La Conquête de Constantinople_ (ed. Bouchet), I. 226-32.

[49] Pitra, _Analecta sacra et classica_, VII. 90, 93.

[50] Marino Sanudo _apud_ Hopf, _Chroniques gréco-romanes_, p. 101.

[51] Μόνη ἔμβασις, Monemvasia.

[52] Marino Sanudo _apud_ Hopf, _Chroniques gréco-romanes_, p. 102.

[53] _The Chronicle of the Morea_, p. 296.

[54] Sanudo _apud_ Hopf, _Chroniques gréco-romanes_, p. 108.

[55] Βυζαντινὰ χρονικά, II. 427.

[56] Μοῦλος is still Moreote Greek for “a bastard”; in the first part of the word we perhaps have the French _gars_.

[57] _Cantacuzene_ (ed. Bonn), bk. IV. ch. 13.

[58] Mazaris _apud_ Boissonade, _Anecdota Græca_, III. 164-78.

[59] Finlay, IV. 267; Ersch und Gruber, LXXXVI. 131-33; Rev. F. Vyvyan Jago in the _Archæologia_, XVIII. 83 _sqq._ I am indebted to the courtesy of the Rev. S. Gregory, the present rector of Landulph, for the following copy of the brass plate there:

Here lyeth the body of Theodoro Paleologus of Pesaro in Italye, descended from ye Imperyall lyne of ye last Christian Emperors of Greece, being the Sonne of Camilio ye Sonne of Prosper the Sonne of Theodoro the Sonne of John ye Sonne of Thomas, second brother to Constantine Paleologus the 8th of that name, and last of yt lyne yt raygned in Constantinople until subdewed by the Turkes; who married with Mary ye daughter of William Balls of Hadlye in Souffolke gent, and had issue 5 children: Theodoro, John, Ferdinando, Maria, and Dorothy & departed this lyfe at Clyfton ye 21st January, 1636.

[60] _Geschichte Griechenlands vom Beginn des Mittelalters_, in Ersch und Gruber’s _Allgemeine Encyklopädie_, LXXXV. 212, 321, LXXXVI. 24.

[61] _Voyaige d’Oultremer_, p. 89.

[62] _Geschichte Griechenlands_, I. 138.

[63] Finlay, I. 338, note.

[64] Ἱστορία τοῦ Ἑλληνικοῦ Ἔθνους, V. 300 (4th ed.).

[65] Miklosich und Müller, _Acta et Diplomata Græca Medii Ævi_, V. 155-61.

[66] L. 8096.

[67] P. 275.

[68] L. 8469.

[69] P. 160.

[70] The form _Abarinos_ does not occur in the French, Italian, and Aragonese versions of the _Chronicle_, because the Franks always called the place _port de Junch_, or _Zonklon_, from the rushes which grew there—a name very frequent, in a more or less corrupt form, in the Venetian documents of the thirteenth century, _e.g._ in that locus classicus for Frankish names the list of depredations by pirates in Greece drawn up in 1278 (Tafel und Thomas, _Fontes Rerum Austriacarum_, Abth. II. B. XIV. 237).

[71] Pp. 61, 66, 68 (ed. Burckhardt).

[72] _Geogr._ III. 16.

[73] _Geschichte der Halbinsel Morea_, I. 188.

[74] Buchon, _Nouvelles Recherches_, II. i. 332.

[75] Ed. Predelli, II. 231, 248.

[76] Tafel und Thomas, _Fontes Rer. Austr._ pt. II. vol. XII. 464-88.

[77] Albericus Trium Fontium, _Chronicon_, II. 439.

[78] A. Dandolo, _Chronicon Venetum_, _apud_ Muratori, _Rerum Italicarum Scriptores_, XII. 335; L. de Monacis, _Chronicon_, p. 143; Magno, _apud_ Hopf, _Chroniques gréco-romanes_, p. 179.

[79] Miklosich und Müller, _Acta et Diplomata Græca Medii Ævi_, III. 61.

[80] _Innocentii III Epistolæ_, XI. 111-113, 238, 240, 252, 256.

[81] Henri de Valenciennes (ed. Paulin Paris), ch. 35.

[82] Sanudo, _apud_ Hopf, _Chroniques gréco-romanes_, p. 136.

[83] Τὸ Χρονικὸν τοῦ Μορέως, ll. 8071-8092.

[84] Schlumberger, _Numismatique de l’Orient latin_, p. 382.

[85] Sathas in _Annuaire des études grecques_, vol. XIII. 122-133.

[86] D’Arbois de Jubainville, _Voyage paléographique dans le département de l’Aube_, pp. 332-340.

[87] Muntaner, ch. 240; Thomas, _Diplomatarium_, I. 111; Predelli, _Commemoriali_, I. 198.

[88] _Hist. de’ suoi Tempi_, VIII. 50.

[89] Raynaldi, _Annales ecclesiastici_, V. 22, 23.

[90] Thomas, _Dipiomatarium_, I. 120-122.

[91] Çurita, _Anales de la Corona de Aragon_, bk. X. ch. 30.

[92] Τὸ Χρονικὸν τοῦ Μορέως, ll. 8086-8092; _Le Livre de la Conqueste_, pp. 1, 274.

[93] Rubió y Lluch, _Los Navarros en Grecia_, p. 309, _n._ 2; a much more probable explanation, derived from the word _bort_ (“bastard”), than that of Ducange (note to Cinnamus, p. 392), who says that he was so called because our Black Prince had conferred on him the freedom of Bordeaux.

[94] Rubió in _Anuari de l’Institut_ (1907), 253.

[95] _La Grèce continentale_, 217; _Recherches historiques_, I. 409.

[96] _Ibid._, I. 409-10.

[97] St Genois, _Droits primitifs ... de Haynaut_, I. 337.

[98] _Ibid._, I. 215.

[99] _Mélanges historiques: choix de Documents_, III. 240

[100] _Lettere di Collegio_ (ed. Giomo), p. 66.

[101] Hopf, _Chroniques gréco-romanes_, 178.

[102] _Idem, apud_ Ersch und Gruber, _Allgemeine Encyklopädie_, LXXXV. 321, 360. Cf. _J. H. S._ XXVIII. 238.

[103] Miklosich und Müller, _Acta et Diplomata Græca Medii Ævi_, II. 166.

[104] Lampros, Ἔγγραφα (_Documents_), pp. 305, 324-27.

[105] Lampros, Ὁ τελευταῖος κόμης τῶν Σαλώνων (_The Last Count of Salona_).

[106] Gregorovius, _Briefe_, pp. 309, 310.

[107] “Nicolai de Marthono Liber,” in _Revue de l’Orient Latin_, III. 657.

[108] The earlier fourteenth-century traveller, Ludolf von Suchem, who mentions Athens, did not actually visit it.

[109] Δελτίον τῆς Ἱστορικῆς καὶ Ἐθνολογικῆς Ἑταιρίας (_Report of the Historical and Ethnological Society_), v. 827.

[110] Predelli, _Commemoriali_, III. 309.

[111] Cornelio Magni, _Relazione_, pp. 14, 49.

[112] Buchon, _Nouvelles Recherches_, II. i. 276.

[113] Michael Laskaris, the Athenian patriot of the fourteenth century, in K. Rhanghaves’ play, _The Duchess of Athens_, is unhappily a poetic anachronism.

[114] Sathas, Μνημεῖα Ἑλληνικῆς Ἱστορίας (_Memorials of Greek History_), III. 427.

[115] Νέος Ἑλληνομνήμων (_Greek Remembrancer_), new series, I. 55.

[116] The anonymous traveller (?Domenico of Brescia) who describes Athens about 1466 speaks of the city as “ultimamente murata.” (_Mitteilungen des K. deutschen Arch. Instituts_, XXIV. 74.)

[117] Tozzetti, _Relazione di alcuni viaggi fatti in ... Toscana_, V. 439, 440. This letter, dated “Kyriaceo die, iv Kal. Ap.,” fixes the year of the second visit, because March 29 fell on a Sunday in 1444, and we know from another letter, written before June 1444, that Cyriacus left Chalkis for Chios, where the letter about Athens was written, on “v Kal. Mart.” of that year.

[118] _Jahrbuch der K. preussischen Kunstsammlungen_, IV. 81.

[119] _Studi e documenti di Storia e di Diritto_, XV. 337.

[120] Jorga in _Revue de l’Orient Latin_, VIII. 78.

[121] Kampouroglos, Μνημεῖα (_Memorials_), III. 141. The legend places the scene in a still more romantic spot than Megara—the monastery of Daphni, the mausoleum of the French dukes.

[122] A contemporary note in MS., No. 103 of the Liturgical section of the National Library at Athens, fixes the date as “May 4, 1456, Friday”; but in that year June 4, not May 4, was on a Friday, which agrees with the date of June 1456 given by Phrantzes, the _Chronicon breve_, the _Historia Patriarchica_, and Gaddi.

[123] _Archivio Storico per le province Napoletane_, XXVIII. 203.

[124] De Rossi, _Inscriptiones Christianæ Urbis Romæ_, II. i. 374.

[125] Spon, _Voyage_, II. 155, 172.

[126] Νέος Ἑλληνομνήμων (_Greek Remembrancer_), new series, I. 216-18.

[127] The portraits of the six Florentine Dukes of Athens in Fanelli’s _Atene Attica_ are unfortunately imaginary. On the other hand, the figure of Joshua in one of the frescoes at Geraki in Lakonia seems to be intended to portray one of the Frankish barons of that Castle.

[128] Ἱστορία τῆς Πόλεως Ἀθηνῶν κατὰ τοὺς μέσους αἰῶνας (Ἐν Ἀθήναις, Κ. Μπὲκ’ 1904-6.)

[129] Barcelona, _L’Avenç_, 1906. Cf. _Anuari de l’Institut d’Estudis Catalans_ (1907-8, 1911, 1913-14). _Estudis Universitaris Catalans_, VIII. (1915).

[130] Vols. XXVII. 3-93, 380-456, 555-634, 771-852; XXVIII. 154-212.

[131] Lampros, _op. cit._, II. 729; Παρνασσός, VII. 23.

[132] Cod. Palat. 226, f. 122; Lampros, _op. cit._, I. 421, note.

[133] Pressutti, _Regesta Honorii III_, II. 304; _Les Registres d’Urbain IV_, III. 426; Δελτίον τῆς Ἱστορικῆς καὶ Ἐθνολογικῆς Ἑταιρίας, II. 28; _Les Registres de Clément IV_, I. 214, 245.

[134] Lampros, _op. cit._, III. 119.

[135] _Catalunya a Grecia_, pp. 42, 53.

[136] _Catalunya a Grecia_, pp. 50, 91.

[137] “Geschichte Griechenlands,” in Ersch und Gruber’s _Allgemeine Encyklopädie_, LXXXVI. 18, 19; _Chroniques gréco-romanes_, p. 475; _Anuari_ (1911).

[138] Lampros, _op. cit._, p. 344.

[139] _Ibid._, pp. 234-6, 238.

[140] _Ibid._, p. 344.

[141] _Ibid._, pp. 279, 350.

[142] _Ibid._, p. 335.

[143] _Ibid._, p. 283.

[144] _Ibid._, p. 315.

[145] _Ibid._, pp. 240, 282, 330.

[146] _Geschichte der Stadt Athen im Mittelalter_, II. 156, note 1.

[147] Rubió y Lluch, _Los Navarros en Grecia_, p. 476.

[148] _Op. cit._, pp. 82-8.

[149] Δελτίον τῆς Ἱστορικῆς καὶ Ἐθνολογικῆς Ἑταιρίας, V. 824-7.

[150] _Revue de l’Orient Latin_, III. 647-53, 656.

[151] _Catalunya a Grecia_, pp. 57, 63.

[152] Predelli, _Commemoriali_, III. 206, 208; Hopf, _Chroniques_, p. 229; Buchon, _Nouvelles Recherches_, II. i. 257; Gregorovius, _Briefe aus der “Corrispondenza Acciajoli,”_ p. 308; Chalkokondyles, pp. 145, 213.

[153] _Archivio Storico per le province Napoletane_, XXVII. 430-1.

[154] _Op. cit._, II. 747-52; Νέος Ἑλληνομνήμων, I. 43-56.

[155] _Op. cit._, III. 407-9; Νέος Ἑλληνομνήμων, I. 216-24.

[156] _Archivio Storico per le province Napoletane_, XXVIII. 203.

[157] Μνημεῖα τῆς Ἱστορίας τῶν Ἀθηναίων, II. 153.

[158] p. 385.

[159] p. 520.

[160] p. 124.

[161] _Elogiographus_, 300-1.

[162] Loysii Neroczi de Pictis nomine Neroczi eius patris pro venditione cuiusdam domus.

[163] R. Archivio di Stato di Firenze, Aul. della Repubblica, Balie, no. 29 c. 67.

[164] Buchon, _Nouvelles Recherches_, II. i. 292.

[165] p. 38.

[166] _Apud_ Pagnini, _Della Decima_, II. 251.

[167] V. 28.

[168] Sauger, _Histoire nouvelle des anciens Ducs_, p. 65.

[169] See _The Mad Duke of Naxos_.

[170] See _The Last Venetian Islands in the Ægean_.

[171] _Geschichte Griechenlands_, _apud_ Ersch und Gruber, _Allgemeine Encyklopädie_, LXXXVI. 166; _Chroniques gréco-romanes_, p. 482; _Veneto-Byzantinische Analekten_, p. 414.

[172] _Les Ducs de l’Archipel_, p. 13, in the Venetian _Miscellanea_, vol. IV.

[173] Sanuto, _Diarii_, VIII. 328, 337, 355, 366.

[174] _Ibid._, XI. 393, 394, 705.

[175] _Ibid._, II. 701.

[176] _Ibid._

[177] Hopf, _Gozzadini_, _apud_ Ersch und Gruber, _op. cit._, LXXVI. 425; LXXXVI. 166.

[178] Sanuto, _Diarii_, XII. 22, 175, 503.

[179] Sanuto, _Diarii_, XI. 450, 525, 748; XII. 175; XX. 354, 356, 376.

[180] _Ibid._, XVII. 35.

[181] _Ibid._, XXIV. 380, 384, 387-8.

[182] _Ibid._, XXIV. 467, 596, 645; XXV. 158, 185.

[183] Stavrakes, Στατιστικὴ τοῦ πληθυσμοῦ τῆς Κρήτης, 183 _sqq._; Pashley, _Travels in Crete_, II. 326.

[184] Paparregopoulos, Ἱστορία τοῦ Ἑλληνικοῦ Ἔθνους, V. 3. Cf. Gerland, _Histoire de la Noblesse crétoise au Moyen Age_.

[185] Cf. Gerola, _La dominazione genovese in Creta_.

[186] Hopf, in Ersch und Gruber’s _Allgemeine Encyklopädie_, vol. 85, pp. 221-2, 241-3, 312-4; Paparregopoulos, V. 52.

[187] Cf. Gerola, _Per la Cronotassi dei vescovi cretesi all’ epoca veneta; Monumenti veneti nell’ isola di Creta_, II. 64, 67.

[188] See Pashley, I. 11-17, on this point. He identifies the two places, like Gerola (_Mon. ven._ I. 17), who derives the name of Canea from λαχανιά (“vegetable garden”), the first syllable being mistaken for the feminine of the article.

[189] Zinkeisen, _Geschichte des osmanischen Reiches in Europa_, IV. 611 _et sqq._

[190] Cornelius, _Creta Sacra_, II. 355.

[191] Pashley, II. 150-156.

[192] Zinkeisen, IV. 629-723.

[193] Pashley, II. 285.

[194] _The totall discourse_ (ed. 1906), pp. 70-83.

[195] Zinkeisen, IV. 789, 808. Like the British Government in 1819, the Turks did not know what Parga was.

[196] To this period belongs the fountain at Candia, described by Pashley (I. 203), and still standing. An inscription on it states that it was erected by Antonio Priuli in 1666, “when the war had been raging for four lustres.”

[197] Zinkeisen, IV. 992.

[198] Paparregopoulos, V. 552.

[199] _Childe Harold_, IV. 14.

[200] Von Hammer, _Geschichte des osmanischen Reiches_, VI. 573, VII. 182; Tournefort, _Voyage du Levant_, I. 62.

[201] Stavrakes, 138 _sqq._

[202] Pashley, II. 150-156.

[203] _Ibid._ I. 54.

[204] Sathas, Ἑλληνικὰ Ἀνέκδοτα, II., Τουρκοκρατουμένη Ἑλλάς, 222-300; Κρητικὸν Θέατρον, which includes a comedy, a pastoral tragi-comedy, a tragedy and an imitation of Simeon’s _Zeno_.

[205] Paparregopoulos, V. 636-38.

[206] Stavrakes, 139-41.

[207] Mustoxidi, _Delle Cose Corciresi_, pp. 399 and vi.

[208] _Ibid._ p. 401.

[209] Mustoxidi, p. 441. Aleman belonged to a family from Languedoc, which received the barony of Patras after the Frank conquest of the Morea, and whose name is still borne by the bridge near Thermopylæ, the scene of the heroic fight of 1821.

[210] Idromenos, Συνοπτικὴ Ἱστορία τῆς Κερκύρας, p. 68. There is, however, a document of Philip II of Taranto in favour of the Greek clergy: Marmora, _Della Historia di Corfù_, p. 223.

[211] Romanos, Ἡ Ἑβραϊκὴ κοινότης τῆς Κερκύρας, Mustoxidi, pp. 443-50.

[212] Mustoxidi, p. 452.

[213] Mustoxidi, pp. 456-64, lx-lxxii.

[214] Finlay, V. 62; Sathas, Μνημεῖα Ἑλληνικῆς Ἱστορίας, I. 315.

[215] This mediæval name, “the black saint,” applied first to a fortress, then to a chapel on the site of the fortress, then (like Negroponte) to the whole island, is said by Saint-Sauveur (_Voyage Historique, Littéraire et Pittoresque_, II. 339) to have come in with the Tocchi, and to be derived from the black image of the Virgin in the cathedral at Toledo. It occurs, however, in a Neapolitan document of 1343, a Venetian document of 1355, and a Serbian golden bull of 1361 and is mentioned in the French version of the _Chronicle of the Morea_, probably written between 1333 and 1341. It has now been officially superseded by the classic Levkas.

[216] Hopf, in Ersch und Gruber’s _Allgemeine Encyklopädie_, LXXXVI. 168.

[217] Marmora, _Della Historia di Corfù_, p. 253.

[218] “Celsam Buthroti accedimus urbem,” III. 293.

[219] Cicero _ad Atticum_, IV. 8 _a_; Marmora, p. 431.

[220] Marmora, p. 387.

[221] _Ibid._ p. 396; Saint-Sauveur, I. 345.

[222] Marmora, p. 420.

[223] Viscount Kirkwall, _Four Years in the Ionian Islands_, I. 28.

[224] Marmora, p. 312.

[225] Lounzes, Περὶ τῆς πολιτικῆς καταστάσεως τῆς Ἑπτανήσου ἐπὶ Ἑνετῶν, pp. 188-90; Hopf, _ubi supra_, LXXXVI. 186.

[226] The words are quoted in the Ὁδηγὸς τῆς νήσου Κερκύρας (1902).

[227] Mustoxidi, p. lxvi.

[228] Marmora, pp. 394, 419, 445.

[229] Lounzes, p. 101.

[230] Saint-Sauveur, II. 15-21.

[231] Marmora, p. 369.

[232] Idromenos, p. 87.

[233] Saint-Sauveur, II. 22-31.

[234] Marmora, p. 430.

[235] Lounzes, pp. 178-82; Romanos, Ἡ Ἑβραϊκὴ κοινότης τῆς Κερκύρας; Pinkerton’s _Collection of Travels_, IX. 4; Marmora, pp. 255, 286, 370, 430, 437. The last writer approvingly says about the Jews, _loro non conviene di stabile, che il sepolcro_.

[236] Viaro Capodistria, _Remarks respectfully submitted to the Consideration of the British Parliament_, p. 64.

[237] Marmora, p. 433; Paparregopoulos, Ἱστορία τοῦ Ἑλληνικοῦ Ἔθνους (4th ed.), V. 644.

[238] _Ibid._ V. 530.

[239] Idromenos, Συνοπτικὴ Ἱστορία τῆς Κερκύρας, p. 90, and the same author’s essay Περὶ τῆς ἐν ταῖς Ἰονίοις νήσοις ἐκπαιδεύσεως.

[240] Paparregopoulos, V. 635; Sathas, Τουρκοκρατουμένη Ἑλλάς, p. 127; Νεοελληνικὴ Φιλολογία, pp. 138, 165.