Volume 599 relates to civil affairs in the same district.

[1368] _N. Y. Herald_, June 27, 1867.

[1369] Washington (in "The Future of the American Negro," pp. 11, 112, 136) thinks it unfortunate that the native whites did not make stronger efforts to control the politics of the negro, and prevent him from falling under the control of unscrupulous aliens. But any attempt to influence the negro voters was looked upon as "obstructing reconstruction," and, in fact, was contrary to the spirit of the reconstruction laws and rendered a person liable to arrest. This was recognized by Patton and others, who, however, never dreamed that the negroes would be so successfully exploited by political adventurers, or perhaps they would have pursued a different policy. General Clanton, the leader of the Conservatives, said that early in 1867 the whites had endeavored to keep the blacks away from Radical leaders by giving them barbecues, etc. On one occasion a Radical, who had once been kept from mistreating negroes by the military authorities at Clanton's request, told the negroes that the whites intended to poison them at the barbecue. Two long tables had been set, one for each race, and the preachers, speakers, and the whites were present, but the blacks did not come. Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., pp. 237, 246.

[1370] _N. Y. Herald_, March 26, 1867.

[1371] Herbert, "Solid South," p. 39; Herbert, "Political History" in "Memorial Record of Alabama," Vol. I, p. 88; Annual Cyclopædia (1867), p. 16.

[1372] Northern observers who were friendly to the South saw the danger much more clearly than the southerners themselves, who seemed unable to take negro suffrage seriously or to consider it as great a danger as it is generally believed they did. Two years of the Freedmen's Bureau had not wholly succeeded in alienating the best of the whites and the negroes. The whites thought that the removal of outside interference would quiet the blacks. To give the negro the ballot was absurd, they thought, but they did not consider it necessarily as dangerous as it turned out to be. A remarkable prophecy of Reconstruction is found in Calhoun's Works, Vol. VI, pp. 309-310. The behavior of the negro during and after the war, in spite of malign influences, had been such as to reassure many whites, who began to believe that to accept negro suffrage and get rid of the Freedmen's Bureau and the army would be a good exchange. The northern friendly observers saw more clearly because, perhaps, they better understood the motives of the Radicals. The _N. Y. Herald_ said: "Briefly, we may regard the entire ten unreconstructed southern states, with possibly one or two exceptions, as forced by a secret and overwhelming revolutionary influence to a common and inevitable fate. They are all bound to be governed by blacks, spurred on by worse than blacks--white wretches who dare not show their faces in respectable society anywhere. This is the most abominable phase barbarism has assumed since the dawn of civilization. It was all right and proper to put down the rebellion. It was all right, perhaps, to emancipate the slaves, although the right to hold them had been acknowledged before. But it is not right to make slaves of white men, even though they may have been former masters of blacks. This is but a change in a system of bondage that is rendered the more odious and intolerable because it has been inaugurated in an enlightened instead of a dark and uncivilized age." See Annual Register, 1867.

[1373] See McPherson's scrapbook, "The Campaign of 1876," Vol. I, p. 105, for an account of a typical meeting.

[1374] _Selma Times_, March 19, 1867.

[1375] _N. Y. Herald_, March 27, 1869.

[1376] _N. Y. Herald_, April 25, 1869; Annual Cyclopædia (1869), p. 19.

[1377] Annual Cyclopædia (1869), p. 19; _N. Y. Herald_, April 25, 1869.

[1378] _N. Y. Herald_, May 17, 1869; Annual Cyclopædia (1867), pp. 18, 21. It is noticeable all through Reconstruction that most of the demands for social rights or privileges came from Mobile mulattoes.

[1379] For an estimate of the importance of the Union League, see Ch. XVI.

[1380] McPherson, "Reconstruction," pp. 249, 250. The last assertion refers to such statements as those of Secretary McCulloch and the Postmaster-General in regard to the character of the "loyalists." See McCulloch, "Men and Measures," p. 228.

[1381] See Herbert, "Solid South," p. 41.

[1382] On March 15, 1867, Senator Wilson, in a speech in favor of negro suffrage, said that when the purpose of the act of March 2 was carried out, the "majority of these states will, within a twelvemonth, send here senators and representatives that think as we think, and speak as we speak, and vote as we vote, and will give their electoral vote for whoever we nominate as candidate for President in 1868. The power is all in our hands." _Cong. Globe_, March 15, 1867.

[1383] Clanton had been a Whig, had opposed secession, made a brilliant war record, became the leader of the Democratic and Conservative party in 1866, and led the fight against the carpet-bag government until his death in 1871. He was killed in Knoxville by a hireling of one of the railroad companies which had looted the state treasury and against which he was fighting. Brewer, p. 466; Garrett, pp. 632-645.

[1384] See Herbert, "Solid South," p. 40; Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., p. 249.

[1385] _N. Y. Tribune_, May 16, 1867, editorial. When the shots were fired Kelly showed the white feather, and reclined upon the platform behind and under the speaker's chair; afterwards he ran hatless to the hotel, and told the clerk to "swear he was out." A special boat at once took him from the city to Montgomery.

[1386] _N. Y. Tribune_, May 16, 1767; _N. Y. Times_, May 21, 1867; _N. Y. World_, May 28, 1867; _Mobile Times_, ----, 1867; _Mobile Register_, ----, 1867; _Evening Post_, ----, 1867; Annual Cyclopædia (1867), pp. 22, 23.

[1387] _N. Y. Herald_, May 26, 1867.

[1388] See Herbert, "Solid South," p. 43; oral accounts, etc.

[1389] Sykes soon deserted the Radicals, and was a Seymour elector the next year. Later he was a candidate for the U. S. Senate against Spencer. Brewer, p. 309.

[1390] He was the north Alabama candidate for appointment as provisional governor in 1865, but was defeated by Parsons, the middle Alabama candidate. Parsons made him a judge, but he resigned because the lawyers who argued before him spoke in insulting phrases concerning his war record. In 1867 Pope appointed him superintendent of registration for the state. He was a prominent member of the Union League. Brewer, p. 508; _N. Y. Herald_, June 20, 1867; Report of Joint Committee on Reconstruction, Pt. III.

[1391] _N. Y. Herald_, June 20, 1867, a northern Republican account.

[1392] Nicholas Davis of Madison County and Judge Busteed were both candidates for the chairmanship. But the negroes and Union Leaguers were hostile to Davis, because he did not like negro politicians and carpet-baggers and was opposed to the Union League. Busteed was not a favorite for practically the same reasons, and because the negroes thought he was trying to "ride two horses at once." He had spoken at a meeting of moderate reconstructionists in Mobile, had presided over the Kelly meeting where the riot occurred, and was believed to be in favor of moderate measures. He wrote a letter to the president of the convention, advising moderation and criticising certain methods of the Radicals. This letter was styled the "God save the Republic" letter, and was characterized, his enemies said, by its bad taste and malignant spirit, and was a stab at his best friends. He was chosen a member of the Lowndes County delegation, but his name was erased from the list of delegates. He then asked to have the privileges of the floor as a courtesy, but his request was denied. One cause of dislike of him was that he was believed to have senatorial aspirations, and expected the support of the moderates, or "rebel" reconstructionists. But he was very unfortunate, for the "rebels" also thought he was trying to play a double game and were dropping him. Suits were pending against him charging him with malfeasance in office, fraudulent conversion of money, and corrupt abuse of the judicial office. Ex-Governor Watts, Judges S. F. Rice and Wade Keys, John A. Elmore, H. C. Semple, D. S. Troy, and R. H. Goldthwaite were the parties prosecuting him. _N. Y. Herald_, June 20, 1867; Brewer, p. 365; _Montgomery Mail_, June 5, 1867.

[1393] Swayne, as well as Busteed, was an aspirant for senatorial honors. Busteed had succeeded in causing the rejection of Albert Griffin, the editor of the _Mobile Nationalist_, as register in chancery. Griffin was Swayne's friend, and now each gave the other the benefit of his influence. _N. Y. Herald_, June 20, 1867; _Montgomery Mail_, June 5, 1867.

[1394] _N. Y. Herald_, June 17, 1867.

[1395] The only taxes that affected these people.

[1396] Annual Cyclopædia (1869), pp. 25, 26; _Montgomery Mail_, June 5, 1867; _N. Y. Herald_, June 19, 20, 1867.

[1397] _Montgomery Advertiser_, July 19, 1867.

[1398] Herbert, pp. 43, 44; _N. Y. Herald_, June 20 and 27, 1867. Most of the violent and radical schemes originated and were advocated by the white Radical leaders. Generally the negro leaders made moderate demands. Holland Thompson, a negro leader, in a speech at Tuskegee, advised his race not to organize a negro military company, as it would be sure to cause trouble. He said that the negro did not ask for social equality. He told the negroes to stop buying guns and whiskey and go to work. McPherson's scrapbook, "The Campaign of 1867," Vol. I, p. 107. In striking contrast were the speeches of such white men as B. W. Norris and A. C. Felder, who undertook to persuade the negroes that Reconstruction was the remedy for all the ills that affected humanity. McPherson's scrapbook, "The Fourth of July" (1867), pp. 124, 125.

[1399] Herbert, p. 44.

[1400] Lawyer, colonel of 7th Alabama Cavalry, superintendent of education, 1870-1872, author of "The Cradle of the Confederacy," "Alabama Manual and Statistical Register," editor _Montgomery Mail_, _Mobile Register_, etc.

[1401] A reign of terror had followed the reconstruction of Tennessee under "Parson" Brownlow.

[1402] _N. Y. Times_, Aug. 19, 1867.

[1403] _N. Y. Herald_, Sept. 6, 1867; Annual Cyclopædia (1867), p. 28; Herbert, p. 44.

[1404] Herbert, pp. 44, 45; _N. Y. Herald_, Sept. 6, 1867.

[1405] _Montgomery Sentinel_, July 3, 1867; _N. Y. Herald_, Aug. 5, 1867.

[1406] Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., p. 357. A frequent threat.

[1407] _N. Y. World_, Nov. 11, 1867; Harris, "Political Conflict in America," p. 479.

[1408] _N. Y. Herald_, Oct. 13, 1867.

[1409] Accounts of negroes and whites who were at the polls.

[1410] _Selma Messenger_, Oct. 10 and 12, Dec. 20 and 22, 1867, and Jan. 2, 1868; _Montgomery Mail_, Jan. 30, 1868; Ball, "Clarke County"; oral accounts.

[1411] Freedmen's Bureau Report, Nov. 1, 1867.

[1412] Sen. Ex. Doc., No. 53, 40th Cong., 2d Sess.; Ho. Ex. Doc., No. 238, 40th Cong., 2d Sess. The _N. Y. Tribune_, Oct. 21, 1867, gives slightly different figures. Statements of the vote do not agree. There was much confusion in the records. For statistics, see above, pp. 491, 494.

[1413] Samuel A. Hale, a dissatisfied Radical from New Hampshire, a brother of John P. Hale, wrote to Senator Henry Wilson, on Jan. 1, 1868, concerning the character of the members of the convention. He said that many were negroes, grossly ignorant; a large proportion were northern adventurers who had manipulated the negro vote; and all were "worthless vagabonds, homeless, houseless, drunken knaves." Hale had lived for several years in Alabama. Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., pp. 1815-1830.

[1414] There is doubt about four or five men, whether they were black or white. The lists made at the time do not agree.

[1415] _N. Y. World_, Nov. 11, 1867, and Feb. 22, 1868; _Selma Messenger_, Dec. 20 and 22, 1867; Annual Cyclopædia (1867), p. 30; Herbert, "Solid South," p. 45. A partial list of aliens as described by a northern correspondent: A. J. Applegate of Wisconsin; Arthur Bingham of Ohio and New York; D. H. Bingham of New York, who had lived in the state before the war, an old man, and intensely bitter in his hatred of southerners; W. H. Block of Ohio; W. T. Blackford of New York, a Bureau official, "the wearer of one of the two clean shirts visible in the whole convention"; M. D. Brainard of New York, a Bureau clerk who did not know, when elected to represent Monroe, where his county was located; Alfred E. Buck of Maine, a court clerk of Mobile appointed by Pope; Charles W. Buckley of Massachusetts, New York, and Illinois, chaplain of a negro regiment, later a Bureau official; William M. Buckley of New York, his brother; J. H. Burdick of Iowa, extremely radical; Pierce Burton of Massachusetts, who had been removed from the Bureau for writing letters to northern papers, advocating the repeal of the cotton tax, but now that the negroes desired the repeal of the tax, the breach was healed; C. M. Cabot of (unknown), member of Convention of 1865; Datus E. Coon of Iowa; Joseph H. Davis of (unknown), surgeon U.S.A., member of convention of 1865; Charles H. Dustan of Illinois; George Ely of Massachusetts and New York; S. S. Gardner of Massachusetts, of the Freedmen's Bureau; Albert Griffin of Ohio and Illinois, Radical editor; Thomas Haughey of Scotland, surgeon U.S.A.; R. M. Johnson of Illinois, lived in Montgomery and represented Henry County; John C. Keffer of Pennsylvania, chairman of Radical Executive Committee, "known to malignants as the 'head devil' of the Loyal League"; David Lore of (unknown); Charles A. Miller of Maine, Bureau official, "wore the second clean shirt in the convention"; A. C. Morgan of (unknown); B. W. Norris of Maine, Commissioner of National Cemetery, 1863-1865, Commissary and Paymaster, 1864-1866, Bureau official; E. Woolsey Peck of New York; R. M. Reynolds of Iowa, six months in Alabama and "knew all about it"; J. Silsby of Massachusetts, another Bureau reverend; N. D. Stanwood of Massachusetts, a Bureau official who had caused several serious negro disturbances in Lowndes County; J. P. Stow of (unknown); Whelan of Ireland; J. W. Wilhite of (unknown), U.S. sutler; Benjamin Yordy of (unknown), a Bureau official and revenue official who never saw the county he represented; Benjamin Rolfe, a carriage painter from New York, was too drunk to sign the constitution, and was known as "the hero of two shirts," because when he failed to pay a hotel bill in Selma his carpet-bag was seized, and was found to contain nothing but two of those useful garments. Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., _passim_; _N. Y. World_, Nov. 11, 1867; Herbert, p. 45.

[1416] Some of the better known were: R. Deal of Dale County, a Baptist preacher, one of those who, in 1865, negligently reconstructed the state, and the hope was now expressed that "he has better success in reconstructing souls than sovereignties"; W. C. Ewing of Baine County, "one of the original Moulton Leaguers who, in 1865, first organized the Radical party in Alabama," a bitter Radical; W. R. Jones of Covington, had been barbarously murdered in "a rebel outrage," but came to the convention notwithstanding; B. F. Saffold, an officer of the Confederate army and military mayor of Selma; Henry C. Semple, ex-Confederate, nephew of President Tyler; Joseph H. Speed, cousin of Attorney-General Speed.

[1417] The negro members were: Ben Alexander of Greene, field hand; John Caraway of Mobile, assistant editor of the _Mobile Nationalist_; Thomas Diggs of Barbour, field hand; Peyton Finley, formerly doorkeeper of the House; James K. Green of Hale, a carriage driver; Ovid Gregory of Mobile, a barber; Jordan Hatcher of Dallas and Washington Johnson of Russell, field hands, were the blackest negroes in the convention; L. S. Latham of Bullock; Tom Lee of Perry, field hand, who had a reputation for moderation; Alfred Strother of Dallas; J. T. Rapier of Lauderdale, educated in Canada; J. W. McLeod of Marengo; B. F. Royal of Bullock; J. H. Burdick of Wilcox; H. Stokes and Jack Hatcher of Dallas; Simon Brunson and Benjamin Inge of Sumter; Samuel Blandon of Lee; Lafeyette Robinson and Columbus Jones of Madison. Beverly, "History of Alabama," p. 203; _N. Y. World_, Nov. 11, 1867; Owen, "Official and Statistical Register," p. 125.

[1418] Journal Convention of 1867, pp. 3-5.

[1419] Journal Convention of 1867, p. 5; _N. Y. Herald_, Nov. 13, 1867; Annual Cyclopædia (1867), p. 30.

[1420] _Selma Messenger_, Dec. 22, 1867; Journal Convention of 1867, p. 6; _N. Y. World_, Nov. 11, 1867.

[1421] Journal, pp. 69-71, 249, 251, 264; Annual Cyclopædia (1867), p. 32; _N. Y. Herald_, March 16, 1867.

[1422] Journal, pp. 10, 12, 13; _N. Y. World_, Nov. 20, 1869; Annual Cyclopædia (1867), p. 30.

[1423] Journal, pp. 13, 110, 111, 276; _N. Y. Herald_, Nov. 13, 1867.

[1424] Twice the pay in the convention of 1865.

[1425] Journal, pp. 79, 178, 249-251; Pope to Swayne, Nov. 20, 1867; _N. Y. World_, Dec. 14, 1867; G. O. No. 254, 3d M. D., Nov. 26, 1867.

[1426] Journal, p. 57.

[1427] Journal, p. 61; _N. Y. Herald_, Nov. 15, 1867.

[1428] Journal, p. 189; Herbert, "Solid South," p. 46; _N. Y. Herald_, Nov. 13, 1867; Annual Cyclopædia (1867), p. 33.

[1429] Journal, pp. 262, 263.

[1430] Journal, pp. 15, 212, 263; _N. Y. Herald_, Nov. 13, 1867.

[1431] Annual Cyclopædia (1867), p. 33; _Selma Messenger_, Dec. 22, 1867.

[1432] Journal, p. 149; _N. Y. World_, Dec. 14, 1867.

[1433] Dubbed "the incarnate fiend" by the whites because of his violent prejudice.

[1434] _N. Y. World_, Dec. 14, 1867; _Montgomery Mail_, Nov., 1867; _N. Y. Herald_, Nov. 13 and 23 and Dec. 8, 1867.

[1435] Journal, pp. 8, 12, 17; _N. Y. Herald_, Nov. 13, 1867.

[1436] By Griffin of Ohio, Keffer of Pennsylvania, Norris of Maine, and Davis of (?). It was said that Norris and Davis had to be influenced by Swayne to sign the majority report. _N. Y. World_, Nov. 20, 1867.

[1437] Journal, pp. 30-34; _N. Y. World_, Nov. 20, 1867.

[1438] By Speed of Virginia, Whelan of Ireland, and Lee (negro).

[1439] Journal, pp. 36, 37; Annual Cyclopædia (1867), p. 31.

[1440] Annual Cyclopædia (1867), p. 32; _N. Y. World_, Nov. 20, 1867.

[1441] _N. Y. Herald_, Nov. 13, 1867; Annual Cyclopædia (1867), p. 31.

[1442] Journal, pp. 42, 55, 82, 100.

[1443] Journal, pp. 47, 48, 54, 83.

[1444] Journal, p. 47.

[1445] Journal, p. 47.

[1446] Journal, p. 45.

[1447] Journal, p. 53.

[1448] _Selma Messenger_, Dec. 22, 1867.

[1449] Journal, pp. 84, 85.

[1450] _N. Y. World_, Nov. 20 and Dec. 6 and 14, 1867.

[1451] Annual Cyclopædia (1867), p. 33.

[1452] Code of Alabama, 1876, p. 113. Griffin said that the oath required the voter never to favor a change in the new constitution so far as the suffrage was concerned; that "it was the determination of the committee to forever fasten this constitution on the people of Alabama. He wanted to tie the hands of rebels, so that complete political equality should be secured to the negro." Annual Cyclopædia (1867), p. 32.

[1453] This was aimed at the Confederate soldiers of north Alabama, who had imprisoned and in some cases hanged the tories and outlaws of that section.

[1454] Code of Alabama, 1876; Constitution of 1868, Article VII.

[1455] Annual Cyclopædia (1867), pp. 34, 35; Journal, pp. 186, 187.

[1456] Journal, pp. 257-262; _N. Y. World_, Nov. 20, 1867.

[1457] Journal, pp. 265-269.

[1458] Journal, pp. 255, 571.

[1459] Journal, pp. 271, 272, 273; _N. Y. World_, Nov. 11, 1867.

[1460] Journal, pp. 272, 273.

[1461] Journal, p. 63. The whites had for more than two years been asking for the repeal of this unjust tax, but they were not heeded. As soon as the negroes demanded its repeal, it was repealed. That was certainly one advantage they received from the possession of political rights. One petition from the negroes asked that the tax be repealed because, in many instances, it was greater than the value of the land. If this was not done, they wanted the land taken from the owners and worked in common. _N. Y. Herald_, Nov. 13, 1867.

[1462] Journal, p. 244.

[1463] Journal, pp. 266, 267.

[1464] Journal, p. 240; Meade, Speed, Semple, Cabot, Graves, J. L. Alexander, Ewing, Latham, and Hurst.

[1465] Journal, p. 242; J. P. Stow of (?).

[1466] Address of Protesting Delegates to the People of Alabama, Dec. 10, 1867.

[1467] Journal, p. 243.

[1468] The Codes of Alabama for 1876 and 1896 do not recognize the validity of the constitution of 1868. It is listed as the "Constitution (so-called) of the State of Alabama, 1868." The president of the convention of 1875 said, "What is called the present constitution of the state of Alabama is a piece of unseemly mosaic, composed of shreds and patches gathered here and there, incongruous in design, inharmonious in action, discriminating and oppressive in the burdens it imposes, reckless in the license it confers on unjust and wicked legislation, and utterly lacking in every element to inspire popular confidence and the reverence and affection of the people." Journal, 1875, p. 5.

[1469] Ely, a delegate from Russell, was a candidate in Montgomery; Brainard, a delegate from Monroe, was a candidate in Montgomery; R. M. Johnson, a delegate from Henry, was also a candidate in Montgomery. These men, however, lived in Montgomery and had never seen the counties they represented.

[1470] _Selma Messenger_, Jan. 10, 1868.

[1471] Herbert, "Solid South," p. 47; _N. Y. World_, Feb. 5, 1868.

[1472] _N. Y. World_, Feb. 13 and 22, 1868; _Selma Times and Messenger_, Feb. 28, 1868; _Cong. Globe_, March 11, 1868; Herbert, "Solid South"; Beverly, "Alabama"; Owen, p. 125.

The above list is not complete, as there were undoubtedly other candidates among those who did not sign the constitution, since a number of them fell into line later. The starred names are those of candidates who were also registrars, and who not only conducted their own elections for the convention, but also for office under the new constitution. Three members of the majority who signed the report were not eligible for office when the election came off, two being in jail,--one for stealing and the other for fraud,--while a third "had been betrayed into an act of virtue by dying." _N. Y. World_, Feb. 13, 1868.

[1473] After the election, Governor Patton, who at first had supported Reconstruction, issued an address complaining that nearly all the candidates voted for were strangers to the people; that many were ignorant negroes, and that in one county all the commissioners-elect were negroes who were unable to read; that unlicensed lawyers, wholly uneducated, were chosen for state solicitors; that the strangers were too often of bad character; and that the Radical party consisted almost entirely of negroes, the native whites having forsaken the party as soon as the negroes fell under the control of the imported Radicals who ran the machine. _N. Y. Times_, April 23, 1868.

[1474] Herbert, p. 47.

[1475] _Montgomery Mail_, July 25, 1868; _N. Y. World_, Sept. 22, 1868.

[1476] The Radical papers in Alabama were supported almost entirely by campaign funds and by appropriations from the government for printing the session laws of the United States. They styled themselves the "Official Journals of the United States Government." When one offended and the Washington patronage was withdrawn, it always collapsed. In 1867 the reconstructionist papers in the state were _Alabama State Sentinel_, _The Nationalist_, _Elmore Standard_, _East Alabama Monitor_, _Alabama Republican_, _The Tallapoosian_, _The Reconstructionist_, _Huntsville Advocate_, _Moulton Union_, _Livingston Messenger_. See Journal Convention of 1867, p. 242. The circulation of each paper was small and almost entirely among the negroes. Special campaign editions were printed and scattered broadcast. The constitution was printed in all of the above-named papers, and also in a Washington paper which was franked by the thousands from Congressmen through the Union League as a campaign document. _N. Y. World_, Feb. 22, 1868.

[1477] See, for example, _The Nationalist_, Feb. 4, 1868 (editorial). On Jan. 16, 1868, an "Address to the Laboring Men of Alabama" stated in part, "If you fail to vote and the constitution fails to be ratified, your right to vote hereafter closes and all participation on your part in the administration of the laws of the state is at an end." _Montgomery Mail_, Jan., 1868.

[1478] _Selma Messenger_, Jan. 24, 1868.

[1479] _Cong. Globe_, March 28, 1868, p. 2195.

[1480] Not yet called Democrats, but sometimes "Democratic and Conservative."

[1481] Popular accounts say thousands, but not as many went this time as later, in the early 70's.

[1482] Herbert, p. 46, and Journal Convention of 1867.

[1483] _Cong. Globe_, March 12, 1868, p. 1824.

[1484] _Selma Messenger_, Dec. 20, 1867.

[1485] _Selma Messenger_, Dec. 22, 1867.

[1486] Both later became Radicals.

[1487] _Tuskegee News_, Oct. 1, 1874.

[1488] _N. Y. Times_, Jan. 14, 1898; _Montgomery Mail_, Jan. 17, 1868; Herbert, p. 48; Annual Cyclopædia (1868), p. 15.

[1489] Thirty-five white counties with a population of 393,441--282,282 whites and 111,159 blacks--had 135 representatives, or one representative to 11,241 of the population. Twenty-four black counties with a population of 580,717--252,407 whites and 328,300 blacks--had 65 representatives, or one to 8933. Three small white counties were not represented, but had to vote with others.; _Selma Times and Messenger_, March 10, 1868; _Cong. Globe_, 1867-1868, pp. 2197, 2198.

[1490] Variously estimated at from 10,000 to 40,000.

[1491] _Selma Times and Messenger_, March 10, 1868. The minority report, March 17, 1868, of Beck of Kentucky and Brooks of New York, on the admission of Alabama, sums up the Conservative objections to the constitution. See _Cong. Globe_, March 17, 1868, p. 1937.

[1492] Annual Cyclopædia (1868), p. 15; _N. Y. Times_, Jan. 24, 1865; _Selma Times and Messenger_, March 10, 1868.

[1493] _Tribune_ Almanac, 1868. Pope reported 164,800; Meline, 165,000.

[1494] _Tribune_ Almanac, 1868. The methods of the registrars may be imagined, since Meade had more than 15,000 names of negroes struck from the lists.

[1495] It is impossible to obtain exact figures of the registration; no one ever knew exactly what they were, and accounts never agree. Meade's estimate was 170,734, Report, 1868. Another estimate was 170,000, _Cong. Globe_, March 17, 1868, p. 1904; and still another 171,378, Alabama Manual and Statistical Register, p. xxiii. It is evident that the registration was about 170,000.

[1496] In 1867 the vote on holding a convention had been more than a majority of registered voters.

[1497] Report of Meade, 1868, published in Atlanta.

[1498] For instance, William H. Smith, candidate for governor.

[1499] _The Nationalist_, Aug. 24, 1868; _Mobile Register_, Feb. 6, 1868; Report of Meade, 1868.

[1500] Report of Meade, 1868.

[1501] _Montgomery Mail_, Feb. 4, 5, 12, and 19, 1868; _N. Y. World_, March 14, 1868; _Cong. Globe_, March 17, 1868, p. 1937; _Mobile Register_, Feb. 6, 1868; _Selma Times and Messenger_, Feb. 29, 1868.

[1502] _Selma Times and Messenger_, Feb. 29, 1868.

[1503] A political adviser at the polls.

[1504] The Conservatives had challenged such voters several times and Johnson sent the following order:--

"AT OFFICE, MOBILE, Feb. 5, 1868.

"The Judges of the Election at the Mississippi Hotel will receive all ballots endorsed by the voter and my signature. The certificate of voters is in my possession.

"Respectfully, "D. G. JOHNSON, "Registrar District No. 1."

--_Mobile Register_, Feb. 6, 1868.

[1505] _Cong. Globe_, March 17, 1868, p. 1937; Ho. Ex. Doc., No. 303, 40th Cong., 2d Sess.; _N. Y. World_, March 14, 1868.

[1506] In Henry County the registrars had all forsaken the party and resigned. On the last day the United States troops opened the polls and 29 people voted. _Abbeville Register_, Feb. 16, 1868. In Dale County it was much the same way. After a careful search one John Metcalf of Skipperville was found to make complaint on behalf of the reconstructionists. It was a sad story: "We had," he said, "depended on Mr. Deal, the delegate to the convention, to bring the registration books, 'but he fused with the destructive party' and we couldn't register. On the fourth day an election was held anyway, but the Conservatives would not let us hold it on the fifth. It was the almost united wish of the voters of the county to adopt the constitution. There are about 150 in the county that are opposed to it, and they united on the fifth and broke us up. We would have polled 1400 to 1500 votes for the constitution." Ho. Mic. Doc., No. 111, 40th Cong., 2d Sess.

[1507] In Montgomery 41 whites of 4200 voted. Of these 15 were carpet-baggers and nearly all were candidates for office. The _Montgomery Mail_ of Feb. 11 printed the entire list, with sarcastic comments on their past history and present aspirations. The list was headed, _Our White Black List, The Roll of Dishonor_. See _Cong. Globe_, March 11, 1868, p. 1827.

[1508] The storm played a very effective part in the debates in Congress later. Moving tales were told of negroes swimming the swollen streams in order to get to the polls. One instance was given where, in swimming the Alabama River, which was beyond its banks and floating with ice, a negro was drowned. _Cong. Globe_, 1867-1868, p. 2865. The river at this point when out of its banks is not less than a mile wide, and there was never any ice in it since the glacial epoch.

[1509] The Conservatives claimed that the Lowndes county box was stolen by the Radicals themselves as soon as they saw the constitution had failed of ratification, in order to give point to charges of fraud. In the same way the returns from Baine, Colbert, and Jones counties were so tampered with by the Radical election officials that the military canvassers were obliged to reject them. _Montgomery Mail_, Feb. 12, 1868; _Cong. Globe_, 1867-1868, p. 2139.

[1510] _The Nationalist_, Feb. 13 and 20, and Aug. 24, 1868; _N. Y. World_, March 14, 1868; _Selma Times and Messenger_, Feb. 28, 1868; _Cong. Globe_, March 11, 1868, pp. 1818, 1823. This is a statement signed by Griffin of Ohio, Keffer of Pennsylvania, Burton of Massachusetts, Hardy and Spencer of Ohio, and indorsed by Joshua Morse, who signed himself as "disfranchised rebel."

[1511] Report of Meade, 1868. Meade made this report to Grant at the time, and at the end of the year he made practically the same, though perhaps a little stronger. The _Nationalist_ (Albert Griffin of Ohio, editor) said, April 9, 1868, that the statements of Meade, the "military saphead," were "false in letter and false in spirit."

[1512] Ho. Mis. Doc., No. 111, 40th Cong., 2d Sess. The whites were complaining loudly because of the scarcity of labor, and few would discharge a negro laborer, no matter how often he might vote the Radical ticket. General Hayden sent a list of eighteen questions in regard to the election to every election official. They covered every possible point, and full answers were required. One of the questions was in regard to the proportion of white voters. A summary of the answers is here given: 1. _Elmore County._ Intimidation and threats of discharge; of the 1000 to 1200 whites who registered, from 12 to 15 voted. 2. _Autauga._ No intimidation, but threats of discharge; of the 900 whites registered, 200 voted. 3. _Chambers._ Fair election, with 23 white voters of the 1400 registered. 4. _Russell._ Threats of discharge; one-thirty-sixth of the whites voted. 5. _Tallapoosa._ "Persuasion and arguments" deterred the blacks from voting; 20 whites voted of the 1500 who registered. 6. _Coosa._ Two discharges; one-third of the whites voted. 7. _Montgomery._ "Ostracism," and two discharges; 41 whites voted of the 4200 who registered. 8. _Macon._ Fair election and 4 whites voted of the 800 registered. 9. _Lee._ One discharge and threats; 30 or 40 whites voted of 1500 registered. 10. _Randolph._ Fair election. 11. _Clay._ Threats of ostracism and one discharge. 12. _Crenshaw._ Two discharges. 13. _Lowndes._ Three threats of discharge; "too much challenging;" 10 whites voted of 850 registered. 14. _Barbour._ Four threats of discharge; "whites afraid of social proscription." 15. _Bullock._ "Needless questions" to voters, and three threats of discharge; no whites voted. 16. _Pike._ One threat of discharge; one-fourth of the whites voted. 17. _Butler._ Eight threats; 3 whites of 1400 voted. 18. _Covington._ "Threats;" 225 whites voted of the 900. 19. _Coffee._ "Threats" and "proscription." 20-21. _Dale_ and _Henry_. No election; no registrars; none would serve. In Dale County were a number of "outrageous acts committed by a Mr. Oats." 22-27. _Mobile_, _Washington_, _Baldwin_, _Clarke_, _Monroe_, and _Conecuh_. "Threats and social ostracism;" 125 of 3750 whites voted. 28. _Walker._ Fair election; one negro driven away; "more whites voted than were expected." 29-30. _Winston_ and _Jackson_. More whites voted than were expected; one threat in Jackson. 31-32. _Madison_ and _Lauderdale_. Fair elections; in Lauderdale 150 of 1500 whites voted. 33. _Lawrence._ "Persuasion;" 311 of 1400 whites voted. 34-35. _Colbert_ and _Franklin_. Twenty-five per cent of the whites voted; 75 per cent "were opposed to article 7, paragraph 4, of constitution." 36-38. _Limestone_, _Morgan_, and _Cherokee_. Fair elections; few whites voted. 39. _Marshall._ "Threats"; one-third of the whites voted. 40. _De Kalb._ Fair; 650 of the 900 whites. 41. _Baine._ "Handbills advised people not to vote;" only one-fifth voted. 42. _Blount._ One threat; "persuasion;" one-fourth of the whites voted. 43. _St. Clair._ Threats; one-third of the whites voted. 44-45. _Marion_ and _Jones_. Fair; two-sevenths of the whites voted. 46. _Fayette._ Speeches published against the constitution, three drunken men threatened the managers at one box; liquor given to negroes to "vote against their intentions," all of which "prevented full and free expression of opinion by ballot"; two-sevenths of the whites voted. 47. _Shelby._ Fair; one-fourth of the whites voted. 48. _Talladega._ Fair, though threats were heard; three-tenths of the whites voted. 49. _Perry._ Fair; 24 of the 1066 whites voted. 50. _Bibb._ Fair; 167 of the 1021 whites. 51. _Dallas._ Fair; 78 whites voted; others suffered from "want of independence." 52. _Wilcox._ Ten threats; 12 whites of 800. 53. _Tuscaloosa._ One threat; one-fifth of the whites voted. 54. _Pickens._ "Threats too numerous to mention;" 60 to 70 of the 1100 whites voted. 55. _Jefferson._ Fair; one-fifth of the whites voted. 56. _Sumter._ Threats against blacks; whites to be ostracized. 57. _Greene._ Threats, though the "Union Men" were afraid to tell who threatened them; 446 ballots had "Constitution" torn off. 58. _Marengo._ Voters were refused at one box because the names were not on the list, though the parties were willing to swear they had been registered. Threats and speeches were made at the polls and one man made 16 discharges; 16 whites of the 997 voted. 59-62. No reports from _Choctaw_, _Calhoun_, _Cleburne_, and _Hale_.

Nearly all officials reported quiet elections; the assertions about threats were almost invariably hearsay. Even the few specific instances were based on hearsay. The worst complaint was that Conservatives sometimes attended and challenged the votes of certain negroes, and made speeches or used persuasion to induce the negroes not to vote. Much importance was attached to the ridicule and jeers of the white leaders. These reports were made by the election officials, who were thoroughgoing reconstructionists. General Meade denied the charges of fraud and intimidation.

It will be noticed that the heaviest white vote was cast in the counties where there were few negroes, and where the Peace Society had been strongest during the war. If the estimates given above by the registrars were correct, it is doubtful if 5000 whites voted in the election, as was asserted. The judges were supposed to mark "C" on the ballot of a negro and "W" on that of a white. Ho. Mis. Doc., No. 111, 40th Cong., 2d Sess.; Ho. Ex. Doc., No. 303, 40th Cong., 2d Sess.; Report of Meade, 1868; _Montgomery Mail_, Feb. 19, 1868; _N. Y. World_, March 14, 1868.

[1513] Strobach, the Austrian, went so far off in the Northwest that after the state was admitted he could not return to the special session of the legislature. He drew his pay, however, the Speaker certifying that he was present. _N. Y. World_, Oct. 8, 1868; _Montgomery Mail_, April 14, 1869; _Nationalist_, Feb. 18, 1868.

[1514] In _North Alabamian_, 1868.

[1515] He had evidently not seen Meade's report.

[1516] Dustan had been a candidate for major-general of militia.

[1517] Annual Cyclopædia (1868), p. 16.

[1518] _Globe_, Feb. 17, 1868, p. 1217.

[1519] _Cong. Globe_, March 10, 11, and 17, 1868, pp. 1790, 1818, 1821, 1823, 1824, 1825, 1827, 1934, 1935, 1937, 1938.

[1520] Both statements were incorrect.

[1521] _Globe_, March 18 and 26, 1868, pp. 1972, 2138, 2139, 2140.

[1522] McPherson, "Reconstruction," p. 337; _Globe_, March 28, 1868, pp. 2193, 2216.

[1523] _Globe_, March 28, 1868, pp. 2203, 2209, 2214.

[1524] April 23, 1868.

[1525] _Nationalist_, April 9, 1868.

[1526] _Independent Monitor_, April 21, 1868.

[1527] Yordy, a carpet-bag Bureau agent, registrar, and senator-elect from Sumter County, was turned out of a hotel at Eutaw and told to go to the negro inn. _Tuscaloosa Independent Monitor_, Sept. 1, 1868.

[1528] _Globe_, March 28, 1868, p. 2140. Claus and Wilson were two carpet-baggers of Tuscaloosa.

[1529] Annual Cyclopædia (1868), p. 16; _Cong. Globe_, March 11, 1868, p. 1825.

[1530] _Globe_, May 11, 1868, p. 2412.

[1531] _Cong. Globe_, June 5 and 6, 1868, pp. 2858, 2865, 2867, 2900, 2964; McPherson, "Reconstruction," p. 340; Foulke, "Life of Morton," Vol. II, p. 47.

[1532] _Globe_, June 9 and 10, 1868, pp. 2965, 3017.

[1533] _Globe_, June 12, 1868, pp. 3089, 3090, 3097.

[1534] _Globe_, June 25, 1868, p. 3484.

[1535] _Globe_, June 25, 1868, pp. 3466, 3484; McPherson, p. 338.

[1536] McPherson, p. 337. The present constitution of the state, adopted in 1901, nullifies this fundamental condition. Other southern states have also disregarded this limitation.

[1537] McPherson, p. 338.

[1538] G. O. No. 101, July 14, 1868.

[1539] Warner, who was said to have gone to his own state--Ohio--and run for office, now returned.

[1540] The credentials were signed by E. W. Peck, president of the convention of 1867, who certified to their election. _Globe_, July 24, 1868, p. 4294.

[1541] _Globe_, July 17, 18, 21, and 25, 1868, pp. 4173, 4213, 4293, 4295, 4459, 4466.

[1542] President Jay's Address, March 26, 1868; Bellows, "History Union League Club of New York," pp. 6-9; "Chronicle of Philadelphia Union League," pp. 5-8.

[1543] "Chronicle of Philadelphia Union League," pp. 5-8; Bellows, "Union League Club," p. 9.

[1544] First Annual Report of Board of Directors of Union League of Philadelphia; Bellows, pp. 9, 32; "Chronicle of Philadelphia Union League," pp. 70, 112.

[1545] See Bellows, "History Union League Club."

[1546] Bellows, p. 90.

[1547] There were 144 different pamphlets published by the Philadelphia League and 44 posters; 56,380 pamphlets were issued in 1865; 867,000 pamphlets were issued in 1866; 31,906 pamphlets were issued in 1867; 1,416,906 pamphlets were issued in 1868; 4,500,000 pamphlets were issued in eight years. "Chronicle of Philadelphia Union League," pp. 106, 107, 145.

[1548] "Chronicle of Philadelphia Union League," p. 169; Bellows, pp. 90, 99, 100, 102; Reports of the Executive Committee, Union League Club of N. Y., 1865-1866; _Century Magazine_, Vol. VI, pp. 404, 949; oral accounts.

[1549] I am especially indebted to Professor L. D. Miller, Jacksonville, Ala., for many details concerning the Loyal Leagues. He made inquiries for me of people who knew the facts. I have also had other oral accounts. See also Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test. (Pierce), p. 305; (Lowe), p. 894; (Forney), p. 487.

[1550] Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test. (Sayre), p. 357; (Governor Lindsay), p. 170; (Nicholas Davis), p. 783; (Richardson), pp. 815, 855; (Ford), p. 684; (Lowe), p. 892; (Forney), p. 487; Miller, "Alabama," p. 246; Herbert, "Solid South," pp. 36, 41; also oral accounts.

[1551] There is a copy of the charter of a local council in the Alabama Testimony of the Ku Klux Report, p. 1017. The Montgomery Council was organized June 2, 1866, and three days later General Swayne, of the Freedmen's Bureau, joined it. It was charged that even thus early he was desirous of representing Alabama in the Senate. Herbert, pp. 41-43.

[1552] _N. Y. Herald_, Aug. 5, 1867.

[1553] Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test. (Lowe), p. 872; (English), pp. 1437, 1438; (Lindsay), p. 170; _N. Y. Herald_, Aug. 5, 1869, and June 20, 1867; Professor Miller's account; oral accounts.

[1554] In Sumter County a northern teacher of a negro school informed a planter that the Leaguers were sworn to defend one another, and that he, the planter, would be punished for striking a Leaguer whom he had caught stealing and had thrashed. _Selma Times and Messenger_, July 21, 1868.

[1555] The Montgomery Council, May 22, 1867, resolved "That the Union League is the right arm of the Union Republican party of the United States, and that no man should be initiated into the League who does not heartily indorse the principles and policy of the Union Republican party." Herbert, "Solid South," p. 41. A Confederate could not be admitted to the League unless he would acknowledge that during the war he had been guilty of treason.

[1556] Alcohol on salt burns with a peculiar flame, making the faces of those around, especially the negroes, appear ghostly.

[1557] A copy of the constitution and ritual was secured by the whites and published in the _Montgomery Advertiser_, July 24, 1867; printed also in Fleming, "Documents relating to Reconstruction," No. 3.

[1558] The Montgomery Council was composed of white Radicals, and the Lincoln Council in the same city was for blacks. Most of the officers of the latter were whites. Herbert, p. 41.

[1559] This fact will partly explain why there were burnings of negro churches and schoolhouses by the Ku Klux Klan. These were political headquarters of the Radical party in each community.

[1560] See Miller, "Alabama," pp. 246, 247; Lester and Wilson, "Ku Klux Klan," pp. 45, 46.

[1561] Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test. (Lindsay), pp. 170, 179; (Nicholas Davis), p. 783; (Richardson), pp. 839, 355; (Lowe), pp. 872, 886, 907; (Pettus), p. 384; (Walker), pp. 962, 975.

[1562] Thaddeus Stevens's speech on confiscation, through the Loyal League, had a wide circulation in Alabama. Agents were sent to the state to organize new councils and to secure the benefits of the proposed confiscation; free farms were promised the negroes. _N. Y. Herald_, June 20, 1867. Many whites now believed that wholesale confiscation would take place.

[1563] Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test. (Sanders), pp. 1803, 1811; (Dox), p. 432; (Herr), pp. 1662, 1663.

[1564] Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test. (Lowe), pp. 886, 887, 894, 997; (Davis), p. 783; (Cobbs), p. 1637; (Pettus), p. 6393.

[1565] Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test. (Ford), p. 684; (Herr), p. 1665; (Pettus), p. 381; (Jolly), pp. 283, 291; (Sayre), p. 357; (Pierce), p. 313; _N. Y. Herald_, Dec. 4, 1867, Oct. 2, 1868; Herbert, "Solid South," p. 45. One Wash Austin, a Democratic negro, was attacked by a mob, pursued, and when he reached home his wife called him "a damned Conservative," struck him on the head with a brick, and then left him. Norris V. Hanley, in Ho. Mis. Doc., No. 15, 41st Cong., 2d Sess.

[1566] _N. Y. Herald_, Oct. 13 and Nov. 11, 1867, Eufaula correspondence; Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test. (Sanders), p. 1812; (Pettus), p. 381; (Herr), p. 1663; (Pierce), p. 313; (Sayre), p. 357; Harris, "Political Conflict in America," p. 479.

[1567] A notice posted on the door of a citizen of Dallas County was to this effect, "Irvin Hauser is the damnedest rascal in the neighborhood, and if he and three or four others don't mind they will get a ball in them." _Selma Times and Messenger_, April 21, 1868; oral accounts; see also Brown, "Lower South," Ch. IV; Herbert, pp. 3, 8.

[1568] _The Macon Telegraph_, March 12, 1905.

[1569] _N. Y. Herald_, Dec. 5 and 22, 1867; _Montgomery Advertiser_, Dec. 4, 1867 (J. M. Chappell).

[1570] Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test. (Lyon), pp. 1422, 1423; (Abrahams), pp. 1382, 1384.

[1571] See Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test. (Alston), p. 1017; (Herr), p. 1665; (Sayre), p. 357; (Pierce), p. 313.

[1572] _Selma Messenger_, July 19, 1867; see Fleming, "Documents relating to Reconstruction," No. 3.

[1573] It is certain that the estimate of 18,000 white and 70,000 black members at the same time is not correct. As the latter increased in numbers the former decreased. Early in 1867 Keffer said there were 38,000 whites and 12,000 blacks in the League. _N. Y. Herald_, May 7, 1867. Perhaps he meant the total enrolment early in the year. In 1868 he claimed 20,000 whites, about 17,000 too many.

[1574] Lester and Wilson, "Ku Klux Klan," p. 47; also Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., _passim_.

[1575] _Montgomery Mail_, Aug. 20, 1870.

[1576] In the Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., the Conservative and sometimes the Radical witnesses assert that the Ku Klux movement was caused partly by the workings of the Union League.

[1577] Senate Journal, 1875-1876, p. 214.

[1578] Ku Klux Rept., p. 171.

[1579] Ku Klux Rept., p. 318.

[1580] Auditor's Report, 1902, p. 19.

[1581] Ku Klux Rept., p. 170; Census of 1860. The assessed valuation of property increased 117% from 1850 to 1860. The comptroller's report of Nov. 12, 1858, states that the slave property of the state at that time paid nearly half the taxes. This was true of all ordinary taxes to 1865. See Senate Journal, 1866-1867, p. 291.

[1582] Journal Convention of 1867, p. 125; Patton's Report to the Convention, Nov. 11, 1867.

[1583]

Cotton crop, 1860 842,729 bales Cotton crop, 1865 75,305 bales Cotton crop, 1866 429,102 bales Cotton crop, 1867 239,516 bales Cotton crop, 1868 366,193 bales

Most of the war crop was confiscated by the United States. The crops of 1866-1868 show the effects of politics among the negro laborers rather than unfavorable seasons. Hodgson, "Alabama Manual and Statistical Register," 1869.

[1584] The exemption laws were so framed as to release the average negroes from paying tax, and also the class of whites that supported the Radical policy. The following list will show the incidence of taxation for 1870:--

======================================================= | VALUE | TAX ------------------------|-----------------|------------ Lands | $81,109,102.03 | $607,979.52 Town property | 36,005,780.50 | 268,865.89 Cattle | 1,180,106.00 | 8,851.36 Mules | 4,845,736.00 | 36,042.68 Horses | 2,214,376.00 | 16,599.83 Sheep and goats | 111,001.00 | 832.50 Hogs | 277,735.50 | 2,083.02 Wagons, carriages, etc. | 131,235.00 | 8,480.81 Tools | 237,534.50 | 1,769.96 Farming implements | 235,600.00 | 1,744.71 Household furniture | 1,691,807.00 | 12,731.98 Cotton presses | 41,360.00 | 310.30 =======================================================

Besides these items, heavy taxes were laid on the following: wharves, toll bridges, ferries, steamboats, and all water craft, stocks of goods, libraries, jewellery, plate and silverware, musical instruments, pistols, guns, jacks and jennies, race-horses, watches, money in and out of the state, money loaned, credits, commercial paper, capital in incorporated companies in or out of the state, bonds except of United States and Alabama, incomes and gains over $1000, banks, poll tax, insurance companies, auction sales, lotteries, warehouses, distilleries, brokers, factors, express and telegraph companies, etc. See Ku Klux Report and Auditor's Report, 1871.

[1585] Revenue Laws of Ala., 1865-1870; Report of the Debt Commission, Jan. 24, 1876; Governor Lindsay's Message, Nov. 21, 1871; Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., pp. 227, 340, 976, 1056, 1504.

[1586] See Acts of Ala., 1868-1874, _passim_.

[1587] Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., pp. 240, 360.

[1588] Ala. Test., pp. 1303, 1304.

[1589] Ala. Test., pp. 461, 963, 964.

[1590] Taxes are paid on $307,312,000, slaves included; see Census of 1860; Census of 1870; Ku Klux Rept., pp. 170, 171, 175, 317, 318.

[1591] Includes receipts and disbursements in Confederate money.

[1592] License taxes only.

[1593] License taxes, bond issues, and temporary loans.

[1594] Interest paid on the public debt with bond issues included, and expenses of the convention of 1867. The actual expenses of the state administration were $262,627.47.

[1595] The first figures for 1868 include the receipts from taxes and the expenditures for state purposes only; the other figures include the proceeds from sale of bonds used for state purposes. The Radicals always gave the first set of figures, and the Democrats the second.

[1596] $620,000 should be added for the sale of bonds and state obligations.

[1597] Issue of bonds to railroads included.

[1598] Includes interest paid on railroad bonds.

[1599] Currency had depreciated. Many claims went unpaid. The "home debt" amounted to $823,454.64. The actual state expenses were $1,384,044.46.

[1600] State expenses only. Democrats in power. See Auditor's Reports, 1869-1873, 1900; Ku Klux Rept., pp. 170, 174, 176, 1055, 1057; Report of the Debt Commission, 1876; Journal Convention of 1867, p. 125.

[1601] Ku Klux Rept., pp. 170, 174, 176; Auditor's Reports, 1869-1870; Reports of the Alabama Debt Commission.

[1602] Report of Governor Patton to the Convention, Nov. 11, 1867; Journal Convention of 1867, p. 125.

[1603] See _Tuskegee News_, June 3, 1875; Auditor's Reports, 1868-1874.

[1604] The average legislator in 1872-1873 was paid $904.00 and mileage. The Senate had 33 members and 44 attending officers, clerks, and secretaries; the lower house, with a membership of 100, had from 77 to 84 attending officials. Besides these there were dozens of pages, doorkeepers, firemen, assistants, etc. In 1869 there were 105 regular capitol servants who received $31,900 in wages. Auditor's Report, 1869-1873; _Montgomery Mail_, Dec. 31, 1870. There were about 10 in 1900.

[1605] Journal of the "Capitol" Senate, 1872, p. 19-34; in Senate Journal, 1873.

[1606] The older and abler men were disfranchised.

[1607] _Montgomery Mail_, Sept. 22, 1872.

[1608] Auditor's Reports, 1869-1873.

[1609] The purpose of the act was to liberate negro prisoners and save money for the officials to spend in other ways.

[1610] These items are taken from the accounts of Lewis's administration.

[1611] The Investigating Committee remarked that had he chartered a parlor car and paid hotel bills at the rate of $10 a day, he would have been unable to spend $800 on that trip.

[1612] See Ch. XXIV.

[1613] Report of the Committee to Investigate the Contingent Fund, 1875; Senate Journal, 1874-1875, pp. 581-607.

[1614] Caffey, "The Annexation of West Florida to Alabama," p. 10; Senate Journal, 1869-1870, pp. 234-244.

[1615] Report of the Committee to examine the Offices of Auditor and Treasurer, 1875; Report of the Debt Commission, 1875, 1876.

[1616] See Edwin DeLeon, "Ruin and Reconstruction of the Southern States," in the _Southern Magazine_, Jan., 1874.

[1617] Ala. Test., p. 1409.

[1618] _State Journal_, April 19, 1874.

[1619] Ala. Test., p. 1409. The Radical newspapers that had the public printing made money from the tax sale notices by dividing each lot into sixteenths of a section, advertising each, and charging for each division. The author of the tax sale law was Pierce Burton, a Radical editor.

[1620] _Scribner's Monthly_, Aug., 1874; King, "The Great South."

[1621] _Southern Argus_, Jan. 17 and Feb. 8, 1872; _Scribner's Monthly_, Aug., 1874; Herbert, "Solid South," pp. 64, 67. Colonel Herbert believes that during the six years of Reconstruction the state gained practically nothing by immigration, while it lost more by emigration than it had by the Civil War.

[1622] Auditor's Reports, 1869-1873; Comptroller's Reports, 1861-1865, 1866; Patton's Report, 1867, to the Convention; Journal Convention of 1867, pp. 46, 123; Ku Klux Rept., pp. 169, 317, 1055.

[1623] The following is a partial list compiled from the session laws:--

ISSUES OF COUNTY BONDS

1868. Walker County $14,000.00 1868. Dallas County 50,000.00 1868. Bullock County 40,000.00 1868. Limestone County 100,000.00 1869. Hale County 60,000.00 1869. Greene County 80,000.00 1869. Pickens County 100,000.00 1870. Baldwin County 5,000.00 1870. Bibb County 5,000.00 1870. Choctaw County (?) unlimited 1870. Crenshaw County 10,000.00 1872. Pickens County 30,000.00 1873. Butler County 12,000.00 1873. Jefferson County 50,000.00 1873. Montgomery County 130,000.00 1873. Madison County 130,000.00 (?) Dallas County 140,000.00 (?) Chambers County 150,000.00 (?) Lee County 275,000.00 (?) Randolph County 100,000.00 (?) Barbour County (?) (?) Tallapoosa County 125,000.00

ISSUES OF TOWN AND CITY BONDS

1868. Troy $75,000.00 1869. Eutaw 20,000.00 1869. Greensboro 15,000.00 1871. Mobile 1,400,000.00 1871. Selma 5 00,000.00 1872. Prattville 50,000.00 1873. Mobile 200,000.00 Opelika 25,000.00

And in addition each county and town had a large floating debt in "scrip" or local obligations. Speculators gathered up such obligations and sold them at reduced prices to those who had local taxes, fines, and licenses to pay.

[1624] Auditor's Reports, 1871-1872; Report of Committee on Public Debt, 1876; McClure, "The South: Industrial, Financial, and Political Condition," p. 83.

[1625] Report of the Committee on Public Debt, 1876; Senate Journal, 1872-1873, p. 544; Auditor's Report, 1873.

[1626] Senate Journal, 1875-1876, pp. 212, 213; Report of the Committee on the Public Debt, 1876. In his book Clews tells how he invested in the securities of the struggling southern states, being desirous of assisting them. But when the ungrateful states refused to pay the claims that he and others like him presented, he says it was because they, the creditors, were northern men. See Clews, "Twenty-eight Years in Wall Street," pp. 550, 551.

[1627] DeLeon, "Ruin and Reconstruction," in the _Southern Magazine_, Jan., 1874. The state debts of the ten southern states were then estimated at $291,626,015, while the debts of the other twenty-seven states amounted to only $293,872,552.

[1628] Houston's Message, 1876; Senate Journal, 1874-1875, p. 7.

[1629] Act of Dec. 17, 1874.

[1630] Later increased to $1,192,000.

[1631] Report of the Debt Commission, 1876. This was nearly half the value of the farm lands of the state, which were worth $67,700,000, and was much more than the gross value of a year's cotton crop.

[1632] Report of the Debt Commission, Jan. 24, 1876; Senate Journal, 1875-1876, pp. 203-232; Report of the Joint Committee on the Public Debt, Feb. 23, 1876; Annual Cyclopædia (1875), p. 14; "Northern Alabama," p. 52; Final Report of the Committee of the Alabama and Chattanooga Bondholders, London, 1876; McClure, "The South," p. 83; Second Report of the Debt Commission, Dec. 13, 1876.

[1633] Senate Journal, 1876-1876, p. 316.

[1634] Second Report, Dec. 13, 1876.

[1635] Second Report of the Debt Commission, Dec. 13, 1876.

[1636] Annual Cyclopædia (1875), p. 14; "Northern Alabama," pp. 51, 51; Acts of 1874-1875.

[1637] Auditor's Report, 1902, p. 14.

[1638] _E.g._ the State Bank.

[1639] T. H. Clark, "Railroads and Navigation," in "Memorial Record of Alabama," Vol. II, pp. 322-323; Martin, "Internal Improvements in Alabama," pp. 72-77; Garrett, "Public Men," pp. 577, 580.

[1640] Martin, "Internal Improvements," pp. 65-68.

[1641] Martin, "Internal Improvements," p. 42 _et seq._

[1642] Martin, "Internal Improvements," pp. 68-71; Auditor's Report, Oct. 12, 1869.

[1643] Census, 1850, 1860.

[1644] Acts of Ala., 1866-1867, pp. 686-694.

[1645] The constitution of 1867, Art. 13, Sec. 13, provided that the credit of the state should not be given nor loaned except in aid of railways or internal improvements, and then only by a two-thirds vote of each house.

[1646] Acts of Ala., Aug. 7 and Sept. 22, 1868. The promoters of the roads claimed that the old law was useless, but that $16,000 a mile would attract northern and European capital. Herbert, "Solid South," p. 52.

[1647] Governor's Message, Nov. 15, 1869. The carpet-bag auditor also advocated the repeal of the law. He thought that no road should be indorsed for more than $10,000 a mile, since the average value was less than $13,000 a mile.

[1648] Act of Feb. 21, 1870, Acts of Ala., 1869-1870

[1649] Act of March 1, 1870, Acts of Ala., 1869-1870, p. 286.

[1650] Act of April 21, 1873, Acts of Ala., 1872-1873, p. 45.

[1651] Acts of Oct. 6 and Nov. 17, 1868, Acts of Ala., 1868, pp. 207, 347; Herbert, "Solid South," p. 52; Annual Cyclopædia (1871), pp. 7, 8. The railroad must have intended to profit by the indorsement, and must have paid for it, for when, a year later, ex-Governor Patton, who for the sake of respectability was made the nominal president, was in Boston, he was reproached by the Alabama and Chattanooga officials for allowing their charter to cost them $200,000. See Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., p. 232.

[1652] Alabama _vs._ Burr, 115 United States Reports, p. 418. Burr, J. C. Stanton, and D. N. Stanton had been prosecuted by the state of Alabama for the fraudulent use of indorsed bonds.

[1653] Governor Smith's Message, Nov. 15, 1869.

[1654] Auditor's Report, 1870.

[1655] Message in _Independent Monitor_, Dec. 13, 1870.

[1656] _Independent Monitor_, June 14, 1871; Ku Klux Rept., pp. 172, 317; Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., p. 193; Auditor's Report, 1871.

[1657] Act of Feb. 11, 1870, Acts of Ala., 1869-1870.

[1658] _Montgomery Mail_, Jan. 25, 1871; _Southern Argus_, Feb. 2, 1872, and Feb. 28, 1873; Somers, "Southern States," p. 157; Report of the House Railroad Investigation Committee, 1871; Herbert, "Solid South," pp. 52, 53. Colonel Herbert says that the Alabama and Chattanooga officials _demanded_ the $2,000,000 and received it. "Solid South," p. 53. The legislature that voted the gift of $2,000,000 was composed as follows: Senate, 32 Radicals and 1 Democrat; House, 85 Radicals (of whom 20 were negroes) and 15 doubtful Democrats. The carpet-bag editor of the _Demopolis Republican_ said: "Men who never paid ten dollars' tax in their lives talk as flippantly of millions as the schoolboy of his marbles. Meanwhile, outsiders talk of buying and selling men at prices which would have been a disgrace to a slave before the war." _Montgomery Mail_, Jan. 25, 1871.

[1659] Annual Cyclopædia (1870), p. 10.

[1660] Report of the House Railroad Committee, 1871; Ku Klux Rept., p. 319.

[1661] Ku Klux Rept., p. 319; House Journal, 1870-1871, p. 236; Report of the House Railroad Investigating Committee, 1871; Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., p. 232; J. P. Stow, Radical senator from Montgomery, said that when Hardy left at the end of the session, he carried away $150,000. Not all of it was his own; some of it he had collected for others. One senator is said to have held his vote at $1000 regularly.

[1662] Senate Journal, 1873; Appendix containing Journal of the Capitol Senate, 1872, pp. 19-34; Lindsay's Message, 1872, to the Capitol Legislature. Lindsay said that all the Democrats worked hard to prevent the passage of the $2,000,000 bill; that he himself worked in the lobby until three o'clock in the morning trying to defeat the thieves. Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., p. 199.

[1663] Ku Klux Rept., p. 318; Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., p. 196; Report of the House Investigation Committee, p. 1871. Ex-Governor Patton testified that though president of the Alabama and Chattanooga road, he had opposed the bill and in consequence had been displaced, D. N. Stanton of Boston being elected. Patton stated that none of the capital stock had at this time been paid in by the stockholders.

In 1870-1871 "another set of financiers had made up their minds to come down South and help Alabama. Their demand was for $5,000,000 with which to set furnaces and factories going. They were too late. If they had only come the session before, there was no chance for a bill containing $5,000,000, properly pressed, to have failed." But the lower house now had a Democratic majority. Herbert, "Solid South," p. 57.

[1664] Senate Journal, 1870-1871, p. 78; Lindsay's Message, Nov. 21, 1871; Senate Journal, 1870-1871.

[1665] Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., pp. 195, 196; Lindsay's Messages, 1871-1872; Lindsay's Statement of Facts, April 22, 1871; Report of Commissioners of the Public Debt, Jan. 24, 1876.

[1666] Act of Feb. 25, 1871.

[1667] Statement of Facts which influenced Governor Robert B. Lindsay in his Action in regard to the Bonds of the Alabama and Chattanooga Railroad Company, April 22, 1871; Lindsay's Message, Nov. 21, 1871. While Lindsay was in New York, Ex-Governor Smith called on him and half acknowledged the whole affair. Ala. Test., p. 199. Afterwards in a letter Smith strongly protested that some of the bonds signed and sealed by himself were fraudulent, and blamed Governor Lindsay and the legislature for recognizing them. He acknowledged that his carelessness had resulted in the present state of affairs. Somers, "Southern States," p. 158. April 3, 1871, Smith wrote, "I admit that if I had attended strictly to the indorsement and issue of these bonds, that all this never would have occurred." Herbert, "Solid South," p. 53.

[1668] Statement of Facts, April 22, 1871; Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., pp. 198, 199. Lindsay said that since the Alabama and Chattanooga road was indorsed under the laws of 1867 and 1868, it did not come under the laws of 1870. Consequently, when the Alabama and Chattanooga defaulted, the state was not bound to pay interest on the $2,000,000 state bonds until the legislature acted in March, 1871.

In his Statement of Facts, Lindsay relates a suggestive and illuminating incident: On Dec. 13, 1870, John Demerett, an Alabama and Chattanooga bondholder, brought suit in the Superior Court of King's County, New York, against the Alabama and Chattanooga Railroad Company, the state of Alabama, and one F. B. Loomis (of the Alabama and Chattanooga Company), alleging that the said railway company was about to place on the market 500 first mortgage bonds numbered from 4800 to 5300, indorsed by the governor of Alabama in violation of the law. Demerett prayed for an injunction to restrain the company from selling the bonds. The records showed that the state of Alabama appeared by her attorney, one William D. Vieder, who declared on affidavit that he was employed by Henry Clews & Company, financial agents of Alabama. Vieder filed an answer in behalf of Alabama, stating that the bonds numbered 4801 to 5300 were properly indorsed, and were of the same class as others issued by the company, that the indorsement was in conformity to law, and that in no case would the bonds be repudiated. The injunction was dissolved and the company permitted to sell. To the Ku Klux Committee Lindsay suggested that Smith might have signed the illegal bonds after he went out of office, as they were not placed on the market until January, 1871. (See Ala. Test., p. 197.) But the Demerett case seems to disprove this and to show that the bonds were issued while Smith was governor. The House Railroad Investigation Committee, in 1871, reported that Smith asserted that the fraudulent indorsements were secured by the active coöperation of Henry Clews & Company, Souter & Company, and Braunfels of Émile Erlanger et Cie., with the Stantons. _Southern Argus_, Feb. 2, 1875. Lindsay further stated that there were evidences of collusion between Stanton and Smith to secure the election of the latter in 1870 at all hazards. They wanted to gain time in order to conceal the irregularity in the issue of bonds. Stanton furnished much money to the campaign fund, and on election day marched to the registration office at the head of 900 railroad employees, who came from the entire length of the road, had them registered, gave each of them a Radical ticket, and then voted them in a body. Ala. Test., pp. 193, 197.

[1669] Acts of Alabama, 1870-1871, pp. 12, 13.

[1670] Ku Klux Rept., p. 172.

[1671] Annual Cyclopædia (1871), pp. 7, 8; Lindsay's Message, Nov. 21, 1871; Senate Journal, 1871-1872, pp. 44, 320; Report of John H. Gindrat, Receiver of the Alabama and Chattanooga Railroad, 1871.

The engineers in the employ of the state reported that to put the road in Alabama in fair condition at the time it was seized would require $507,983.74. Twenty-four miles of rails were old ones that Sherman had burned. Report of Farrand and Thom, Nov. 9, 1871; Senate Journal, 1871-1872, p. 43. To complete the road, Gindrat reported that $1,000,000 would be needed. Senate Journal, 1871-1872, p. 337.

At the time the road was seized $10,500,000 from all sources had disappeared. Part of it was spent on the road, which, with all equipment, in 1871 was valued at $6,120,995. (An estimate of its value in 1873 was $4,183,388.) The capital stock authorized was $7,500,000, of which only $2,700,000 was ever paid in. Ku Klux Rept., pp. 172, 173; Auditor's Report, 1871 and 1873. The earnings of the road from November, 1872, to November, 1873, were $232,583.96. The expenses of the road from November, 1872, to November, 1873, were $1,083,851.90. Report of the Receiver of the Alabama and Chattanooga Railroad, 1873.

[1672] Rice and Chilton, attorneys of the Alabama and Chattanooga road, gave the state much trouble. Rice was a scalawag, but several partners he had at that time and later were Democrats.

[1673] During the whole time there was a large element in favor of not recognizing the legality of the bond issues authorized by the carpet-bag legislatures. The carpet-bag government was not a government of the people, but was imposed and upheld by military force, some said, and had no right to vote away the money of the people without their consent. The _Selma Times_, March 5, 1874, voiced this sentiment: "Alabama must and will be ruled by whites.... We will not pay a single dollar of the infamous debt, piled upon us by fraud, bribery, and corruption, known as the 'bond swindle' debt. Let the bondholders take the railroads." See Senate Journal, 1875-1876, pp. 213-221.

[1674] Annual Cyclopædia (1871), p. 8; (1872), pp. 8, 9; Lewis's Message, Dec. 20, 1872; Senate Journal, 1872-1873, p. 43; Lewis's Message, Nov. 1874; Senate Journal, 1874-1875; Final Report of the Committee of the Alabama and Chattanooga Bondholders, London, 1876; Acts of Ala., Dec. 21, 1872; Acts of Ala., March 20, 1875.

[1675] Lewis's Message, Nov., 1874.

[1676] Ku Klux Rept., p. 173; Governor Houston's Message, Dec., 1875; Senate Journal, 1875-1876.

[1677] Governor Lewis's Message, Nov., 1874; Senate Journal, 1874-1875.

[1678] Report of House Railroad Committee; Auditor's Report, 1873.

[1679] Auditor's Report, 1871.

[1680] Martin, "Internal Improvements," p. 70; Auditor's Report, 1869; Acts of Dec. 30, 1869, Acts of Ala., 1868, pp. 487, 494. The South and North road was merely an expansion of "The Mountain Railroad Company," an old corporation.

[1681] Acts of 1869-1880, p. 374.

[1682] Message, in _Independent Monitor_, Dec. 13, 1870.

[1683] Report of House Railroad Inv. Com., 1871. See also Report of Auditor, 1870, which says $1,980,000 indorsement.

[1684] Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., p. 197.

[1685] Auditor's Report, 1871.

[1686] Ku Klux Rept., p. 318; Report of House Railroad Inv. Com., 1871.

[1687] _Montgomery Mail_, Feb. 24, 1870.

[1688] Message, Nov. 17, 1874.

[1689] Report of House Railroad Inv. Com., 1871; Lewis's Message, Nov. 17, 1873; Auditor's Report, 1869; Auditor's Report, 1873; House Journal, 1871-1872, pp. 305, 353; Acts of 1869-1870, p. 290.

[1690] _Southern Argus_, Feb. 2, 1872; Governor Lewis's Message, Nov. 17, 1873; Auditor's Report, 1871 and 1873.

[1691] Lewis's Message, Nov. 17, 1873; Auditor's Report, 1873; Act of Jan. 17, 1870.

[1692] _Southern Argus_, Feb. 2, 1872; Auditor's Report, 1873; Lewis's Messages, 1873.

[1693] _Southern Argus_, Feb. 2, 1872; Auditor's Reports, 1871 and 1873; Mathes, "General Forrest," p. 362; Wyeth, "Life of General Nathan Bedford Forrest," pp. 617, 619. When Smith had indorsed this road for $720,000, he reported the amount as $640,000. _Independent Monitor_, Dec. 13, 1870.

[1694] Act of Dec. 30, 1868.

[1695] Senate Journal, 1872-1873, pp. 416-422; Acts of Ala., 1872-1873, p. 58; Auditor's Reports, 1871, 1873; Governor Lewis's Report, Nov. 17, 1873.

[1696] Act of Feb. 25, 1870.

[1697] Auditor's Report, 1873.

[1698] $1,300,000 fraudulent indorsement; $2,000,000 in state bonds in addition.

[1699] No record of $80,000 indorsement.

[1700] Also "three per cent fund" amounting to $30,000+, and state bonds amounting to $300,000. No record of $720,000.

[1701] No record of $1,500,000.

[1702] No record of $160,000. Also a loan of $40,000.

[1703] No record of $45,000.

[1704] Including $2,200,000, of which no record was found.

[1705] Act of Dec. 31, 1868; Acts of 1868, p. 514.

[1706] _Southern Argus_, June 14, 1872; Miller, "Alabama," p. 278; Acts of Ala., _passim_; "Northern Alabama," p. 737; Brown, "Alabama," p. 291; Herbert, "Solid South," p. 53.

[1707] A commission from Mobile visited the schools in New York, Boston, and other cities of the North.

[1708] Exclusive of Mobile County, which, as the honored pioneer, has always been outside of, and a model for, the state system.

[1709] Clark, "History of Education in Alabama," pp. 221-241; Report of the United States Commissioner of Education, 1876, p. 6.

[1710] The son of ex-Governor Watts. Clark, p. 94.

[1711] See Ch. XI, Sec. 3.

[1712] Clark, p. 95 _et passim_. In 1869 N. B. Cloud, the Superintendent of Public Instruction, asked the legislature to make the loan a gift, since the destruction of the buildings was "the natural fruits of secession," the fault of the "purblind leaders" who "pretended to secede." Therefore he thought the state was responsible for the damage done the University.

[1713] See Journal Convention of 1867, p. 242 _et passim_, and above, Chs. XIV and XV.

[1714] There were four congressional districts.

[1715] The supreme court decided in regard to the Board of Education: "The new system has not only administrative, but full legislative, powers concerning all matters having reference to the common school and public educational interests of the state. It cannot be destroyed nor essentially changed by legislative authority." Report of the Commissioner of Education, 1873, p. 5. But in 1873-1874 the legislature, however, by refusing appropriations, did manage to nullify the work of the Board.

[1716] Constitution of 1867, Art. XI.

[1717] In 1871 the legislature repealed this act, and a case that arose was carried to the United States supreme court, which, reversing a former decision of the state supreme court, held that the action of one legislature could not restrain subsequent legislatures from legislating for the public welfare by suppressing practices that tended to corrupt public morals. Besides, the court professed itself unable to find in the act any authority for a lottery. See Boyd _vs._ Alabama, 94 United States Reports, p. 645 (opinion by Justice Field).

[1718] Act of Dec. 31, 1868. At the same time the office of Commissioner of Lotteries was created, with a salary of $2000 a year.

[1719] This is the opinion of two subsequent members--one a Democrat and one a Radical. See also Ku Klux Report, Ala. Test., p. 426. The members were G. L. Putnam, A. B. Collins (Collins was made a professor in the University, but murdered Haughey, the Radical Congressman, and fled from the state), W. D. Miller, Jesse H. Booth, Thomas A. Cook, James Nichols, William H. Clayton, Gustavus A. Smith,--four scalawags and four carpet-baggers. The first two named resigned to accept offices created by the board. See Register of the University of Alabama, 1831-1901, p. 20.

[1720] Report, Nov. 10, 1869.

[1721] This was done at the instance of the aid societies from the North which had been doing work among the negroes.

[1722] Acts, Aug. 11, 1868. Public School Laws (pamphlet). See also Acts of Ala., 1868, pp. 147-160.

[1723] Clark, p. 98.

[1724] See Ch. XX.

[1725] Nicholas Davis, a north Alabama Republican, had this to say about Lakin to the Ku Klux subcommittee: "He called on me to explain why I said unkind things about his being candidate for president of the Alabama University, and I said, 'Mr. Lakin, you and I are near neighbors, and I don't want to have much to do with you--not much; but I think this: didn't you try to be president of the Alabama University?' He said he did. I said, 'It would have been a disgrace to the state. You don't know an adjective from a verb, nor nothing else.'... He says, '... but I rather didn't like what you said.' I said, 'Doctor, you will have to like it or let it alone.' He let it alone."--Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., p. 784.

[1726] Clark, p. 98, is not correct on this point; Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., pp. 111, 112, 113, 114; account of Dr. O. D. Smith of the second Board of Education; _Independent Monitor_, Aug. 9 and Sept. 1, 1868.

[1727] For the picture see Ala. Test., p. 113, or the _Independent Monitor_, Sept 1, 1868. Ryland Randolph, the editor of the _Monitor_ at that time, says that the picture was made from a rough woodcut, fashioned in the _Monitor_ office. The _Cincinnati Commercial_ published an edition of 500,000 copies of the hanging picture for distribution as a campaign document. A Columbus, Ohio, newspaper also printed for distribution a larger edition containing the famous picture. This was during the Seymour-Grant campaign, and the Democratic newspapers and leaders of the state were furious at Randolph for furnishing such excellent campaign literature to the Radicals.

[1728] Clark, p. 98; _Independent Monitor_, Jan. 5 and March 23, 1869.

[1729] _Selma Times and Messenger_, Aug. 9, 1868.

[1730] Clark, pp. 98, 99. _Monitor_, Jan. 5, March 1 and 23, 1869. "The Reconstruction University," a farce, was acted at the court-house for the benefit of the brass band. There was no hope whatever that the reconstructed faculty would have a pleasant time.

[1731] See the _Monitor_, March 1, 1869.

[1732] Richards was at the same time state senator from Wilcox, sheriff of the same county, contractor to feed prisoners, and professor in the University. His income from all the offices was about $12,000, the professorship paying about $2500.

[1733] Report of Cloud, Nov., 1869. Clark, p. 99.

[1734] See _Monitor_, April 6, 1869. The editor of the _Monitor_ finally came to grief because of his attacks on the Radical faculty. His paper had charged Professor V. H. Vaughn with drunkenness, whipping his wife, incompetence, etc. After a year of such pleasantries, Vaughn, who was a timid man, determined to secure assistance and be revenged. In the University was a student named Smith, son of a regent and nephew of the governor, who, on account of his Union record, was given the position of steward of the mess hall, after the removal of the old steward. Smith had been in trouble about abstracting stores from the University commissary, and the _Monitor_ had not spared him. So he and Vaughn with their guns went after Randolph, and Smith shot him "while Vaughn stood at a respectful distance." Randolph lost his leg from the shot. Smith and Vaughn were put in jail, but through the connivance of the officials made their escape. Vaughn went to Washington and was given an office in Utah territory. See Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., p. 1979.

[1735] He was a competent man, well educated and possessing administrative ability. In the secession convention he had led the coöperationist forces.

[1736] Clark, pp. 99-101; _Monitor_, Jan. 10 and 25 and March 28, 1871. The Register of the University (p. 218) gives only thirteen names for the session 1870-1871. No record was kept at the University.

[1737] See Register of the University of Alabama, p. 217.

[1738] These notices were printed in the Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., p. 418. They were fastened to the door with a dagger. The students who were notified left at once.

[1739] See Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., p. 426 (Speed).

[1740] The following table gives the enrolment of students during Reconstruction:--

SESSION STUDENTS 1868-9 1869-70 30 1870-1 21 1871-2 107 1872-3 135 1873-4 53 1874-5 74 1875-6 111 1876-7 164

[1741] I have this account from the men who furnished the bribes.

[1742] Clark, p. 99.

[1743] Finley had been doorkeeper for the first Board (1868-1870), and in 1870 was elected to serve four years. He was a member of the convention of 1867 and of the legislature. He had no education and no ability, but he was a sensible negro and was an improvement on the white men of the preceding Board.

[1744] Journal of the Board of Education and Regents, June 20, 1871.

[1745] Act of Dec. 6, 1873, School Laws.

[1746] Clark, p. 232; Report of Cloud, Nov., 1869; _Montgomery Mail_, Sept. 16, 1870. In connection with the act merging the Mobile schools into the state system, the Board of Education took occasion to enlarge or complete its constitutional powers. There was no limit, according to the Constitution, to the time for the governor to retain acts of the Board. Governor Smith had pocketed several obnoxious educational bills, and the Board now resolved "that the same rules and provisions which by law govern and define the time and manner in which the governor of the state shall approve of or object to any bill or resolution of the General Assembly shall also apply to any bill or resolution having the force of law passed by this Board of Education." The governor approved neither resolution nor the Mobile act, but they were both declared in force. _Montgomery Mail_, Nov. 3, 1870.

[1747] Senate Journal, 1869-1870, p. 419.

[1748] _Montgomery Mail_, Sept. 16, 1870.

[1749] A specimen pay-roll of Emerson Institute ("Blue College") for the quarter ending March 31, 1869:--

====================================================================== |MONTHS| SALARY | TOTAL -------------------------------------------|------|---------|--------- G. L. Putnam, Supt. of Colored Schools | 3 | $333.33 | $1000.00 H. S. Kelsey, Prin. Emerson Institute | 3 | 225.00 | 675.00 E. I. Ethridge, Prin. Grammar School | 3 | 200.00 | 600.00 Susie A. Carley, Prin. Lower School | 3 | 180.00 | 540.00 A. A. Rockfellow, Prin. Intermediate School| 3 | 105.00 | 315.00 Sarah A. Primey, Prin. Intermediate School | 3 | 105.00 | 315.00 M. L. Harris, Prin. Intermediate School | 3 | 105.00 | 315.00 M. A. Cooley, Prin. Intermediate School | 3 | 105.00 | 315.00 M. E. F. Smith, Prin. Intermediate School | 3 | 105.00 | 315.00 Ruth A. Allen, Primary School | 3 | 105.00 | 315.00 N. G. Lincoln, Primary School | 3 | 105.00 | 315.00 M. L. Theyer, Primary School | 3 | 105.00 | 315.00 Judge Rapier, legal opinion | -- | -- | 50.00 American Missionary Association, fuel | -- | -- | 40.00 | | |--------- Total | | | $5425.00 ======================================================================

At this time the average salary of the teacher in the state schools was $42 a month.

[1750] _Montgomery Mail_, Sept. 16, 1876. Cloud's Report, Nov., 1869, shows that $10,447.23 had been drawn out of the treasury by Putnam, and he had also drawn $2000 for his salary as county superintendent.

[1751] Report of the Auditor, 1871; Report of the Commissioner of Education, 1871, 1876.

[1752] See Act of Dec. 2, 1869; Somers, "Southern States," pp. 169, 170.

[1753] The law stated that the trustees were to receive $2 a day, but Cloud said that it was a mistake, as it should be the clerks who were paid, and thus it was done. There were 1485 clerks in the state; they were paid about $60,000 a year. The county superintendents received about $65,000, an average of $1000 each, which was paid from the school fund. Before the war the average salary of the county superintendent was $300 and was paid by the county. In few counties was the work of the county superintendent sufficient to keep him busy more than two days in the week. Many of the superintendents stayed in their offices only one day in the week. The expenses of the Board of Education were from $3000 to $5000 a year, not including the salary of the state superintendent. _Montgomery Mail_, Sept. 15 and 16, 1870.

[1754] Hodgson's Report, 1871; Ala. Test., p. 233.

[1755] Cloud, the state superintendent, had power of attorney to act for certain county superintendents. This he sub-delegated to his son, W. B. Cloud, who drew warrants for $8551.31, which were allowed by the auditor. This amount was the school fund for the following counties: Sumter, $1,535.59; Pickens, $6,423.17; Winston, $215.89; Calhoun, $176.66; Marshall, $200.00.

A clerk in the office of C. A. Miller, the secretary of state, forged Miller's name as attorney and drew $3,238.39 from the Etowah County fund. Miller swore that he had notified both auditor and treasurer that he would not act as attorney to draw money for any one.

John B. Cloud bought whiskey with tax stamps. See Hodgson's Report, 1871; Ala. Test., p. 233; _Montgomery Advertiser_, Sept. 27, 1872.

[1756] Hodgson's Report, 1871; _Montgomery Advertiser_, Sept. 27, 1872; Report of the Commission to Examine State Offices, 1871.

[1757] Somers, pp. 169, 170.

[1758] _Montgomery Mail_, Sept. 15, 1870.

[1759] Somers, "Southern States," p. 170; voters only counted as polls.

[1760] _Montgomery Mail_, Sept. 15, 1870.

[1761] In recent years the people have demanded and obtained a different class of school histories, such as those of Derry, Lee, Jones, Thompson, Cooper, Estill, and Lemmon. Adams and Trent is an example of one of the compromise works that resulted from the demand of the southerners for books less tinctured with northern prejudices.

[1762] Cloud's Report, Nov., 1869; Hodgson's Report, 1871; Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., p. 426; Montgomery Conference, "Race Problems," p. 107.

[1763] See Ala. Test., p. 236 (General Clanton).

[1764] Ku Klux Rept., p. 53; Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., pp. 234, 235.

[1765] Ala. Test., p. 1123.

[1766] _Montgomery Advertiser_, July 30, 1866; _Selma Times_, June 30, 1866.

[1767] Ala. Test., p. 236.

[1768] _Selma Times_, Dec. 30, 1865; _Gulf States Hist. Mag._, Sept., 1902.

[1769] Trowbridge, "The South," p. 431.

[1770] _Marion Commonwealth_; meeting held May 17, 1866.

[1771] _Montgomery Advertiser_, July 24, 1867; Ala. Test., p. 236.

[1772] _Montgomery Advertiser_, July 24, 1867; Ala. Test., pp. 236, 246.

[1773] See Ch. XI, Sec. 3.

[1774] For specimen letters written to their homes, see the various reports of the Freedmen's Aid Society of the Methodist Church, and the reports of other aid societies.

[1775] The best-known instances of the killing of such negroes were in Tuscaloosa and Chambers counties. The Ku Klux Report gives only about half a dozen cases of outrages on teachers. See Ala. Test., pp. 52, 54, 67, 71, 140, 252, 755, 1047, 1140, 1853. Cloud in his report made no mention of violence to teachers, nor did the governor. Lakin said a great deal about it, but gave no instances that were not of the well-known few. There was much less violence than is generally supposed, even in the South.

[1776] Ala. Test., p. 252.

[1777] See Ala. Test., pp. 236, 1889; Somers, "Southern States," p. 169; Report of the Joint Committee on Outrages, 1868. In Crenshaw, Butler, and Chambers counties some schools existed for a year or more until teachers of bad character were elected. Then the neighborhood roughs burned the school buildings. Neither Cloud nor any other official reported cases of such burnings. The legislative committee could discover but two, and in both instances the women teachers were of bad character. In the records can be found only seventeen reports of burnings, and several of these were evidently reports of the same instance; few were specific. Lakin, who spent several years in travelling over north Alabama, and who was much addicted to fabrication and exaggeration, made a vague report of "the ruins of a dozen" schoolhouses. (Ala. Test., pp. 140, 141.) There may have been more than half a dozen burnings in north Alabama, but there is no evidence that such was the case. The majority of the reports originated outside the state through pure malice. The houses burned were principally in the white counties and were, as Lakin reports, slight affairs costing from $25 to $75. It was so evident that some of the fires were caused by the carelessness of travellers and hunters who camped in them at night, that the legislature passed a law forbidding that practice. See Acts of Ala., p. 187. About as many schoolhouses for whites were destroyed as for blacks. Some were fired by negroes for revenge, others were burned by accident.

[1778] _Weekly Mail_, Aug. 18, 1869.

[1779] _Demopolis New Era_, April 1, 1868.

[1780] Hodgson's Report, Nov. 11, 1871.

[1781] Hodgson's Report, Nov. 15, 1871.

[1782] Hodgson's Report, Nov. 15, 1871.

[1783] For opinions in regard to the value of the early education among the negroes, see Washington's "Future of the American Negro" and "Up from Slavery"; W. H. Thomas's "American Negro"; P. A. Bruce's "Plantation Negro as a Freeman"; J. L. M. Curry, in Montgomery Conference.

[1784] _Montgomery Advertiser_, July 24, 1867.

[1785] Ala. Test., p. 236.

[1786] Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test. Dr. J. L. M. Curry, who, in 1865, began his work for the education of the negro, has thus expressed his opinion of the early attempts to educate the blacks: "The education was unsettling, demoralizing, pandered to a wild frenzy for schooling as the quick method of reversing social and political conditions. Nothing could have been better devised for deluding the poor negro, and making him the tool, the slave, of corrupt taskmasters.... With deliberate purpose to subject the southern states to negro domination and secure the states permanently for partisan ends, the education adopted was contrary to common sense, to human experience, to all noble purposes. The aptitude and capabilities and needs of the negro were wholly disregarded. Especial stress was laid on classics and liberal culture to bring the race _per saltum_ to the same plane with their former masters, and realize the theory of social and political equality. Colleges and universities, established and conducted by the Freedmen's Bureau and northern churches and societies, sprang up like mushrooms, and the teachers, ignorant and fanatical, without self-poise, proceeded to make all possible mischief." Montgomery Conference, "Race Problems," p. 109. See also the papers of Rev. D. Clay Lilly and Dr. P. B. Barringer in Montgomery Conference, "Race Problems," p. 130; William H. Baldwin and Dr. Curry in Second Capon Springs Conference; Barringer, "The American Negro: His Past and Future"; Barringer, W. T. Harris, and J. D. Dreher in Proceedings Southern Education Association, 1900; Haygood, "Pleas for Progress" and "Our Brother in Black"; Abbott, "Rights of Man," pp. 225-226.

[1787] The United States Commissioner of Education, in his report for that year, made before the elections, stated that in educational matters the state of Alabama was about to take a "backward step," meaning that it was about to become Democratic. Report, 1870, p. 15. Later he made similar remarks, much to the disgust of Hodgson, who was an enthusiast in educational matters.

[1788] Journal of the Board of Education and Regents, 1870. Dr. O. D. Smith, who was one of the newly elected Democratic members of the Board, says that Cloud refused to inform the Board of the contents of Hodgson's communications. Thereupon Hodgson addressed one to the Board directly and not to Cloud. When it came in through the mail, Cloud took possession of it, but Dr. Smith, who was on the lookout, called his attention to the fact that it was addressed to the Board and reminded him of the penalties for tampering with the mail of another person. The secretary read Hodgson's communication, and the Board was then free to act. The Democratic members convinced the Radicals that if Cloud continued in office they would not be able to draw their _per diem_, so Cloud was compelled to vacate at once. When he left he had his buggy brought to the door, and into it he loaded all the government coal that was in his office and carried it away.

[1789] Hodgson's Report, 1872.

[1790] See Hodgson's Report, 1871.

[1791] Hodgson's Report, 1871; Report of the Commissioner of Education, 1876, p. 7; Journal of the Board of Education and Regents, 1871; Acts of the Board of Education, pamphlet.

[1792] And this was the case notwithstanding the fact that the county superintendents were now allowed mileage at the rate of eight cents a mile in order to get them to come to Montgomery for their money and thus to decrease the chances of corrupt practices of the attorneys. Hodgson complained that many old claims which should have been settled by Cloud were presented during his administration.

[1793] Speed was a southern Radical. During the war he was a state salt agent at the salt works in Virginia. He was a member of the Board of Education from 1870 to 1872, and was far above the average Radical office-holder in both character and ability.

[1794] Report of the Commissioner of Education, 1873, 1874, 1876; Speed's Report, 1873. Speed was ill much of the time, and his bookkeeping was little better than Cloud's. Two clerks, who, a committee of investigation stated, were distinguished by a "total want of capacity and want of integrity," managed the department with "such a want of system ... as most necessarily kept it involved in inextricable confusion." Money was received and not entered on the books. A sum of money in coin was received in June, 1873, and six months later was paid into the treasury in depreciated paper. Vouchers were stolen and used again. Bradshaw, a county superintendent, died, leaving a shortage of $10,019.06 in his accounts. A large number of vouchers were abstracted from the office of Speed by some one and used again by Bradshaw's administrator, who was no other than Dr. N. B. Cloud, who made a settlement with Speed's clerks, and when the shortage was thus made good, the administrator still had many vouchers to spare. This seems to have been Cloud's last raid on the treasury. _Montgomery Advertiser_, Dec. 18, 1873; Report of the Joint Committee on Irregularities in the Department of Education, 1873.

[1795] Under the Reconstruction administrative expenses amounted to 16 per cent, and even more.

[1796] The experiences with the American Missionary Association, etc., made this provision necessary.

[1797] The United States Commissioner of Education gave a disapproving account of these changes. It was exchanging "a certainty for an uncertainty," he said. Speed had not found it a "certainty" by any means.

[1798] Plus the poll tax, which was not appropriated as required by the constitution, but diverted to other uses.

[1799] There was a shortage of $187,872.49, diverted to other uses.

[1800] Shortage unknown; teachers were paid in depreciated state obligations.

[1801] Shortage was $330,036.93.

[1802] Only $68,313.93 was paid, the rest diverted; shortage now was $1,260,511.92.

[1803] None was paid, all diverted; shortage nearly two millions.

[1804] All was paid (by Democrats, who were now in power).

[1805] McTyeire, "A History of Methodism," p. 670; Smith, "Life and Times of George F. Pierce"; _Southern Review_, April, 1872.

[1806] Buckley, "History of Methodism in the United States," pp. 516, 517.

[1807] Matlack, "Anti-Slavery Struggle and Triumph in the Methodist Episcopal Church," p. 339; Smith, "Life and Times of George F. Pierce," p. 530.

[1808] Annual Cyclopædia (1865), p. 552; Caldwell, "Reconstruction of Church and State in Georgia" (pamphlet).

[1809] Annual Cyclopædia (1865), p. 552.

[1810] "The schismatical plans of the Northern Methodists and the subtle proselytism of the Episcopalians" (Pierce). See Smith, "Life and Times of George F. Pierce," pp. 491, 499, 505, 530; West, "History of Methodism in Alabama," p. 717; McTyeire, "A History of Methodism," p. 673.

[1811] A Federal official in north Alabama who had known of Lakin in the North testified that he had had a bad reputation in New York and in Illinois and had been sent South as a means of discipline. See Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., p. 619 (L. W. Day, United States Commissioner). Governor Lindsay said that Lakin was a shrewd, cunning, strong-willed man, given to exaggeration and lying,--one who had a "jaundiced eye," "a magnifying eye," and who among the blacks was a power for evil. Ala. Test., p. 180.

[1812] _N. Y. Herald_, May 10, 1868; Buckley, "History of Methodism," Vol. II, p. 191.

[1813] In 1871, Lakin stated that of his 15,000 members, three-fourths were whites of the poorer classes; that there were under his charge 6 presiding elders' districts with 70 circuits and stations, and 70 ministers and 150 local preachers; and that he had been assisted in securing the "loyal" element by several ministers who had been expelled by the Southern Methodists during the war as traitors. Ala. Test., pp. 124, 130. Governor Lindsay stated that some of the whites of Lakin's church were to be found in the counties of Walker, Winston, and Blount; that there were few such white congregations, and that some of these afterward severed their connection with the northern church, and by 1872 there were only two or three in the state. Lakin worked among the negro population almost entirely, and his statement that three-fourths of his members were whites was not correct. See Ala. Test., pp. 180, 208.

[1814] Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., pp. 111, 112, 124, 180, 623, 957. Lakin secured all church property formerly used by the southern church for negro congregations.

[1815] Lakin never acknowledged the present existence of the southern church.

[1816] Ala. Test., pp. 238, 758.

[1817] One of Lakin's relations was that while he was conducting a great revival meeting among the hills of north Alabama, Governor Smith and other prominent and sinful scalawag politicians were under conviction and were about to become converted. But in came the Klan and the congregation scattered. Smith and the others were so angry and frightened that their good feelings were dissipated, and the devil reëntered them, so that he (Lakin) was never able to get a hold on them again. Consequently, the Klan was responsible for the souls lost that night. Lakin told a dozen or more marvellous stories of his hairbreadth escapes from death by assassination,--enough, if true, to ruin the reputation of north Alabama men for marksmanship.

[1818] Shackleford, "History of the Muscle Shoals Baptist Association," p. 84.

[1819] Annual Cyclopædia (1865), p. 106. In 1905 there is a much better spirit, and the churches of the two sections are on good terms, though not united.

[1820] Annual Cyclopædia (1865), p. 705. See p. 23 and Ch. IV, Sec. 7, above.

[1821] Thompson, "History of the Presbyterian Churches," p. 167.

[1822] Annual Cyclopædia (1865), p. 706.

[1823] Carroll, "Religious Forces," p. 281; Thompson, "History of the Presbyterian Churches," pp. 163, 171; Johnson, "History of the Southern Presbyterian Churches," pp. 333, 339.

[1824] Perry, p. 328 _et seq._

[1825] Later the northern congregations of the Methodist Protestant Church rejoined the main body, which was southern.

[1826] Sen. Ex. Doc., No. 6, 39th Cong., 2d Sess.

[1827] Riley, "History of the Baptists in Alabama," p. 310; _Montgomery Advertiser_, Oct. 15, 1865; _N. Y. Times_, Oct. 22, 1865; George Brewer, "History of the Central Association," pp. 46, 49.

[1828] _Huntsville Advocate_, May 16, 1866.

[1829] Shackleford, "History of the Muscle Shoals Baptist Association," p. 84.

The Radical missionaries, in order to further their own plans, encouraged the negroes to assert their equality by forcing themselves into the congregations of the various denominations. Governor Lindsay related an incident of a negro woman who went alone into a white church, selected a good pew, and calmly appropriated it. No one molested her, of course. Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., p. 208.

America Trammell, a negro preacher of east Alabama, before the war and afterward as late as 1870 preached to mixed congregations of blacks and whites. A part of the church building was set apart for the whites and a part for the blacks. Later he became affected by the work of the missionaries, and in 1871 began to preach that "Christ never died for the southern people at all; that he died only for the northern people." A white woman teacher lived in his house, and he was killed by the Ku Klux Klan. Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., p. 1119.

[1830] Ball, "History of Clarke County," pp. 591, 630; Statistics of Churches, p. 171.

[1831] Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., pp. 236, 1067.

[1832] "The Work of the Southern Baptists among the Negroes" (pamphlet).

[1833] See the _Southern Baptist Convention Advanced Quarterly_, p. 30, "Missionary Lesson, The Negroes," March 29, 1903, which is a most interesting, artless, southern lesson. The northern Baptists also have a mission lesson on the negroes which is distinctly of the abolitionist spirit. The average student will get about the same amount of prepared information from each. See "Home Mission Lesson No. 3, The Negroes."

[1834] Foster, "Sketch of History of the Cumberland Presbyterian Church," p. 300; Carroll, "Religious Forces," p. 294; Thompson, "History of the Presbyterian Churches," p. 193.

[1835] Thompson, "History of the Presbyterian Churches," p. 193; Scouller, "History of the United Presbyterian Church of North America," p. 246.

[1836] Montgomery Conference, "Race Problems," p. 114.

[1837] Eighth Annual Report of the Freedmen's Aid Society.

[1838] House Rept., No. 121, 41st Cong., 2d Sess.

[1839] See "Race Problems," p. 139, for a statement of the work now being done among the negroes in Alabama by the Catholic Church.

[1840] Whitaker, "The Church in Alabama," pp. 193, 205, 206-212. The work of the Episcopal Church among the negroes is more promising in later years. See "Race Problems," pp. 126-131. It is not a sectional church, with a northern section hindering the work of a southern section among the negroes, as is the Methodist Episcopal Church.

[1841] Carroll, "Religious Forces," p. 263.

[1842] _Montgomery Advertiser_, Nov. 24, 1865.

[1843] _Montgomery Advertiser_, Nov. 11, 1865.

[1844] Report for 1866, Sen. Ex. Doc., No. 6, 39th Cong., 2d Sess.

[1845] Lakin fomented disturbances between the races. His daughter wrote slanderous letters to northern papers, which were reprinted by the Alabama papers. Lakin told the negroes that the whites, if in power, would reëstablish slavery, and advised them, as a measure of safety, physical as well as religious, to unite with the northern church. The scalawags did not like Lakin, and one of them (Nicholas Davis) gave his opinion of him and his talks to the Ku Klux Committee as follows: "The character of his [Lakin's] speech was this: to teach the negroes that every man that was born and raised in the southern country was their enemy, that there was no use trusting them, no matter what they said,--if they said they were for the Union or anything else. 'No use talking, they are your enemies.' And he made a pretty good speech, too; awful; a hell of a one; ... inflammatory and game, too, ... it was enough to provoke the devil. Did all the mischief he could.... I tell you, that old fellow is a hell of an old rascal." Ala. Test., pp. 784, 791. One of Lakin's negro congregations complained that they paid for their church and the lot on which it stood, and that Lakin had the deed made out in his name.

[1846] In the Black Belt and in the cities the slaveholders often erected churches or chapels for the use of the negroes, and paid the salary of the white preacher who was detailed by conference, convention, association, or presbytery to look after the religious instruction of the blacks. Nearly always the negro slaves contributed in work or money towards building these houses of worship, and the Reconstruction convention in 1867 passed an ordinance which transferred such property to the negroes whenever they made any claim to it. See Ordinance No. 25, Dec. 2, 1867. See also Acts of 1868, pp. 176-177; Governor Lindsay in Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., p. 180; _Montgomery Advertiser_, Nov. 24, 1865.

[1847] _Huntsville Advocate_, May 5, 1865; Carroll, "Religious Forces," p. 263.

[1848] Reports of the Freedmen's Aid Society, 1866-1874.

[1849] The first recognition of such work, I find, is in the Report of the Freedmen's Aid Society in 1878.

[1850] Tenth and Eleventh Reports of the Freedmen's Aid Society.

[1851] These religious bodies were the African Methodist Episcopal and the African Methodist Episcopal Zion. The former was organized in Philadelphia in 1816, and the latter in New York in 1820. Both were secessions from the Methodist Episcopal Church. See Statistics of Churches, pp. 543, 559. At first there were bitter feuds between the blacks who wished to join the northern churches and those who wished to remain in the southern churches, but the latter were in the minority and they had to go. See Ala. Test., p. 180; Smith, "History of Methodism in Georgia and Florida"; "Life and Times of George F. Pierce," p. 491.

The main difference between the A. M. E. and the A. M. E. Zion Church, according to a member of the latter, is that in one the dues are 25 cents a week and in the other 20 cents.

[1852] McTyeire, "History of Methodism," pp. 670-673. A Southern Methodist negro preacher in north Alabama was trying to reorganize his church and was driven away by Lakin, who told his flock that there was a wolf in the fold. See Ala. Test, p. 430. The statements of several of the negro ministers would seem to indicate that Lakin took possession of a number of negro congregations and united them with the Cincinnati Conference without their knowledge. Few of the negroes knew of the divisions in the Methodist Episcopal Church, and most of them thought that Lakin's course was merely some authorized reorganization after the destruction of war. One witness who knew Lakin in the North said that he was an original secessionist, since, in Peru, Indiana, he broke up a church and organized a secession congregation because he was opposed to men and women sitting together. The same person testified that once in north Alabama Lakin asked for lodging one night at a white man's house. The host was treated to a lecture by Lakin on the equality of the races, and thereupon sent out and got a negro and put him in a bed to which Lakin was directed at bedtime. He hesitated, but slept with the negro. Ala. Test., pp. 791-794. Lakin was a strange character, and for several years was a powerful influence among the Radicals and negroes of north Alabama. See Ala. Test., p. 959. A Northern Methodist leader among the negroes of Coosa County was the Rev. ---- Dorman, who had formerly belonged to the southern church, but had been expelled for immorality. He lived with the negroes and led a lewd life. He advised the negroes to arm themselves and assert their rights, and required them to go armed to church. See Ala. Test., pp. 164, 230. Rev. J. B. F. Hill of Eutaw was another ex-Southern Methodist who taught a negro school and preached to the negroes. He had been expelled from the Alabama Conference (Southern) for stealing money from the church, and it was charged that he tried to sell a coffin which had been sent him and in which he was to send to Ohio the body of a Federal soldier who had died in Eutaw. See _Demopolis New Era_, April 1, 1868. During the worst days of Reconstruction a number of negro churches which were used as Radical headquarters were burned by the Ku Klux Klan. The Northern Methodist Church is the weakest of the three negro churches; mountaineers and negroes do not mix well. The church is not favored by the whites, and there is opposition to the establishment of a negro university at Anniston by the Freedmen's Aid Society of this church, on the ground that socially, commercially, and educationally the interests of the white race suffer where an institution is located by this society. See _Brundidge_ (Ala.) _News_, Aug. 22, 1903.

[1853] McTyeire, "A History of Southern Methodism," p. 670; Carroll, "Religious Forces," p. 263; Alexander, "Methodist Episcopal Church South," pp. 91-133.

[1854] Carroll, "Religious Forces," p. 263; Bishop Halsey in the _N. Y. Independent_, March 5, 1891; Statistics of Churches, p. 604.

[1855] W. T. Harris, Richmond Meeting, Southern Educational Association (1900), p. 100.

[1856] See Washington, "Up from Slavery." One church with two hundred members had eighteen preachers. Exhorters or "zorters" and "pot liquor" preachers were still more numerous.

[1857] "Race Problems," pp. 114, 120, 123, 126, 130, 131, 135; Haygood, "Our Brother in Black," _passim_; Statistics of Churches, p. 171.

[1858] _The Nation_, July 12, 1866, condensed.

[1859] Caldwell, "Reconstruction of Church and State in Georgia" (pamphlet). The circulars of advice to the blacks by the Freedmen's Bureau officials repeatedly mention the advisability of the separation of the races in religious matters. But this was less the case in Alabama than in other southern states.

[1860] See Testimony of Minnis in Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test.; Brown, "Lower South," Ch. IV.

[1861] See above, Ch. VIII, Sec. 2.

[1862] Saunders, "Early Settlers"; Miller, "Alabama"; Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., p. 394 (General Pettus); Somers, "Southern States," p. 153.

[1863] Ku Klux Rept., pp. 80-81; Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., p. 170 (Governor Lindsay).

[1864] Ala. Test., pp. 433, 459 (P. M. Dox, M. C.); p. 1749 (W. S. Mudd); p. 476 (William H. Forney); Beard, "Ku Klux Sketches."

[1865] Somers, p. 153; _Birmingham Age-Herald_, May 19, 1901 (J. W. DuBose); Ala. Test., p. 487 (Gen. William H. Forney).

[1866] Ala. Test., p. 230 (General Clanton); pp. 1751, 1758, 1765 (W. S. Mudd).

[1867] Planters who before the war were able to raise their own bacon at a cost of 5 cents a pound now had to kill all the hogs to keep the negroes from stealing them, and then pay 20 to 28 cents a pound for bacon. The farmer dared not turn out his stock. Ala. Test., pp. 230, 247 (Clanton).

[1868] _N. Y. World_, April 11, 1868 (_Montgomery Advertiser_). There was a plot to burn Selma and Tuscumbia; Talladega was almost destroyed; the court-house of Greene County was burned and that of Hale set on fire. In Perry County a young man had a difficulty with a carpet-bag official and slapped his face. That night the carpet-bagger's agents burned the young man's barn and stables with horses in them. It was generally believed that the penalty for a dispute with a carpet-bagger was the burning of a barn, gin, or stable. See also Brown, "Lower South," Ch. IV.

[1869] Ala. Test., p. 487 (Gen. William H. Forney).

[1870] Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., pp. 377, 381, 382, 400, statement of General Pettus, the present junior Senator from Alabama. Pope and Grant continually reminded the old soldiers that their paroles were still in force. Also Beard, "Ku Klux Sketches"; testimony of John D. Minnis, a carpet-bag official, in Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., pp. 527-571.

[1871] Ala. Test., p. 224.

[1872] Ala. Test., p. 873 (William M. Lowe).

[1873] See Ch. XXIII.

[1874] For general accounts: Lester and Wilson, "Ku Klux Klan"; Beard, "Ku Klux Sketches"; Brown, "The Lower South in American History," Ch. IV; Nordhoff, "Cotton States in 1875"; Somers, "The Southern States." For documents, see Fleming, "Docs. relating to Reconstruction." For innumerable details, see the Ku Klux testimony and the testimony taken by the Coburn investigating committee.

[1875] _Independent Monitor_ (Tuscaloosa), April 14, 1868.

[1876] The negroes called them "paterollers."

[1877] Ala. Test., p. 490 (William H. Forney).

[1878] Ala. Test., p. 873 (William. M. Lowe); p. 443 (P. M. Dox); oral accounts. It must be remembered that, so far as numbers of whites are considered, the Black Belt has always been as a thinly populated frontier region, where every white must care for himself.

[1879] Rev. W. E. Lloyd and Mr. R. W. Burton, both of Auburn, Ala., and numerous negroes have given me accounts of the policy of the black districts soon after the war.

[1880] Ala. Test., p. 1487 (J. J. Garrett).

[1881] _Birmingham Age-Herald_, May 19, 1901 (J. W. DuBose).

[1882] Ala. Test., p. 592 (L. W. Day).

[1883] Saunders, "Early Settlers"; oral accounts.

[1884] Ala. Test., p. 445 (P. M. Dox); Miller, "Alabama." The negroes still point out and avoid the trees on which these outlaws were hanged.

[1885] J. W. DuBose and accounts of other members.

[1886] Report of the Joint Committee on Reconstruction, 1866, Pt. III, p. 140 (Swayne).

[1887] Ala. Test., pp. 1125, 1126 (Daniel Taylor); pp. 1136, 1142 (Col. John J. Holley).

[1888] Ala. Test., p. 877 (Wm. M. Lowe); p. 664 (Daniel Coleman).

[1889] "The so-called Ku Klux organizations were formed in this state (Alabama) very soon after the return of our soldiers to their homes, following the surrender. To the best of my recollection, it was during the winter of 1866 that I first heard of the Klan in Alabama."--Ryland Randolph. The quotations from Randolph are taken from his letters, unless his paper, the _Independent Monitor_, is referred to.

[1890] "This fellow Jones up at Pulaski got up a piece of Greek and originated it, and then General Forrest took hold of it."--Nicholas Davis, in Ala. Test., p. 783.

[1891] Lester and Wilson, "Ku Klux Klan," p. 17; Ala. Test., pp. 660, 661, 1282; accounts of members.

[1892] Ala. Test., p. 660.

[1893] "It [the Klan] originated with the returned soldiers for the purpose of punishing those negroes who had become notoriously and offensively insolent to white people, and, in some cases, to chastise those white-skinned men who, at that particular time, showed a disposition to affiliate socially with negroes. The impression sought to be made was that these white-robed night prowlers were the ghosts of the Confederate dead, who had arisen from their graves in order to wreak vengeance upon an undesirable class of white and black men."--Randolph.

[1894] Lester and Wilson, Ch. I; Ala. Test., p. 1283 (Blackford); Somers, p. 152; oral accounts.

[1895] General Forrest was the first and only Grand Wizard.

[1896] There could not be more than two Dominions in a single congressional district.

[1897] There might be two Grand Giants in a province.

[1898] The office of Grand Ensign was abolished by the Revised and Amended Prescript, adopted in 1868. The banner was in the shape of an isosceles triangle, five feet by three, of yellow cloth with a three-inch red border. Painted on it in black was a _Draco volans_, or Flying Dragon, and this motto, "Quod semper, quod umbique, quod ab omnibus." This, in a note to the Prescript, was translated, "What always, what everywhere, what by all is held to be true."

[1899] Sources of revenue: (1) sale of the Prescript to Dens for $10 a copy, of which the treasuries of Province, Dominion, and Realm each received $2 and the treasury of the Empire $4; (2) a tax levied by each division on the next lower one, amounting to 10% of the revenue of the subordinate division; (3) a special tax, unlimited, might be levied in a similar manner, when absolutely necessary; (4) the Dens raised money by initiation fees ($1 each), fines, and a poll tax levied when the Grand Cyclops saw fit.

[1900] The Revised Prescript made all officers appointive except the Grand Wizard, who was elected by the Grand Dragons,--a long step toward centralization.

[1901] It was by virtue of this authority that the order was disbanded in 1869.

[1902] The judiciary was abolished by the Revised Prescript.

[1903] "We had a regular system of by-laws, one or two of which only do I distinctly remember. One was, that should any member reveal the names or acts of the Klan, he should suffer the full penalty of the identical treatment inflicted upon our white and black enemies. Another was that in case any member of the Klan should become involved in a personal difficulty with a Radical (white or black), in the presence of any other member or members, he or they were bound to take the part of the member, even to the death, if necessary."--Randolph.

[1904] "Terrible, horrible, furious, doleful, bloody, appalling, frightful, gloomy," etc. The Register was changed in the Revised Prescript. It was simply a cipher code.

[1905] The Revised Prescript says "the constitutional laws." Lester and Wilson, p. 54.

[1906] Compare with the declaration of similar illegal societies,--the "Confréries" of France in the Middle Ages,--which sprang into existence under similar conditions seven hundred years before, "pour defendre les innocents et réprimer les violences iniques." See Lavisse et Rambaud, "Histoire Générale," Vol. II, p. 466.

[1907] See also Lester and Wilson, pp. 55, 56.

[1908] I have before me the original Prescript, a small brown pamphlet about three inches by five, of sixteen pages. The title-page has a quotation from "Hamlet" and one from Burns. At the top and bottom of each page are single-line Latin quotations: "Damnant quod non intelligunt"; "Amici humani generis"; "Magna est Veritas, et prevalebit"; "Hic manent vestigia morientis libertatis"; "Cessante causa, cessat effectus"; "Dormitur aliquando jus, moritur nunquam"; "Deo adjuvante, non timendum"; "Nemo nos impune lacessit," etc. This Prescript belonged to the Grand Giant of the Province of Tuscaloosa County, the late Ryland Randolph, formerly editor of the _Independent Monitor_, and was given to me by him. It is the only copy known to be in existence. He called it the "Ku Klux Guide Book," and states that it was sent to him from headquarters at Memphis. An imperfect copy of the original Prescript was captured in 1868, and printed in Ho. Mis. Doc., No. 53, pp. 315-321, 41st Cong., 2d Sess., and again in the Ku Klux Rept., Vol. XIII, pp. 35-41.

There is a copy of the Revised and Amended Prescript in Columbia University Library, the only copy known to be in existence. No committee of Congress ever discovered this Prescript, and when the Klan disbanded, in March, 1869, it was strictly ordered that all papers be destroyed. A few Prescripts escaped destruction, and years afterward one of these was given to the Southern Society of New York by a Nashville lady. The Southern Society gave it to Columbia University Library. It was printed in the office of the _Pulaski Citizen_ in 1868. The Revised and Amended Prescript is reproduced in facsimile as No. 2 of the W. Va. Univ. "Docs, relating to Reconstruction." Lester and Wilson use it incorrectly (p. 54) as the one adopted in Nashville in 1867. At this time General Forrest is said to have assumed the leadership. See Wyeth, "Life of Forrest," p. 619; Mathes, "General Forrest," pp. 371-373; Ku Klux Rept., Vol. XIII, Forrest's testimony.

[1909] Somers, p. 153.

[1910] "Breckenridge Democrats, Douglas Democrats, Watts State Rights Whigs, Langdon Consolidation Know-Nothings," united in Ku Klux. _Birmingham Age-Herald_, May 19, 1901; Ala. Test., p. 323 (Busteed) _et passim_.

[1911] But some survivors are now inclined to remember all opposition to the Radical programme as Ku Klux, that is, to have been a Democrat then was to have been a member of Ku Klux.

[1912] General Terry, in Report of Sec. of War, 1869-1870, Vol. II, p. 88.

[1913] "The Ku Klux organizations flourished chiefly in middle and southern Alabama; notably in Montgomery, Greene, Tuscaloosa, and Pickens counties."--Randolph.

[1914] Ku Klux Rept., p. 21; Ala. Test., pp. 67, 68 (B. W. Norris); pp. 364, 395 (Swayne); p. 443 (P. M. Dox); p. 385 (General Pettus); p. 462 (William H. Forney); p. 77 (Parsons); pp. 1282, 1283 (Blackford); p. 547 (Minnis); p. 660 (Daniel Coleman); p. 323 (Busteed).

[1915] Ala. Test., p. 785 (Nicholas Davis); pp. 79, 80 (Governor Parsons).

[1916] Ala. Test., p. 1282.

[1917] "Had these organizations confined their operations to their legitimate objects, then their performances would have effected only good. Unfortunately the Klan began to degenerate into a vile means of wreaking revenge for personal dislikes or personal animosities, and in this way many outrages were perpetrated, ultimately resulting in casting so much odium on the whole concern that about the year 1870 there was an almost universal collapse, all the good and brave men abandoning it in disgust. Many outrages were committed in the name of Ku Klux that really were done by irresponsible parties who never belonged to the Klan."--Randolph.

[1918] It was evidently organized May 23, 1867, since the constitution directed that all orders and correspondence should be dated with "the year of the B.--computing from the 23d of May, 1867.... Thursday the 20th of July, 1868, shall be the 20th day of the 7th month of the 2d year of the B. of the ----." Constitution, Title VIII, Article 77.

[1919] Ala. Test., pp. 1282-1283 (Blackford); p. 9 (William Miller); accounts of former members. P. J. Glover testified in the Coburn-Buckner Report, pp. 882-883 (1875), that in 1867-1868 he was a member of the order of the White Camelia in Marengo County, and that it coöperated with a similar order in Sumter County. The Ku Klux testimony relating to Alabama (p. 1338) shows that in 1871 Glover had denied any knowledge of such secret orders.

[1920] W. Va. Univ. Docs., No. 1; Brown, "Lower South," Ch. IV.

[1921] The officers of the Supreme Council were: (1) Supreme Commander, (2) Supreme Lieutenant Commander, (3) Supreme Sentinel, (4) Supreme Corresponding Secretary, (5) Supreme Treasurer.

[1922] The officers were Grand Commander, Grand Lieutenant Commander, etc.

[1923] The officers of a Central Council were Eminent Commander, etc.; of a Subordinate Council, Commander, etc.

[1924] Dr. G. P. L. Reid, Marion, Alabama, formerly an official in the order. Mr. William Garrott Brown gives the statement of one of the leaders of the order: "The authority of the commander [this office I held] was _absolute_. All were sworn to obey his orders. There was an inner circle in each circle, to which was committed any particular work; its movements were not known to other members of the order. This was necessary because, in our neighborhood, almost every southern man was a member." "Lower South," p. 212.

[1925] It is said that the Ku Klux Klan had a number of negro members.

[1926] In making the presentation the following dialogue took place: _Q._ Who comes there? _Ans._ A son of your race. _Q._ What does he wish? _Ans._ Peace and order; the observance of the laws of God; the maintenance of the laws and Constitution as established by the Patriots of 1776. _Q._ To obtain this, what must be done? _Ans._ The cause of our race must triumph. _Q._ And to secure its triumph, what must we do? _Ans._ We must be united as are the flowers that grow on the same stem, and, under all circumstances, band ourselves together as brethren. _Q._ Will he join us? _Ans._ He is prepared to answer for himself, and under oath.

[1927] The oath: "I do solemnly swear, in the presence of these witnesses, never to reveal, without authority, the existence of this Order, its objects, its acts, and signs of recognition; never to reveal or publish, in any manner whatsoever, what I shall see or hear in this Council; never to divulge the names of the members of the Order, or their acts done in connection therewith; I swear to maintain and defend the social and political superiority of the White Race on this continent; always and in all places to observe a marked distinction between the White and African races; to vote for none but white men for any office of honor, profit, or trust; to devote my intelligence, energy, and influence to instil these principles in the minds and hearts of others; and to protect and defend persons of the White Race, in their lives, rights, and property, against the encroachments and aggressions of persons of any inferior race. I swear, moreover, to unite myself in heart, soul, and body with those who compose this Order; to aid, protect, and defend them in all places; to obey the orders of those who, by our statutes, will have the right of giving those orders; to respond at the peril of my life, to a call, sign, or cry coming from a fellow-member whose rights are violated; and to do everything in my power to assist him through life. And to the faithful performance of this Oath I pledge my life and sacred honor."

[1928] The motto is printed in large capitals in the original text.

[1929] Large capitals in the original text.

[1930] The Constitution and the Ritual of the Knights of the White Camelia are reprinted in W. Va. Univ. Docs., No. 1. They were preserved by Dr. G. P. L. Reid of Perry County, Alabama, who buried his papers when the order was disbanded, and years afterward dug them up. The secrets of the Knights of the White Camelia were more closely kept than those of the Ku Klux Klan, and the Federal officials were unable to find out anything about the order.

[1931] Constitutional Union Guards, Sons of '76, The '76 Association, Pale Faces, White Boys, White Brotherhood, Regulators, White League, White Rose, etc. Sumarez de Haviland, in an article on "Ku Klux Klan" in the _Gentleman's Magazine_, Vol. XL, 1888 (evidently based on Lester and Wilson), gives the names of a number of secret societies, which he says were connected in some way; the first group was absorbed into Ku Klux Klan; the second consisted of opposing societies; they existed before, during, and after the Civil War. 1. The Lost Clan of Cocletz, Knights of the Golden Circle, Knights of the White Camelia, Centaurs of Caucasian Civilization, Angels of Avenging Justice, etc. 2. The Underground Railroad, The Red String Band, The Union League, The Black Avengers of Justice, etc.

"The generic name of Ku Klux was applied to all secret organizations in the South composed of white natives and having for their object the execution of the 'first law of nature.' There were many organizations (principally of local origin) which had no connection one with another; others, again, were more extended in their influence and operations. The one numerically the largest and which embraced the most territory was the White Camelia."--Dr. G. P. L. Reid.

[1932] "Their robes used in these nocturnal campaigns consisted simply of sheets wrapped around their bodies and belted around the waist. The lower portion reached to the heels, whilst the upper had eyeholes through which to see, and mouth holes through which to breathe. Of course, every man so caparisoned had one or more pistols in holsters buckled to his waist."--Randolph.

[1933] Ala. Test., pp. 149-152, 275, 452, 453, 535, 574, 579, 597, 668, 707, 919, 1048, 1553; Somers, "Southern States," p. 152; Report of Joint Committee, Alabama Legislature, 1868; oral accounts. The Ku Klux costumes represented in Wilson's "History of the American People," Vol. V, Ch. I, were captured after a Ku Klux parade in Huntsville, Ala. When costumes were to be made, the materials were sometimes sent secretly to the women, who made them according to directions and returned them secretly.

[1934] Ala. Test., pp. 352, 452, 453, 490, 533, 534; Beard, "Ku Klux Sketches"; Brown, "Lower South," Ch. IV; Lester and Wilson, Ch. III; Weir, "Old Times in Georgia," p. 32; accounts of former members.

[1935] "Concerning any elaborate organization, I am unable to state from any personal experience. There were certain heads of departments or organizations, under heads or chiefs bearing titles intended to strike awe into the minds of the ignorant. In some instances organizers were sent to towns to establish the Klans. These latter were formed into companies officered somewhat in military style. In (1868) I was honored by being chosen leader of the Tuscaloosa Klan, and even at this late day I am gratified to be able to say that my company did good service to Tuscaloosa."--Randolph.

[1936] "We had regular meetings about once a week, at which the conduct of certain offensive characters would be discussed, and if the majority voted to punish such, it would be done accordingly on certain prescribed nights. Sometimes it was deemed necessary only to post notices of warning, which, in some cases, were sufficient to alarm the victims and to induce them to reform in their behavior. To the best of my recollection, our company consisted of about sixty members. As soon as our object was effected, viz., got the negroes to behave themselves, we disbanded. I well remember those notices in _The Monitor_, for they were concocted and posted by my own hand--disguised of course."--Randolph.

[1937] Printed in Report of Joint Committee, Alabama Legislature, 1868. The warning is not in the ordinary Ku Klux form. The purpose is clear, however. The illiteracy is probably assumed, though not necessarily.

[1938]

HEADQUARTERS S. V. W., ANCIENT COMMANDERY, Mother Earth. 1st Quarter New Moon. 1st year of Revenge.

_Special Order_:

The worldly medium for the expression of +SOUTHERN OPINION+ is notified to publish for the eyes of humanity the orders of the offended Ghosts. Failing to do so, let him prepare his soul for travelling beyond the limits of his corporosity.

Cyclops warns it--print it well, Or glide instanter down to h--l!

By order of the Great BLUFUSTIN The Mighty Chief. +HOBGOBLIN.+

True Copy, +PETERLOO.+ S. K. K. K.

--_Independent Monitor_, April 1, 1868.

[1939] "They [Ku Klux orders] had this meaning: the very night of the day on which said notices made their appearance, three notably offensive negro men were dragged out of their beds, escorted to the old boneyard (3/4 mile from Tuscaloosa) and thrashed in the regular ante-bellum style, until their unnatural nigger pride had a tumble, and humbleness to the white man reigned supreme."--Randolph.

[1940] Report of Meade, 1868.

[1941] Report of Joint Committee, 1868; Ala. Test., p. 876 (William M. Lowe).

[1942] In 1869-1870 there was an epidemic of resignations in the Black Belt. It was in the rich Black Belt that the carpet-bagger flourished. The departing Radical could always sell his property at a high price, the whites often uniting to purchase it. In Perry, Pickens, Choctaw, Marengo, Hale, and other Black Belt counties the carpet-baggers resigned and left. Ala. Test., pp. 103, 104.

[1943] The case of W. B. Jones of Marengo County was well known. See Ala. Test., p. 1455 _et passim_.

[1944] Ala. Test., p. 935 (a Bureau agent). It is more likely that this was when the Klan was dying out and the class of men composing it had no time to go on night rides while the crops were needing their attention. During the leisure seasons time would hang heavy on their hands, and they would begin their deviltry again.

[1945] I have learned of only two such cases; one was in Tuscaloosa County. The woman was a Bureau school-teacher from the North. _Independent Monitor_, May 24, 1871. The other was the case of America Trammell in east Alabama. Ala. Test., p. 1119.

[1946] Ala. Test., pp. 166, 433, 459, 462, 476, 1125, 1126, 1749.

[1947] Ala. Test., pp. 476, 1125, 1126.

[1948] Ala. Test., pp. 922, 923, _et passim_. I have been told that in one place 2000 muskets were collected, taken from negroes.

[1949] Ala. Test., p. 1179. The legal militia consisted of Major-General Dustan only.

[1950] Not nearly so many as is usually supposed. Lakin, who never underestimated anything, could think of only six in all north Alabama.

[1951] Ala. Test., 1138; Coburn-Buckner Report.

[1952] Several southern churches seized by Lakin for the northern church were burned.

[1953] Report of Joint Committee, 1868; Ala. Test., p. 1138.

[1954] Ala. Test., pp. 126, 127, 230, 418. See above, p. 612.

[1955] Ala. Test., p. 1983.

[1956] "Of the acts of this Order much has been written which is untrue; every disturbance between the races was laid at its door; every act of violence, in which the negro or the northern man was the victim, it was charged with. I do not deny that extreme measures were sometimes resorted to, but of such I have no personal knowledge.... Four hours would have been in [Perry County] ample time to secure the assembly, at any central point, of a thousand resolute men who would have done the bidding of their commander whatever it might have been, yet in this time [three years] no single act of violence was committed on the person or property of a negro or alien by its order or which received its sanction or indorsement."--Dr. G. P. L. Reid.

[1957] However, in 1871 Governor Lindsay stated that there were in the state fewer feuds, crimes, difficulties, etc., than since 1819, when the state was admitted. This was especially the case, he said, in northern Alabama, for this reason: the people of the mountain and hill county were now prosperous; cotton was selling for $100 to $150 a bale; these white mountaineers by their own labor were doing well. Such was not the case with the planter who had to hire negro labor and pay high prices for provisions, farming implements, and mules. Meat that cost the planter 22 cents a pound was raised by the mountain people. Outrages against negroes were now very rare. Ala. Test., pp. 206-207. It is certain that the prosperity of the white counties which in 1870 got rid of the alien local officials had much to do with allaying disorder.

[1958] The estimate is Lakin's.

[1959] Report Joint Committee of 1868; Ala. Test., p. 115 _et passim_. The _N. Y. Tribune_, Nov. 14, 1868, states that Gustavus Horton, the first Radical mayor of Mobile, was killed in this riot. After the riot was over the United States troops appeared too late, as they usually were in such cases.

[1960] Ala. Test., pp. 77, 429 _et passim_; _Montgomery Mail_, July 16, 1870. The mountain people had another grudge against Luke. He associated constantly with negroes and was said to be a miscegenationist. The mountain farmers had the greatest horror of such.

[1961] Ala. Test., pp. 257, 266, 275, _et passim_. Boyd had many private enemies, among them relatives of a man he had killed, and it was charged that they killed him. He was a man of low character, and his own party was not sorry to lose him.

[1962] It was a marked fact that no resistance to the United States soldiers was ever attempted. When the soldiers appeared, all violence ceased. The soldiers were as a rule in favor of the whites and sometimes took a hand in the Ku Kluxing. They usually appeared after the row was over.

[1963] Ala. Test., pp. 81, 221, _et passim_; _Eutaw Whig_, Oct. 27, 1870.

[1964] Ala. Test., p. 229 _et passim_. When he testified before the Ku Klux Committee, Alston swore that it was the men whom he had asked to protect him that had shot him,--such men as General Cullen A. Battle.

[1965] Ala. Test., p. 723.

[1966] "The company of K. K. K.'s which was organized in Tuscaloosa, was an independent organization, _i.e._ it was altogether a local affair, having no connection with any general Klan."--Randolph.

[1967] Miss. Test., pp. 60, 223, 249; Ala. Test., pp. 213, 1822-1824; Garner, "Reconstruction in Mississippi," pp. 345, 346.

[1968] Ala. Test., p. 942; Lester and Wilson, p. 78.

[1969] The anti-negro bands of the hills and mountains were rather of the spurious Ku Klux and were largely composed of tories and Radicals.

[1970] Ala. Test., p. 1763.

[1971] Constitution, Article 76; Brown, "Ku Klux Movement," _Atlantic Monthly_, May, 1901.

[1972] Ala. Test., pp. 226-257.

[1973] Ala. Test., pp. 159-225.

[1974] With the White Camelia in south Alabama the case was somewhat different.

[1975] See Testimony of Lindsay and Clanton, cited above; also Ala. Test., p. 376 (Pettus); p. 896 (Lowe).

[1976] Somers, "Southern States," pp. 4, 15, 21; Lester and Wilson, Chs. III, IV, V; Sanders, "Early Settlers," p. 31. "The peaceful citizen knew that a faithful patrol had guarded his premises while he slept."--Mrs. Stubbs. Brown, "Lower South," Ch. IV; Ala. Test., pp. 432, 1520, 1532, 1803.

[1977] Throughout the pages of the Ku Klux Testimony are found assertions that Ku Klux was not an organization, but merely the understanding of the southern people, the spirit of the community, the concert of feeling of the whites, a state of mind in the population.

[1978] Ala. Test., pp. 165, 380, 649, 724; Somers, "Southern States," p. 154. Governor Lindsay said that the so-called Ku Klux who went over to Mississippi were roughs and that the people were glad when they heard that one of them had been shot. In 1870-1871, while living in Alabama, General Forrest, the reputed Grand Wizard, repeatedly condemned in the strongest terms the conduct of the so-called Ku Klux. Ala. Test., pp. 212, 213.

[1979] Ala. Test., pp. 162, 376.

[1980] Ala. Test., p. 719.

[1981] Ala. Test., pp. 610, 778.

[1982] Ala. Test., pp. 559, 560, 1229.

[1983] Ala. Test., p. 679. Governor Smith, a Radical, said in regard to the motives of Senator George E. Spencer, I. D. Sibley, and J. J. Hinds, carpet-baggers: "My candid opinion is that Sibley does not want the law executed, because that would put down crime and crime is his life's bread. He would like very much to have a Ku Klux outrage every week to assist him in keeping up strife between the whites and blacks, that he might be more certain of the votes of the latter. He would like to have a few colored men killed every week to furnish semblance of truth to Spencer's libels upon the people of the state generally. It is but proper in this connection that I should speak in strong terms of condemnation of the conduct of two white men in Tuskegee a few days ago, in advising the colored men to resist the authority of the sheriff; these men were not Ku Klux, but Republicans." Letter in _Huntsville Advocate_, June 25, 1870. See also Herbert, "Solid South," p. 55.

[1984] See Ala. Test., p. 433.

[1985] Ala. Test., p. 230. In some communities a negro is still told that he must not let the sun go down on him before leaving.

[1986] Ala. Test., pp. 944, 947, 948.

[1987] Ala. Test., pp. 1757, 1758, 1764, 1765, 1768. Judge Mudd was by no means a representative of the old slaveholding element, but rather of the white county people.

[1988] Ala. Test., p. 492.

[1989] Ala. Test., pp. 1127, 1128, 1139.

[1990] Ala. Test., pp. 1175, 1179.

[1991] G. O. No. 11, Sub-Dist. Ala., April 4, 1868; _Selma Times and Messenger_, April 9, 1868; _N. Y. Herald_, April 7, 1868.

[1992] Report of the Secretary of War, 1869, p. 83 _et seq._; Report of Meade, 1868.

[1993] Joint Resolution, Sept. 22, 1868, in Acts of Ala., p. 292. The delegation to Washington did not provide themselves with an authenticated copy of the resolution and had to wait for it. Governor Smith, who was with the delegation, spoiled everything by declaring that there was no disorder except along the Tennessee River and in southwestern Alabama and that troops were not needed. No officials had been resisted, he said, and it would be imprudent to send troops. _N. Y. Herald_, Sept. 27, 1868. The citizens of Montgomery held a mass-meeting and denied _in toto_ the allegations of the memorial, denouncing it as a move of partisan politics. The strangers were sure to fall from power unless upheld by outside force. _N. Y. Herald_, Sept. 25, 1868.

[1994] Act of Dec. 24, 1868; Acts of Ala., p. 439.

[1995] Joint Resolutions, Nov. 14 and Dec. 8, 1868; Acts of Ala., pp. 593, 594.

[1996] J. DeF. Richards and G. R. McAfee of the Senate, and E. F. Jennings, W. R. Chisholm, and G. W. Malone of the House.

[1997] Report of Joint Committee on Outrages, 1868.

[1998] Act Dec. 26, 1868; Acts of Ala., 444-446. A supplementary act had to be passed allowing the probate judges to license _for one dollar_ the wearing of masks or disguises at balls, theatres, and circuses and other places of amusement, public and private. Application had to be made at least three days beforehand by "three responsible persons of established character and reputation." Act Dec. 31, 1868; Acts of Ala., p. 521.

[1999] Act of Dec. 28, 1868; Acts of Ala., pp. 452-454.

[2000] See Dunning, "Essays," pp. 243-246.

[2001] Messages and Papers, Vol. VII, pp. 55, 56, March 30, 1871.

[2002] _The Nation_, Feb. 4, 1875, in regard to the "Force" legislation: "It would not have been possible for the most ingenious enemy of the blacks to draw up a code better calculated to keep up and fan the spirit of strife and contention between the races." James L. Pugh, later United States Senator from Alabama: The people were tired of being reconstructed by President and by Congress. Now the Enforcement Laws punish all for the crime of a few. They are an insult to a whole people, assuming them incorrigible. Alabama Testimony, pp. 407, 408, 411.

[2003] See Burgess, "Reconstruction," pp. 69-73.

[2004] Text of act in McPherson, pp. 549-550. This act was ostensibly to provide for the enforcement of the Fourteenth and Fifteenth amendments. Its constitutionality has been criticised on these grounds: (1) the amendments were directed against _states_, not _persons_; (2) the law enacted penalties not only against state officers, but also against any _person_ who might offend against the election laws of the state or against this act; (3) it is entirely out of the question to claim that the amendments protect the right of a person within a state against infringement by other persons, or even against the state itself unless on account of race, color, or previous condition. See Burgess, pp. 253-255.

[2005] Text of act in McPherson, "Handbook of Politics," 1872, pp. 3-8. While only the congressional elections and all the registrations were to be guarded, the chief purpose of the act was to control state elections, which were held at the same time and place. See Burgess, "Reconstruction," pp. 256-257. This was so clearly the purpose that after the rescue of the state government from carpet-bag rule the time of the state and local elections was changed from November to August in order to escape Federal espionage.

[2006] "Upon the basis of information which turned out to be very insufficient and unreliable."--Burgess, p. 257.

[2007] Messages and Papers, Vol. VII, pp. 127-128.

[2008] Burgess, pp. 257, 258.

[2009] Text in McPherson, "Handbook," 1872, pp. 85-87. For criticism, Burgess, pp. 257, 259.

[2010] Messages and Papers, Vol. VII, pp. 134, 135.

[2011] Report of the Committee, pp. 1, 2.

[2012] Some of the Conservatives who testified were Gen. Cullen A. Battle, R. H. Abercrombie, Gen. James H. Clanton, P. M. Dox, Gov. Robert B. Lindsay, Reuben Chapman, Thomas Cobbs, Daniel Coleman, Jefferson M. Falkner, William H. Forney, William M. Lowe, William Richardson, Francis S. Lyon, William S. Mudd, Gen. Edmund W. Pettus, Turner Reavis, James L. Pugh, P. T. Sayre, R. W. Walker,--all prominent men of high character.

[2013] Some of those who gave, willingly or unwillingly, Democratic testimony: W. T. Blackford (c.), Judge Busteed (c.), General Crawford, Nicholas Davis (s.), L. W. Day (c.), Samuel A. Hale (c.), J. H. Speed (s.), Senator Willard Warner (c.), N. L. Whitfield (s.). (c.) = carpet-bagger; (s.) = scalawag.

[2014] Charles Hays (s.), W. B. Jones (s.), S. F. Rice (s.), John A. Minnis (c.), A. S. Lakin (c.), B. W. Norris (c.), L. E. Parsons (s.), E. W. Peck (s.), and L. R. Smith (c.).

[2015] Day, Busteed, Van Valkenburg, General Crawford, etc.

[2016] Senate Report, No. 48, 42d Cong., 2d Sess., Pts. 8, 9, and 10, and House Report, No. 22, 42d Cong., 2d Sess., Pts. 8, 9, and 10, contain the Alabama Testimony.

[2017] Feb. 17, 1872; Report of Committee, p. 626.

[2018] McPherson, "Handbook," 1872, pp. 89, 90.

[2019] McPherson, "Handbook," 1872, pp. 90, 91. These provisions had to be inserted in the Sundry Civil Bill, which was approved June 10, 1872. Kellogg of Louisiana introduced the "rider."

[2020] For instances of petty annoyances to the people from marshals, deputy marshals, and supervisors, see Sen. Ex. Doc., No. 119, 47th Cong. 1st Sess., and Ho. Ex. Doc., No. 246, 48th Cong., 2d Sess. These annoyances lasted for several years.

[2021] Ku Klux Rept., pp. 320, 330.

[2022] In his Message, Nov. 15, 1869, Smith stated: "Nowhere have the courts been interrupted. No resistance has been encountered by the officers of courts in their effort to discharge the duties imposed upon them by law." Smith was criticised by the carpet-baggers for not calling out the negro militia to "enforce the laws." He stood out against them, and on July 25, 1870, he replied to their criticisms, denouncing George E. Spencer (United States Senator), J. D. Sibley, J. J. Hinds, and others as systematically uttering every conceivable falsehood. "During my entire administration of the state government," he said, "but one officer had certified to me that he was unable, on account of lawlessness, to execute his official duties. That officer was the sheriff of Morgan County. I immediately made application to General Crawford for troops. They were sent and the said sheriff refused their assistance." "Solid South," p. 55.

[2023] _Montgomery Mail_, July 3, 1872. The Black Cavalry and its spurious Ku Klux successors infested those parts of eastern Alabama where, in 1903, the existence of a system of peonage was discovered.

[2024] _Tuskegee News_, Sept. 3, 1874; Report of Joint Committee on Election of George Spencer. During the remainder of Reconstruction under the Enforcement Acts, the Federal government exercised supervision over all elections. Election outrages by the Democrats probably decreased, while outrages by the Radicals tended to increase. The Democrats put in their work of influence and intimidation in the summer and early fall, and when the elections came were quiet, trusting to the influence brought to bear some months previously. After the carpet-bag government collapsed, the Federal Enforcement Acts still gave supervision of elections to the Washington government. The Democrats in Congress were unable to secure the repeal of the force legislation. "We do not expect to repeal any of the recent enactments [Force Laws]. They may stand forever, but we intend by superior intelligence, stronger muscle, and greater energy, to make them dead letter upon the statute books." _Birmingham News_, quoted in the _State Journal_, June 24, 1874. But in 1880 no appropriation was made for the pay of the deputy marshals and supervisors.

In 1875 the supreme court in the case of United States _vs._ Reese declared the two most important sections of the Enforcement Act of 1870 unconstitutional. In 1883, in the case of the United States _vs._ Harris, the Ku Klux Act of April 20, 1871, was declared unconstitutional. In 1888, when House, Senate, and President were Republican, an attempt was made by Mr. McKinley (afterward President) to pass a Force Bill to enforce the old election laws, which were still on the statute book. The measure failed to pass. It was in opposition to this Force Bill that Colonel Hilary A. Herbert of Alabama and other southern congressmen wrote the work called "Why the Solid South? or Reconstruction and its Results." It is said that this book had some influence in causing a halt in force legislation. It was the first attempt to write the history of the Reconstruction period, and is still the best general account. In 1894, when House, Senate, and President were Democratic, the remnants of the Enforcement Acts were repealed, and thus was swept away the last of the Radical system. See Dunning, "The Undoing of Reconstruction," in the _Atlantic Monthly_, Oct., 1901.

[2025] Coburn-Buckner Report, p. 238. The constitution is not in the _Journal_, however.

[2026] Coburn-Buckner Report, pp. 7, 12, 19, 702, 882, 883.

[2027] Cameron Report, 1876, pp. 53, 108; oral accounts.

[2028] The accounts of the wild and idle negro children of the rice and tobacco districts are not true of those in the Cotton Belt. The smallest tot could do a little in a cotton field.

[2029] See _Birmingham Age-Herald_, March 31 and April 7, 1901 (J. W. DuBose); _Review of Reviews_, Sept., 1903, on "The Cotton Crop of To-day," by R. H. Edmonds; Ingle, "Southern Sidelights," p. 271; Address of President Thach, Alabama Polytechnic Institute, before the American Economic Association, 1903; Tillinghast, "Negro in Africa and America," pp. 126, 143; Mallard, "Plantation Life before Emancipation"; Washington, "Up from Slavery," and "The Future of the American Negro," _passim_. The immense cost of slave labor is seen when the value of the slaves is compared with the value of the lands cultivated by their labor. In 1859 the cash value of the lands in Alabama was $175,824,622, and that of the slaves was $215,540,000. The larger portion of this land had not a negro on it, and if cultivated, was cultivated exclusively by whites. See Census of 1860. The effect of the loss of slaves on the welfare of a planter is shown in the case of William L. Yancey. His slaves were accidentally poisoned and died. The loss ruined him, and he was forced to sell his plantation and engage in a profession. A farmer in a white county employing white labor would have been injured only temporarily by such a loss of labor.

[2030] The tenant furnished labor, supplies, and teams, and paid the landlord a fourth of the cotton and a third of the corn produced.

[2031] There was usually good feeling between the whites and blacks at work together; but the negroes, at heart, scorned the poor whites, and had to be closely watched to keep them from insulting or abusing them. The negro had little respect for the man who owned no slaves or who owned but few and worked with them in the fields. To protect the slaves against outsiders was one reason why discipline was strict, supervision close, passes required, etc. When both white and black were allowed to go at will over the plantation and community, trouble was sure to result from the impudent behavior of the negro to "white trash" and the consequent retaliation of the latter. The whites often came to the master and wanted him to whip his best slaves for impudence to them. The master, to prevent this, regulated the liberty of the slave by passes, etc., and the whites, especially strangers, were expected not to trespass on a plantation where slaves were.

[2032] The idea of the so-called "prejudice" against manual labor is perhaps due largely to abolitionist theories and arguments, which have been partially accepted since the war by some southerners who think it due to the old system to show its lofty attitude toward the common things of life. But the negro had, and still has, a contempt for a white who works as he does. And it has always been a custom of mankind,--white, yellow, or black,--to get out of doing manual labor if there was anything else to do.

[2033] Accounts from old citizens, former planters.

[2034] The agent of President Johnson.

[2035] Report to President, April 9, 1866.

[2036] Colonel Saunders, a noted slaveholder in one of the white counties in north Alabama, established a patriarchal protectorate over his former slaves. He built a church for them, and organized a monthly court, presided over by himself, in which the old negro men tried delinquents. It is said that the findings of this court were often ludicrous in the extreme, but order was preserved, and for a long while there was no resort to the Bureau. Saunders, "Early Settlers," p. 31. Many similar protectorates were established in the remote districts, but the policy of the Bureau was to break them up.

[2037] A term of contempt.

[2038] See _Sewanee Review_, Jan., 1905, article on "Servant Problem in a Black Belt Village."

[2039] _N. Y. Herald_, July 17, 1865; Reid, "After the War," pp. 211, 218, 219; Tillet, in _Century Magazine_, Vol. XI; Reports of General Swayne, 1865, 1866; Van de Graaf, in _Forum_, Vol. XXI, pp. 330, 339; _DeBow's Review_, Feb., 1866, p. 220; oral accounts.

[2040] For a description of the Bureau labor regulations, see Chapter XI, Sec. 1. Also _Montgomery Mail_, May 12, 1865; Howard's Circular, May 30, 1865; Circular No. 11, War Department, July 12, 1865; _Huntsville Advocate_, July 26, 1865; Swayne's Reports, 1865, 1866; G. O. No. 12, Dept. Ala., Aug. 30, 1865; G. O. No. 13, Dept. Ala., Sept., 1865; _Selma Times_, Dec. 4, 1865. The so-called "Black Laws" passed by the legislature in 1865-1866 to regulate labor were scarcely heard of by the people who hired negroes.

[2041] Somers, "Southern States," 130.

[2042] _Southern Magazine_, Jan., 1874; _Selma Messenger_, Nov. 15, 1865; _Harper's Monthly Magazine_, Jan., 1874; _Selma Times_, Dec. 4, 1865; oral accounts; _DeBow's Review_, Feb., 1866.

[2043] Swayne to A. F. Perry, _N. Y. Herald_, Aug. 28, 1865; _N. Y. Herald_, July 17, 1865; Reid, "After the War," pp. 211-219; _DeBow's Review_, 1866, pp. 213, 220; Somers, "Southern States," p. 131.

[2044] _DeBow's Review_, Feb., 1866.

[2045] Many of the carpet-bag politicians were northern men who had failed at cotton planting.

[2046] Report to the President, April 9, 1866; "Ten Years in a Georgia Plantation," by the Hon. Mrs. Leigh; oral accounts. On account of the general failure of the northern men who invested capital in the South in 1865 and 1866, there grew up in the business world an unfavorable feeling against the South, and for the remainder of Reconstruction days that section had to struggle against adverse business opinion. _Harper's Magazine_, Jan., 1874.

[2047] _Selma Times_, Dec. 4, 1865. Nearly all the newspapers printed advertisements of the immigration societies.

[2048] "Northern Alabama Illustrated," p. 378.

[2049] _Selma Times_, Dec. 4, 1865; _N. Y. Times_, July 2, 1866.

[2050] The great evil of slavery was its tendency to drive the whites who were in moderate circumstances away from the more fertile lands of the prairie and cane-brake and river bottoms, leaving them to the few slaveholders and the immense number of slaves. Emancipation thus left on the finest lands of the state a shiftless laboring population, which still retains possession. Now, as in slavery times, the white prefers not to work as a field hand in the Black Belt when he can get more independent work elsewhere. And besides, he does not wish to live among the negroes. Slavery kept white farmers from settling on the fertile lands; the negro keeps whites from taking possession now.

[2051] _Mobile Daily Times_, Oct. 21, 1860; _Montgomery Advertiser_, March 21, 1866; _DeBow's Review_, March 18, 1866.

Several young women of Montgomery, who were once wealthy, worked in the printing-office of the _Advertiser_. One of them was a daughter of a former President of the United States. Many women became teachers, displacing men, who then went to the fields. Disabled soldiers generally tried teaching.

There seems to be a belief that emancipation had a good effect in driving to work a certain "gentleman of leisure" class, who had been supported by the work of slaves and who had scorned labor. (See W. B. Tillett, in the _Century Magazine_, Vol. XI, p. 769.) It is a mistake to regard the slaveholding, planting class as, in any degree, idle, unless from the point of view of the negro or the ignorant white, who believed that any man who did not work with his hands was a gentleman of leisure. The Alabama planter was and had to be a man of great energy, good judgment, and diligence. It was a belief that a man who could not manage a plantation or other business should not be intrusted with an official position. One of the most serious objections made by the cotton planters to Jefferson Davis as President was that he had failed to manage his plantation with success. See also Somers, "Southern States," p. 127.

[2052] _DeBow's Review_, Feb. and March, 1866; _Montgomery Advertiser_, March 21, 1866; _N. Y. Herald_, July 17, 1866. It was estimated that in the fall of 1865 the negro male population of the state was reduced by 50,000 able-bodied men, who were hanging around the cities and towns, doing nothing. At Mobile there were 10,000; at Meridian, Miss., 5000; at Montgomery, 10,000; at Selma, 5000; and at various smaller points, 20,000. _Mobile Times_, Oct. 21, 1865.

[2053] See also Reid, "After the War," p. 221.

[2054] Trowbridge, "The South," p. 431 _et seq._

[2055] Trowbridge, "The South," p. 431; Reports of General Swayne, Dec. 26, 1865, and Jan., 1866, in Ho. Ex. Doc., No. 70, 39th Cong., 1st Sess. General Swayne strongly approved the objects of these societies. He said there was not and never had been any question of the right of the negro to hold property. Free negroes had held property before the war.

[2056] _DeBow's Review_, Feb., 1868.

[2057] Jan. 31, 1866.

[2058] I have this account from a planter of the district.

[2059] Somers, an English traveller, thought that the economic relations of planter and negro were startling, and that anywhere else they would be considered absurd. The tenant, he said, was sure of a support, and did not much care if the crop failed. Even his taxes, when he condescended to pay any, were paid by his master. For all work outside of his crop he had to be paid, and often he went away and worked for some one else for cash. And his privileges were innumerable. "The soul is often crushed out of labor by penury and oppression. Here a soul cannot begin to be infused into it through the sheer excess of privilege and license with which it is surrounded." "Southern States since the War," pp. 128, 129.

[2060] My father's tenants, white and black, rented on all systems. The negroes usually began as wage laborers or as tenants "on halves," for they had no supplies when they came. Then the more industrious and thrifty would save and rent farms for "third and fourth" or for "standing rent." The whites usually obtained the highest grade, and the average white man would save enough of his earnings to purchase a team, wagon, buggy, farm implements, and a year's supply and spend all else, though some saved enough to buy land of their own in cheaper districts or to support themselves for a year or two while opening up a homestead in the pine woods. The negro, as a rule, rented "on halves," for he spent all his earnings and required supervision. The average negro stays only a year or two at one place before he longs for change and removes to another farm. About Christmas, or just before, the negroes and many of the whites begin to move to new homes. For a description of conditions in Mississippi, where the negro has somewhat better opportunities than in Alabama, see Mr. A. H. Stone's article in the _Quarterly Journal of Economics_, Feb., 1905.

[2061] In the census each person cultivating a crop is counted as a farmer and the land he cultivates as a farm. Thus a plantation might be represented in the census statistics by from five to twenty-five farms.

[2062] See also Otken, "Ills of the South"; Somers, "South since the War," p. 281; _Harper's Monthly_, Jan., 1874; _DeBow's Review_, Feb., 1868.

[2063] Any stick is good enough to beat slavery with, so it is usually stated that slavery was responsible for the wasteful methods of cultivation that prevailed in the South before the war. That can be true only indirectly, for the soil always received the worst treatment in the white counties. Like frontiersmen everywhere, the Alabama white farmers found it easier to clear new land or to move West than to fertilize worn-out soils. The lack of transportation facilities in the white districts made it almost impossible to bring in commercial fertilizers or to move the crops when made. The railroads had opened up only the rich slave districts. If there had not been a negro in the state, the frontier methods would have prevailed, as they still do among the farmers in some parts of the West. On the other hand, the rich lands worked by slave labor under intelligent direction were kept in good condition. Under free negro labor they are in the worst possible condition. Experience, necessity, the disappearance of free land, and the increase of transportation facilities have caused the white county farmer to employ better methods, and to keep up and increase the fertility of the land by using fertilizers.

[2064] But it was nearly forty years before the entire cotton crop of the state was as large as in 1859.

[2065] _Southern Magazine_, Jan., 1874; Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., pp. 206, 207; Somers, "Southern States," p. 117. In 1860 it was estimated that of the whole cotton crop 10 to 12 per cent was produced by white labor; in 1876 the proportion of whites to blacks in the cotton fields was 30 to 51; in 1883 white labor produced 44 per cent of the cotton crop; in 1884, 48 per cent; in 1885, 50 per cent; in 1893, 70 per cent. And this was done by the whites on inferior lands. See W. B. Tillett, in _Century Magazine_, Vol. XI, p. 771; Hammond, "The Cotton Industry," pp. 129, 130, 132.

[2066] DeBow estimated that the entire acreage of the cotton crop was as follows:--

1836. 2,000,000 acres 1840. 4,500,000 acres 1850. 5,000,000 acres 1860. 6,968,000 acres

The Commissioner of Agriculture in 1876 estimated that the acreage in 1860 was 13,000,000. Taking this estimate, which, while probably too large, is more nearly correct, only 4 per cent of the arable land was planted in cotton--the staple crop. Hammond, "The Cotton Industry," p. 74.

[2067] Smith, "Cotton Production in Alabama" (1884); Census, 1880; Smith in Ala. Geolog. Survey, 1881-1882; Kelsey, "The Negro Farmer"; oral accounts and personal observation.

[2068] So poor were the people after the war that, even though the value of the mineral and timber lands was well known, there was no native capital to develop them, and the lion's share went to outsiders, who bought the lands at tax and mortgage sales during and after the carpet-bag régime.

[2069] Slavery or negroes prevented the establishment of manufactures by crowding out a white population capable of carrying on manufactures. The census shows that in 1860 the white districts had a fair proportion of manufactures for a state less than forty years old.

[2070] Address of President C. C. Thach, Dec. 29, 1903.

[2071] "Northern Alabama Illustrated," p. 378; see article on "Immigration to the Southern States" in the _Political Science Quarterly_, June, 1905.

[2072] Address of President C. C. Thach, Dec. 29, 1903.

[2073] The decreasing value of the wage laborer is shown by the following table of wages:

=========================================== YEAR | MEN | WOMEN | YOUTHS, 14-20 ---------|---------|--------|-------------- 1860 |$138 | $89 | $66 1865-1866| 150-200 | 100-150| 75-100 1867 | 117 | 71 | 52 1868 | 87 | 50 | 40 1890 | 150 | 100 | 60-75 ===========================================

The figures of 1860 are based on the wages of an able-bodied negro. The statistics of 1865-1866 are taken from tables of wages prescribed by the Freedmen's Bureau; those for 1867 and 1868 show the decline caused by the inefficiency of the free negro laborer. Yet the demand for labor was always greater than the supply. In 1860 clothing and rations were also given; in 1866-1868 rations and no clothing. In 1890 nothing was furnished. In 1866-1868 the currency was inflated, and the wages for 1868 were really much lower. Hammond, "The Cotton Industry," p. 124; _Montgomery Mail_, May 16, 1865; Freedmen's Bureau Reports, 1865-1870.

[2074] A convention held in Montgomery, in 1873, recommended that the share system be abolished and a contract wage system be inaugurated; wages should be secured by a lien on the employer's crop; separate contracts should be made with each laborer, and the "squad" system abolished. In this way the laborer would not be responsible for bad crops. To aid the laborers, Congress was asked to pass the Sumner Civil Rights Bill, providing for the recognition of certain social rights for negroes, to exempt homesteads from tax action, and to increase the tax on property held by speculators. And the President was asked to supply bread and meat to the negro farmers. Annual Cyclopædia (1873), p. 19; _Tuscaloosa Blade_, Nov. 30, 1873.

[2075] See Willet, "Workers of the Nation," Vol. II, pp. 701, 702.

[2076] Willet, Vol. II, p. 714.

[2077] Washington, in _Atlantic Monthly_, Vol. LXXVIII, pp. 324-326.

[2078] Somers, p. 166.

[2079] _Southern Magazine_, Jan., 1874.

[2080] Somers, p. 117.

[2081] Somers, p. 159.

[2082] _Southern Magazine_, March, 1874.

[2083] "Southern States," p. 131.

[2084] The prosperity of several large commercial houses in Alabama is said to date from the corner groceries of the '70's.

[2085] Somers, "Southern States," pp. 159, 272; _Harper's Monthly Magazine_, Jan., 1874; King, "The Great South"; C. C. Smith, "Colonization of Negroes in Central Alabama"; _Southern Magazine_, Jan., 1874; _The Forum_, Vol. XXI, p. 341; Hoffman, p. 261; Hammond, p. 191. See also Appendix II.

[2086] A northern traveller in the Alabama Black Belt in recent years says of it: "The white population is rapidly on the decrease and the negro population on the increase.... There are hundreds of the 'old mansion houses' going to decay, the glass broken in the windows, the doors off the hinges, the siding long unused to paint, the columns of the verandas rotting away, and the bramble thickets encroaching to the very doors. The people have sold their land for what little they could get and moved to the cities and towns, that they may educate their children and escape the intolerable conditions surrounding them at their old beloved homes.... These friends have largely gone from the negro's life, and he is left alone in the wilderness, held down by crop liens and mortgages given to the alien. Land rent is half its value; the tenant must purchase from the creditor's store and raise cotton to pay for what he has already eaten and worn." C. C. Smith, "Colonization of Negroes in Central Alabama," published by the Christian Women's Board of Missions, Indianapolis, Ind.

[2087] See also Edmunds, in _Review of Reviews_, Sept., 1900; Dillingham, in _Yale Review_, Vol. V, p. 190; Stone, "The Negro in the Yazoo-Mississippi Delta"; Stone, in _Quarterly Journal of Economics_, Feb., 1905; _Gunton's Magazine_, Sept., 1902 (Dowd); Brown, in _North American Review_, Dec., 1904; Census 1900, Vol. VI, Pt. II, pp. 406-416; _Harper's Monthly Magazine_, Jan., 1874, and Jan., 1881; Stone, in _South Atlantic Quarterly_, Jan., 1905; Kelsey, "The Negro Farmer"; Hammond, "The Cotton Industry."

Another solution of the problem is often suggested, viz. the crowding out of the blacks from the Black Belt by the whites--especially northerners and Germans--who want to cultivate the Black Belt lands, who settle in colonies, and who have no place for the negro in their plans of industrial society. The Black Belt landlords are becoming weary of negro labor, and some are disposed to make special inducements to get whites to settle in the Black Belt. In Louisiana and Mississippi, Italians have replaced negroes on many sugar and cotton plantations. Georgia and Alabama, in order to make the negro work, have recently passed stringent vagrancy laws, and the planters are talking of Chinese labor. For the opinions of those who favor white immigration to the South, see the _Manufacturers Record_, the _Atlanta Constitution_, and the _Montgomery Advertiser_, during recent years. There is a general demand for foreigners who will perform agricultural labor.

[2088] Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., p. 879 (Lowe); _N. Y. World_, Dec. 14, 1867, Aug. 15, 1868.

[2089] For information in regard to the Radical congressmen: Barnes, "History of the 40th Congress," Index; Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test. (Clanton, Lowe, Lindsay); _Harper's Weekly_, May 1, 1869 (picture of Spencer); _Elyton Herald_, ----, 1868; _Montgomery Mail_, July 25, 1868; _N. Y. World_, Feb. 15 and Sept. 22, 1868; Alabama Manual (1869), p. 32; _N. Y. Herald_, ----, 1868.

[2090] Pike was the only county that never fell completely into the hands of the Radicals.

[2091] "North Alabama Illustrated," p. 50; _Montgomery Advertiser_, July 13, 1866; _N. Y. World_, April 11 and July 23, 1868; Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., pp. 187, 188, 881, 1815, 1956; Acts of Ala. (1868), p. 414; (1869-1870), pp. 157, 336; Beverly, "Alabama," p. 203. A vivid description of the first session of the reconstructed legislature was published by Capt. B. H. Screws, "The Loil Legislature."

[2092] Tradition says that what is now known as the Davis Memorial Room was the one thus used.

[2093] Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., pp. 231, 881, 1411, 1424, 1468; _Weekly Mail_, March 24, 1869; _Independent Monitor_, Jan. 11, 1870; Report of Investigating Committee; Miller, "Alabama," p. 254; "Northern Alabama," p. 50; oral accounts of former members.

[2094] Acts of Ala. (1868), pp. 67, 71, 79, 212, 305, 352.

[2095] Senate Journal (1868), pp. 168, 176, 297.

[2096] Acts of Ala. (1868), pp. 113, 129, 133, 350, 407, 414, 421; (1869-1870), p. 451; _Montgomery Mail_, Feb. 24, 1870; Annual Cyclopædia (1870), p. 12.

[2097] Annual Cyclopædia (1870), p. 13; Journal (1869-1870), _passim_; Brown, "Alabama," p. 268.

[2098] Annual Cyclopædia (1870), p. 19; _N. Y. Herald_, Aug. 17, 1868.

[2099] Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., pp. 90, 91, 187; Senate Journals (1868-1874).

[2100] Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., pp. 189, 239, 240, 324, 435, 523, 962, 1421, 1590, 1816, 1819, 1820, 1957; Herbert, "Solid South," p. 53; Coburn Report, p. 256; _N. Y. World_, April 11, 1868; _Montgomery Mail_, April 21, 1870.

[2101] Annual Cyclopædia (1870), p. 13.

[2102] Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., p. 510; _Augusta Chronicle and Sentinel_, June 13, 1866; _Selma Times and Messenger_, June 9, 1868.

[2103] Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., pp. 93, 103, 104, 358, 435, 1878; _N. Y. World_, Nov. 3, 1868; Coburn Report, p. 512; Herbert, "Solid South," p. 60.

[2104] Annual Cyclopædia (1870), p. 14; Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., pp. 91, 1177, 1178, 1179, 1242; _N. Y. Herald_, Sept. 27 and Oct. 26, 1868; Report of Sec. of War, 1869, vol. I, p. 88.

[2105] McPherson's scrap-book, "Campaign of 1868," Vol. I, p. 156; Vol. V, pp. 43, 45, 46, 48, 49; Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., pp. 95, 360, 502, 1956; _N. Y. World_, Sept. 12, 1868; G. O. No. 27, Dept. of the South, Oct. 8, 1868; G. O. No. 38, Dept. of the South, Nov. 10, 1868; _Tuskegee News_, July 29, 1876.

[2106] _N. Y. Times_, Sept. 7, 1868 (speech of Judge T. M. Peters).

[2107] Nordhoff, "Cotton States in 1870," pp. 85, 86; Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., pp. 185, 209, 210, 434, 435, 1879.

[2108] Miller, "Alabama," p. 256; Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., pp. 84, 182, 183, 216, 232, 311, 356, 357, 378, 379, 512, 531, 1038, 1625; McPherson's scrap-book, "Campaign of 1870," Vol. I, pp. 55, 61; Annual Cyclopædia (1870), pp. 16, 17; "Northern Alabama," p. 50; _Montgomery Mail_, Aug. 20, 1870 (Union League Appeal).

[2109] Somers, "Southern States," p. 132; Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., p. 225; Miller, "Alabama," p. 256.

[2110] Somers, "Southern States," pp. 167, 186; Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., 214, 232, 381, 423, 1299, 1371, 1558-1561 (see also the whole of Lindsay's testimony); "Northern Alabama," p. 50; Annual Cyclopædia (1871), p. 11; Miller, "Alabama," pp. 259-261; Beverly, "Alabama," p. 204.

[2111] _Montgomery Advertiser_, Sept. 23, 1872.

[2112] Report of Joint Committee in regard to election of George E. Spencer; Taft, "Senate Election Cases," pp. 558, 562, 574-578; Annual Cyclopædia (1872), pp. 11, 12; (1873), 16-18; Memorial of General Assembly (Radical) to President, November, 1872; Coburn Report, p. 716; Senate Journal (1872-1873), pp. 15-86 ("Court-House Senate"); Senate Journal, 1871 ("Capitol Senate"), Appendix; McPherson, "Handbook of Politics" (1874), pp. 85, 86; Acts of Ala. (1872-1873), p. 532; Acts of Ala., 1873, p. 156; _Montgomery Advertiser_, Nov. 12 and 24, 1872; Jan. 4, Feb. 22 and 23, 1873; _Southern Argus_, Nov. 22, 1872; Jan. 10, 1873; Herbert, "Solid South," pp. 57-59; Miller, "Alabama," p. 261.

[2113] Coburn Report, pp. 230, 262, 267, 271, 274, 280, 525, 528, 529; "Northern Alabama," p. 51; _Tuscaloosa Blade_, Nov. 27, 1873; _Montgomery Advertiser_, Sept. 27, 1872.

[2114] See Coburn Report, pp. 154, 161.

[2115] _Montgomery Advertiser_, March, 1870; Report of Inspector of Penitentiary, 1873-1874; Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., pp. 230, 244, 1220, 1380, 1384; Acts of Ala. (1869-1870), p. 28; Washington, "Up from Slavery," pp. 83-90; _N. Y. World_, Feb. 22 and April 11, 1868; _Tuscaloosa Monitor_, Dec. 18, 1867; Coburn Report, pp. 108, 110, 161, 203, 204, 295; Clowes, "Black America," pp. 131, 140; Herbert, "Solid South," p. 59.

[2116] Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., pp. 71, 233, 390, 391, 881, 1815, 1816; Coburn Report, p. 861; _Huntsville Democrat_, 1872; Straker, "The New South Investigated," pp. 24, 41, 57; _Ala. State Journal_, May 20, 1874; McPherson's Scrap-book, "Campaign of 1869," Vol. I, p. 57.

[2117] _International Monthly_, Vol. V, p. 220; Coburn Report, p. 527; "The Land We Love," Vol. I, p. 446; Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., pp. 390, 391, 405, 411, 926; Riley, "Baptists of Alabama," pp. 321, 322, 329; Clowes, "Black America," pp. 53, 131, 140, 144; Murphy, "The Present South."

[2118] See also Ch. XXII.

[2119] Charge of Judge H. D. Clayton to Barbour County grand jury in Coburn Report, p. 839; Report of Montgomery grand jury in _Advertiser_, Oct. 20, 1871; _Tuskegee News_, March 16, 1876; Little, "History of Butler County," p. 111; _Tuscaloosa Blade_, Nov. 19, 1874; Coburn Report, pp. 524, 1219; _Montgomery Advertiser_, Nov. 27, 1873; Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., pp. 230, 1175, 1179; _Scribner's Monthly_, Sept., 1874; Herbert, "Solid South," pp. 63, 67.

[2120] _Ala. State Journal_, Jan. 14, 1874.

[2121] _State Journal_, March 10, 1874. The justice who performed the ceremony in one case gave as his excuse that the woman was so bad that nothing she could do would make her worse.

[2122] _Montgomery Advertiser_ and other Montgomery papers of March 5, 1873.

[2123] Coburn Report on Affairs in Alabama, 1874, pp. xiv, 341, 519, 520, 521, 743; _Montgomery Advertiser_, Oct. 23, 1902.

[2124] See _State Journal_, Jan. 10 and Feb. 1, 1874.

[2125] A few years ago Strobach offered to tell me all about his political career in exchange for $50, but died before he could begin the account.

[2126] Coburn Report, pp. 225, 230, 272, 280-282; _State Journal_, May 20 and 27, 1874; _Montgomery Advertiser_, Oct. 23, 1902.

[2127] See Coburn Report, pp. 225, 282-288.

[2128] Coburn Report, pp. 118, 135, 145, 151, 279. When the Coburn Committee was in Opelika, Washington Jones, colored, appeared before it and demanded that the promises made to him be fulfilled. He wanted the mule, the land, "overflow" bacon, etc. The committee got rid of him in a hurry. See Coburn Report, p. 135.

[2129] Coburn Report, pp. 59, 63, 106, 118, 122, 142, 181, 641; _State Journal_, June 10, 1874.

[2130] Coburn Report, pp. 58, 59, 92, 106, 136, 275, 295, 296, 416, 641.

[2131] Coburn Report, pp. 58, 59, 106, 203, 204.

[2132] Coburn Report, pp. 59, 63, 109, 118, 119. See also Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., pp. 1072-1075.

[2133] Coburn Report, pp. 58, 59, 61, 118, 278, 280, 308, 317, 320, 446.

[2134] The _State Journal_ of Aug. 1, 1874, has a list of extracts from Democratic papers from 1868 to 1874, showing the change of attitude in regard to the negro.

[2135] _Tuskegee News_, June 4, and Aug. 20, and Sept. 10, 1874; Coburn Report, pp. 120, 860, 861, 1231, 1232, _et passim_; _Eufaula Times_, July 30, 1874, quoting from the _Birmingham News_, _Shelby Guide_, and _Eutaw Whig_; _State Journal_, June 24, 1874.

[2136] _Opelika Times_, Aug. 22, 1874, condensed; Coburn Report, pp. 97, 100, 104.

[2137] See testimony of Dunbar and Gardner in Coburn Report, pp. 101, 209, 210, 300, 302; _Opelika Daily Times_, Sept. 30, 1874.

[2138] _State Journal_, June 16, 1874. For a typical readoption of this platform see the resolutions of the Tuscaloosa County Democrats in _State Journal_, June 24, 1874. "Old Whig" in the _Opelika Daily Times_, Sept. 30, 1874, proposed that the whites "fall back upon the old Wesleyan doctrine 'to prefer one another in business';" "Give the Radicals no support;" "The adder that stings should find no warmth in the bosom of the dying victim."

[2139] _Opelika Times_, Oct. 14, 1874; Coburn Report, pp. 97, 103-104.

[2140] Coburn Report, p. 856; Annual Cyclopædia (1874), p. 15.

[2141] Coburn Report, pp. 99, 101, 856, 859; _Opelika Daily Times_, June 29 and Oct. 3, 1874; _Montgomery Advertiser_, Oct. 23, 1902.

[2142] _State Journal_, June 4 and 27, 1874; Coburn Report, p. 881; Annual Cyclopædia (1874), pp. 15, 16; _Tuskegee News_, July 2, 1874.

[2143] The division was as follows:--

===================================================== DISTRICT | DISTRIBUTING POINTS | POUNDS -----------------|---------------------------|------- | | First | Mobile, Selma, Camden | 55,851 Second | Montgomery | 44,402 Third | Opelika, Talladega, Seale | 41,802 Fourth | Demopolis | 53,663 Fifth and sixth | Decatur | 31,278 =====================================================

[2144] Senate Journal, 1874-1875, p. 7.

[2145] For full account of the bacon question see Ho. Doc., No. 110, 43d Cong., 2d Sess.; also _Tuskegee News_, June 4, Aug. 27, and Sept. 24, 1874; Coburn Report, pp. 36, 50, 69, 207, 241.

The following list shows how one distribution was made in October, just before the elections:--

===================================== COUNTY | POUNDS -----------------------------|------- Montgomery | 14,151 Lowndes | 8,283 Butler | 4,235 Dale (to P. King, Haw Ridge) | 2,482 Barbour | 4,527 Bullock | 5,169 Pike (to Gardner and Wiley) | 2,066 Henry | 1,036 Clay | 3,000 Randolph | 2,000 Coosa | 3,000 Elmore | 3,500 Talladega | 7,500 Lee (to W. H. Betts) | 9,792 Russell (to W. H. Betts) | 2,390 Walker | 2,178 "To G. P. Plowman, by order | of Charles Pelham, M. C." | 1,000 =====================================

[2146] Coburn Report, pp. 59, 60.

[2147] Annual Cyclopædia (1874), p. 13; Coburn Report, pp. 247-254.

[2148] _The Tribune_, Oct. 7, 8, and 12, 1874; _The Nation_, Aug. 27, and Oct. 15 and 27, 1874; Annual Cyclopædia (1874), p. 12; Foulke, "Life of O. P. Morton," Vol. II, p. 350. The Hays-Hawley letter was first published in the _Hartford Courant_ and in the _Boston Daily Advertiser_. It is also in the Coburn Report, pp. 1254-1260.

[2149] _N. Y. Tribune_, Oct. 7, 1874; Coburn Report, pp. 244, 245, 1221, 1226, 1241, 1247, 1264, 1266.

[2150] Coburn Report, p. 512.

[2151] Coburn Report, p. 931.

[2152] _Eufaula News_, Sept. 3, 1874; Coburn Report, p. 855.

[2153] Coburn Report, pp. 679, 681, 746.

[2154] Coburn Report, pp. 514, 515, 681, 1239.

[2155] Coburn Report, pp. 680, 682; "An appeal to Governor Lewis from the People of Sumter."

[2156] Coburn Report, pp. 236, 244, 245, 289, 291, 702, 1201, 1231-1235.

[2157] _Union Springs Herald and Times_, quoted in _State Journal_, June 13, 1874.

[2158] Coburn Report, pp. 130, 948.

[2159] For information in regard to the campaign of 1874 I am indebted to several of those who took part in it, and especially to Mr. T. J. Rutledge, now state bank examiner, who was then secretary of the Democratic campaign committee.

[2160] Coburn Report, pp. 125, 530.

[2161] Coburn Report, pp. xix, 43, 80-84, 427, 434, 476, 794, 850, 851, 949, 1200-1204; _Tuskegee News_, Nov. 5, 1874; _State Journal_, Oct. and Nov., 1874.

[2162] Annual Cyclopædia (1874), p. 17; _Tribune_ Almanac, 1875.

[2163] Coburn Report, pp. 239, 253, 701, 703; _The Nation_, Nov. 30, 1874; _Tuskegee News_, Dec. 10, 1874.

[2164] In the code of Alabama (1876), pp. 100-120, is printed the "Constitution (so-called) of the State of Alabama, 1868," as the code terms it. The last three amendments are thus noted, "Adoption proclaimed by the Secretary of State, Dec. 18, 1865" (or July 20, 1868, or March 30, 1870). The other amendments have notes stating date of submission and date of ratification by the state. See code of 1876, pp. 27, 28; also code of 1896.

[2165] The negroes voted against it. Some of them were told that, if adopted, a war with Spain would result and that the blacks, being the "only truly loyal," would have to do most of the fighting against the Spanish, who would land at Apalachicola, Milton, and Eufaula. See _Tuskegee News_, Dec. 9, 1875. See also in regard to the new constitution, _Tuskegee News_, June 3, 1875; "Northern Alabama Illustrated," pp. 51, 52; Annual Cyclopædia (1875), p. 14; Ho. Ex. Doc., No. 46, 43d Cong., 2d Sess.; "Report of the Joint Committee in regard to the Amendment of the Constitution."

[2166] Most whites believe that eliminating the negro has solved the problem of the negro in politics. It seems to me that this is a superficial view. The black counties are still represented in party conventions and legislature in proportion to population. The white counties are jealous of this undue influence and would like to reduce this representation. The party leaders have been able to repress this jealousy, but it is not forgotten. Before it will submit to loss of representation the Black Belt, it is believed, will gradually admit to the franchise those negroes who have been excluded, and they will vote with the whites. Such a course will undoubtedly cause political realignments. Notice on the maps that the Republican strongholds are now in the white counties. The "Lily Whites" are increasing in numbers.

[2167] These views are set forth most clearly by Alexander Johnston in Lalor's "Cyclopædia of Political Science," Vol. III, p. 556. See also McCall, "Thaddeus Stevens," and his article in the _Atlantic Monthly_, June, 1901; Blaine, "Twenty Years"; Schurz, in _McClure's Magazine_, Jan., 1905; Grosvenor, in _Forum_, Aug., 1900.

[2168] For a belated recognition of the reasons for this, see H. L. Nelson, "Three Months of Roosevelt," in the _Atlantic Monthly_, Feb., 1902.

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