Part 44

(_a._) #in hīs locīs, quod omnis Gallia ad septentriōnēs vergit, mātūrae sunt hiemēs#, 4, 20, 1, _in these parts the winter sets in early, owing to the fact that Gaul in general lies to the north_. #Helvētiī reliquōs Gallōs virtūte praecēdunt, quod ferē cōtīdiānīs proeliīs cum Germānīs contendunt#, 1, 1, 4, _the Helvetians outshine the rest of the Gauls in bravery, because they do battle with the Germans almost every day_. #hōrum fortissimī sunt Belgae, proptereā quod a cultū prōvinciae longissimē absunt#, 1, 1, 3, _of these the stoutest fighting-men are the Belgians, for the reason that they live furthest away from the comforts of the province_. (_b._) #T. Mānlius Torquātus fīlium suum, quod is contrā imperium in hostem pugnāverat, necārī iussit#, S. _C._ 52, 30, _Torquatus ordered his own son to be put to death, because the young man had fought with the enemy contrary to orders_. #exōrāvit tyrannum ut abīre licēret, quod iam beātus nōllet esse#, _TD._ 5, 62, _he induced the monarch to let him go, ‘because he didn’t care to be Fortune’s pet any longer’_ (1725). #Bellovacī suum numerum nōn contulērunt, quod sē suō arbitriō bellum esse gestūrōs dīcerent#, 7, 75, 5, _the Bellovacans would not put in their proper quota, saying they meant to make war on their own responsibility_ (1727).

[Erratum: 1845a ... Caesar told of the kindnesses of the senate told off]

1854. #quod# often has a correlative in the main sentence, such as #eō#, #ideō#, #idcircō#, #proptereā#. In Sallust, #eā grātiā#. In Plautus, causal #quod# is very rare compared to causal #quia#.

1855. An untenable reason is introduced in Plautus by #nōn eō quia#, in Terence by #nōn eō quō#; in Cicero very rarely by #neque# or #non eō quō#, usually by #nōn quod# or #nōn quō#; by #nōn quia# rarely in classical Latin, but commonly from Livy on. The valid reason follows, with #sed quod#, #sed quia#, or with #sed# and a fresh main sentence.

The mood is usually subjunctive (1725): as, #pugilēs ingemīscunt, nōn quod doleant, sed quia prōfundendā vōce omne corpus intenditur#, _TD._ 2, 56, _boxers grunt and groan, not because they feel pain, but because by explosion of voice the whole system gets braced up_. Sometimes, but very rarely in classical prose, the indicative. Correlatives, such as #idcircō#, _ideō_, &c., are not uncommon. Reversed constructions occur, with #magis# followed by #quam#, as: #magis quod#, #quō#, or #quia#, followed by #quam quō#, #quod#, or #quia#. The negative _not that . . . not_, is expressed by #nōn quod nōn#, #nōn quō nōn#, or #nōn quīn#.

[Erratum: 1855 ... #nōn quō nōn#, or #nōn quīn# quin]

#quia.#

1856. #quia#, a neuter accusative plural of the relative stem (701) is used in both a declarative and a causal sense, like #quod# (1838). It is, however, more prevalent in Plautus, less so from Terence on.

1857. For the uses of declarative #quia#, see under 1848, 1850, 1851.

1858. Causal #quia#, with or without a correlative, such as #ideō#, #eō#, #proptereā#, &c., is common in old Latin (1854) and poetry, unusual in prose (once in Caesar) before Tacitus. For #nōn quia#, &c., see 1855.

#quom# or #cum#.

1859. #quom# or #cum# (157, 711), used as a relative conjunctive particle (1794), has a temporal meaning, _when_, which readily passes over to an explanatory or causal meaning, _in that_, _since_ or _although_. In both meanings it introduces the indicative in old Latin. In classical Latin, temporal #cum# in certain connections, and causal #cum# regularly, introduces the subjunctive. The subjunctive is also used with #cum# for special reasons, as in the indefinite second person (1731), by attraction (1728), and commonly by late writers to express repeated past action (1730). #cum#, _when_, is often used as a synonym of #sī#, _if_, and may then introduce any form of a conditional protasis (2016, 2110).

(A.) TEMPORAL #cum#.

WITH THE INDICATIVE.

1860. #cum#, _when_, _whenever_, _if_, of indefinite time, may introduce any tense of the indicative required by the context: as,

#facile omnēs, quom valēmus, rēcta cōnsilia aegrōtīs damus#, T. _Andr._ 309, _we all, when well, give good advice to sick folk easily_. #Rōmae videor esse, cum tuās litterās legō#, _Att._ 2, 15, 1, _I always fancy myself in Rome, when I am reading a letter from you_. #cum posuī librum, adsēnsiō omnis ēlābitur#, _TD._ 1, 24, _when I drop the book, all assent melts away_ (1613). #incenderis cupiditāte lībertātis, cum potestātem gustandī fēceris#, _RP._ 2, 50, _you will inspire them with a passion for freedom, when you give them a chance to taste it_ (1627). #hīs cum fūnēs comprehēnsī adductīque erant, praerumpēbantur#, 3, 14, 6, _every time the lines were caught by these and hauled taut, they would part_ (1618). The subjunctive is used, chiefly by late writers, rarely by Cicero and Caesar, to express repeated past action (1730): as, #cum in convīvium vēnisset, sī quicquam caelātī adspexerat, manūs abstinēre nōn poterat#, _V._ 4, 48, _when he went to a dinner party, if he ever caught sight of a bit of chased work, he never could keep his hands off_ (2050).

1861. #cum#, _when_, of definite time, regularly introduces the indicative in old Latin, even where the subjunctive is required in classical Latin (1872): as,

#nam illa, quom tē ad sē vocābat, mēmet esse crēdidit#, Pl. _Men._ 1145, _for when that lady asked you in, she thought ’twas I_. #postīculum hoc recēpit, quom aedīs vēndidit#, Pl. _Tri._ 194, _this back part he excepted, when he sold the house_.

1862. #cum#, _when_, of definite time, regularly introduces the indicative of any action, not of past time: as,

#sed dē hīs etiam rēbus, ōtiōsī cum erimus, loquēmur#, _Fam._ 9, 4, _but we will talk of this when we have time_. #cum ego P. Grānium testem prōdūxerō, refellitō, sī poteris#, _V._ 5, 154, _when I put Granius on the witness stand, refute him if you can_.

1863. With #cum#, _when_, the indicative is used of definite past time to date the action of the main clause, as follows:

1864. (1.) The indicative imperfect is regularly used with #cum#, _when_, to denote a continued action parallel and coincident in duration with another continued action, also in the imperfect: as,

#quom pugnābant maxumē, ego tum fugiēbam maxumē#, Pl. _Am._ 199, _while they were fighting hardest, then I was running hardest_. #tum cum rem habēbās, quaesticulus tē faciēbat attentiōrem#, _Fam._ 9, 16, 7, _as long as you were a man of substance, the fun of making money made you a little close_.

1865. (2.) The indicative imperfect is often used with #cum#, _when_, denoting a continued action, to date an apodosis in the perfect: as,

#legiōnēs quom pugnābant maxumē, quid in tabernāclō fēcistī?# Pl. _Am._ 427, _what did’st thou in the tent what time the legions fought their mightiest?_ #hīs librīs adnumerandī sunt sex dē rē pūblicā, quōs tum scrīpsimus cum gubernācula rē̆ī pūblicae tenēbāmus#, _Div._ 2, 3, _to these books are to be added the six On the State, which I wrote at the time I was holding the helm of state_. But when the object of the clause is not distinctly to date the apodosis, its verb is in the subjunctive (1872).

1866. (3.) The indicative perfect or present of vivid narration is used with #cum#, _when_, to date an apodosis in the perfect or present of vivid narration: as,

#‘per tuās statuās’ vērō cum dīxit, vehementius rīsimus#, _DO._ 2, 242, _but when he uttered the words ‘by your statues’ we burst into a louder laugh_. #cum occīditur Sex. Rōscius, ibīdem fuērunt#, _RA._ 120, _when Roscius was murdered, they were on the spot_. #cum diēs vēnit, causā ipse prō sē dictā, damnātur#, L. 4, 44, 10, _when the day of the trial came, he spoke in his own defence and was condemned_. The present is particularly common in old colloquial Latin: as, #vivom, quom abīmus, līquimus#, Pl. _Cap._ 282, _we left him alive when we came away_. For #cum prīmum# in narration, see 1925; for #cum extemplō#, 1926.

1867. (4.) The indicative perfect or present of vivid narration is regularly used with #cum#, _when_, to denote a momentary action when the apodosis denotes continued action: as,

#cum Caesar in Galliam vēnit, alterīus factiōnis prīncipēs erant Aeduī, alterīus Sēquanī#, 6, 12, 1, _when Caesar came to Gaul, the leaders of one party were the Aeduans, of the other the Sequanians_. #eō cum veniō, praetor quiēscēbat#, _V._ 4, 32, _when I got there, the praetor was taking a nap_.

1868. An emphatic indicative clause with #cum#, _while_, often follows the main action.

The clause with #cum# is usually inconsistent with the main action, and #cum# is often attended by #intereā#, #interim#, _all the time_, #etiam tum#, _still_, #nōndum#, #hauddum#, _not yet_, _no longer_, #quidem#, _by the way_, or #tamen#, #nihilōminus#, _nevertheless_: as,

#caedēbātur virgīs in mediō forō Messānae cīvis Rōmānus, cum intereā nūllus gemitus audiēbātur#, _V._ 5, 162, _there was flogged with rods in open market place at Messana a citizen of Rome, while all the time not a groan was to be heard_. #ēvolārat iam ē cōnspectū quadrirēmis, cum etiam tum cēterae nāvēs ūnō in locō mōliēbantur#, _V._ 5, 88, _she had already sped out of sight, the four-banker, while the rest of the vessels were still struggling round in one and the same spot_. This use is very rare in old Latin. Not in Caesar. With the infinitive of intimation, see 1539.

1869. An indicative clause with #cum#, usually expressing sudden or unexpected action, sometimes contains the main idea, and is put last.

In this case #cum# is often attended by #subitō# or #repente#, _suddenly_, and the first clause contains #iam#, _already_, _by this time_, #vix#, #aegrē#, _hardly_, #vixdum#, _hardly yet_, or #nōndum#, _not yet_. The first verb is commonly in the imperfect or pluperfect, and the second in the perfect or present of vivid narration: as,

#dīxerat hoc ille, cum puer nūntiāvit venīre Laelium#, _RP._ 1, 18, _scarcely had he said this, when a slave announced that Laelius was coming_. #vix ea fātus eram, gemitū cum tālia reddit#, V. 2, 323, _scarce had I spoke the words, when with a groan he answers thus_. #Hannibal iam subībat mūrōs, cum repente in eum patē̆factā portā ērumpunt Rōmānī#, L. 29, 7, 8, _Hannibal was already moving up to the walls, when all of a sudden the gate flies open and the Romans come pouring out upon him_. #iamque hoc facere apparābant, cum mātres familiae repente prōcurrērunt#, 7, 26, 3, _they were already preparing to do it, when suddenly the married women rushed forward_. This use is very rare in old Latin. From Sallust on, it is found occasionally with the infinitive of intimation (1539).

1870. A clause with #cum# is often used attributively with words denoting time, or with #est#, #fuit#, or #erit#.

The mood is the same as with a relative pronoun, sometimes the indicative, and regularly in old Latin, but usually the subjunctive: as, #fuit quoddam tempus cum in agrīs hominēs vagābantur#, _Inv._ 1, 2, _there was an age of the world when men roved round in the fields_ (1813, 1823). #fuit tempus cum rūra colerent hominēs#, Varro, _RR._ 3, 1, 1, _there was a time when men dwelt in the fields_ (1818, 1821). #est cum exōrnātiō praetermittenda est#, Cornif. 2, 30, _sometimes ornamentation should be avoided_. #fuit anteā tempus, cum Germānōs Gallī virtūte superārent#, 6, 24, 1, _there was a time when the Gauls outdid the Germans in valour_. The subjunctive is also used with #audiō cum# (1722), but with #meminī cum# the indicative: as, #saepe ex socerō meō audīvī, cum is dīceret#, _DO._ 2, 22, _I have often heard my father-in-law saying_. #meminī cum mihī̆ dēsipere vidēbāre#, _Fam._ 7, 28, 1, _I remember when I thought you showed bad taste_.

1871. The indicative present or perfect with #cum# is used in expressions equivalent to an emphasized accusative or ablative of time, the main verb being #est# or #sunt#: as, #annī prope quadringentī sunt, cum hoc probātur#, _O._ 171, _it is nearly four hundred years that this has been liked_. #nōndum centum et decem annī sunt, cum lāta lēx est#, _Off._ 2, 75, _it is not a hundred and ten years yet since the law was passed_. In old Latin, the clause with #cum# is made the subject of #est#, and the substantive of time is put in the accusative: as, #hanc domum iam multōs annōs est quom possideō#, Pl. _Aul._ 3, _’tis many years now I have occupied this house_.

WITH THE SUBJUNCTIVE.

1872. With #cum#, _when_, the imperfect or pluperfect subjunctive is used to describe the circumstances under which the action of the main clause took place: as,

#cum rēx Pyrrhus populō Rōmānō bellum intulisset cumque dē imperiō certāmen esset cum rēge potentī, perfuga ab eō vēnit in castra Fabriciī#, _Off._ 3, 86, _king Pyrrhus having made war on the Roman nation, and there being a struggle for sovereignty with a powerful king, a deserter from him came into Fabricius’s camp_. #eōdem tempore Attalus rēx moritur alterō et septuāgēsimō annō, cum quattuor et quadrāgintā annōs rēgnāsset#, L. 33, 21, 1, _the same year Attalus the king dies, in his seventy-second year, having reigned forty-four years_. #hīc pāgus, cum domō exīsset patrum nostrōrum memoriā, L. Cassium cōnsulem interfēcerat#, 1, 12, 5, _this canton, sallying out from home in our fathers’ recollection, had put Cassius, the consul, to death_. #nam cum inambulārem in xystō, M. ad mē Brūtus vēnerat#, _Br._ 10, _for as I was pacing up and down my portico, Brutus had come to see me_. #Antigonus in proeliō, cum adversus Seleucum et Lȳsimachum dīmicāret, occīsus est#, N. 21, 3, 2, _Antigonus was killed in battle fighting against Seleucus and Lysimachus_. #haec cum Crassus dīxisset, silentium est cōnsecūtum#, _DO._ 1, 160, _a deep silence ensued after Crassus had finished speaking_. #cum annōs iam complūrīs societās esset, moritur in Galliā Quīnctius, cum adesset Naevius#, _Quinct._ 14, _the partnership having lasted several years, Quinctius died in Gaul, Naevius being there at the time_.

In this use, as the examples show, #cum# with the subjunctive is often equivalent to a participle or an ablative absolute. The use is not found in Plautus (1861). Ennius and Terence have possibly each an instance (disputed) of it, but it was certainly rare until the classical period, when it became one of the commonest of constructions. It must not be confounded with the special uses of the subjunctive mentioned in 1859.

1873. The difference in meaning between #cum# with the indicative and #cum# with the subjunctive may be illustrated by the following examples:

#Gallō nārrāvī, cum proximē Rōmae fuī, quid audīssem#, _Att._ 13, 49, 2, _I told Gallus, when I was last in Rome, what I had heard_ (1866), #a. d. III kal. Maiās cum essem in Cūmānō, accēpī tuās litterās#, _Fam._ 4, 2, 1, _I received your letter on the twenty-eighth of April, being in my villa at Cumae_ (1872). #cum vāricēs secābantur C. Mariō, dolēbat#, _TD._ 2, 35, _while Marius was having his varicose veins lanced, he was in pain_ (1864). #C. Marius, cum secārētur, ut suprā dīxī, vetuit sē adligārī#, _TD._ 2, 53, _Marius being under the surgeon’s knife, as above mentioned, refused to be bound_ (1872). #num P. Decius, cum sē dēvovēret et in mediam aciem inruēbat, aliquid dē voluptātibus suīs cōgitābat?# _Fin._ 2, 61, _did Decius, offering himself up, and while he was dashing straight into the host, have any thought of pleasures of his own?_ (1872, 1864).

(B.) EXPLANATORY AND CAUSAL #cum#.

1874. The indicative is often used with explanatory #cum# when the action of the protasis is coincident with that of the apodosis (1733).

In this use #cum# passes from the meaning of _when_ to _that_, _in that_, or _in_ or _by_ with a verbal in _-ing_: as, #hoc verbum quom illī quoidam dīcō, praemōstrō tibī̆#, Pl. _Tri._ 342, _in laying down this lesson for your unknown friend I’m warning you_. #cum quiēscunt, probant#, _C._ 1, 21, _their inaction is approval_. Denoting the means: as, #tūte tibi prōdes plūrumum, quom servitūtem ita fers ut ferrī decet#, Pl. _Cap._ 371, _you do yourself most good by bearing slavery as it should be borne_. For similar uses of #quod#, #quia#, and #quī#, see 1850.

1875. Explanatory #cum# is also used with verbs of emotion; likewise with #grātulor# and #grātiās agō#: as, #quom tu ’s līber, gaudeō#, Pl. _Men._ 1148, _that you are free, I’m glad_. #grātulor tibī̆, cum tantum valēs apud Dolābellam#, _Fam._ 9, 14, 3, _I give you joy that you stand so well with Dolabella_. #tibī̆ maximās grātiās agō, cum tantum litterae meae potuērunt#, _Fam._ 13, 24, 2, _I thank you most heartily in that my letter had such influence_. For similar uses of #quod# and #quia#, see 1851, 1852.

1876. Explanatory #cum# is also used in the sense of _since_, _although_, or _even though_. In these meanings it introduces the indicative in old Latin (1878): as,

Denoting cause: #istō tū pauper es, quom nimis sānctē piu ’s#, Pl. _R._ 1234, _that’s why you are poor yourself, since you are over-scrupulously good_. #quom hoc nōn possum, illud minus possem#, T. _Ph._ 208, _since this I can’t, that even less could I_. Adversative cause: #īnsānīre mē aiunt, quom ipsī īnsāniunt#, Pl. _Men._ 831, _they say I’m mad, whereas they are mad themselves_. Concession: #sat sīc suspectus sum, quom careō noxiā#, Pl. _B._ 1005, _I am enough distrusted as it is, even though I’m void of wrong_.

1877. #cum#, _since_, _although_, _even though_, usually introduces the subjunctive: as,

Denoting cause: #cum in commūnibus suggestīs cōnsistere nōn audēret, contiōnārī ex turrī altā solēbat#, _TD._ 5, 59, _since he did not dare to stand up on an ordinary platform, he always did his speaking from a lofty tower_, of Dionysius, tyrant of Syracuse. #Aeduī cum sē dēfendere nōn possent, lēgātōs ad Caesarem mittunt#, 1, 11, 2, _since the Aeduans could not defend themselves, they sent ambassadors to Caesar_. Adversative cause: #fuit perpetuō pauper, cum dīvitissimus esse posset#, N. 19, 1, 2, _he was always poor, whereas he might have been very rich_, of Phocion. #Pyladēs cum sīs, dīcēs tē esse Orestēn?# _Fin._ 2, 79, _whereas you are Pylades, will you declare yourself Orestes?_ Concession: #ipse Cicerō, cum tenuissimā valētūdine esset, nē nocturnum quidem sibī̆ tempus ad quiētem relinquēbat#, 5, 40, 7, _Cicero himself, though he was in extremely delicate health, did not allow himself even the night-time for rest_. #ille Catō, cum esset Tusculī nātus, in populī Rōmānī cīvitātem susceptus est#, _Leg._ 2, 5, _the great Cato, though born at Tusculum, was received into the citizenship of the Roman nation_.

1878. This use of the subjunctive is not found in Plautus. It is thought to have begun in the time of Terence, who may have a couple of instances (disputed). Thereafter, it grew common and was the regular mood used with explanatory and causal #cum# in the classical period.

1879. Explanatory #cum# is sometimes introduced by #quippe#, rarely by #ut pote#, _naturally_: as,

#tum vērō gravior cūra patribus incessit, quippe cum prōdī causam ab suīs cernerent#, L. 4, 57, 10, _then the senators were still more seriously concerned, and naturally enough, since they beheld their cause betrayed by their own people_. #valētūdō, ē quā iam ēmerseram, ut pote cum sine febrī labōrāssem#, _Att._ 5, 8, 1, _an illness from which I had already recovered, naturally, since it was unaccompanied by fever_. #quippe cum# occurs in Cicero, Nepos, and Livy; #ut pote cum# is used once in Cicero’s letters, once by Pollio to Cicero, and in late writers. For #quippe# and #ut pote# with a causal relative, see 1827.

1880. The adversative idea is often emphasized by the use of #tamen# in the main clause: as, #cum prīmī ōrdinēs hostium concidissent, tamen ācerrimē reliquī resistēbant#, 7, 62, 4, _though the front ranks of the enemy had fallen, yet the rest made a most spirited resistance_.

(C.) #cum . . . tum.#

1881. A protasis with #cum# is often followed by an emphatic apodosis introduced by #tum#.

The protasis denotes what is general or common or old; the apodosis what is special or strange or new. In classical Latin #tum# is often emphasized by #maximē#, #in prīmīs#, #vērō#, &c.

In this use the mood is more commonly the indicative and the time of the two verbs is apt to be identical: as, #quom mihi paveō, tum Antiphō mē excruciat animī#, T. _Ph._ 187, _whilst for myself I tremble, Antipho puts me in a perfect agony of soul_. But #cum anteā distinēbar maximīs occupātiōnibus, tum hōc tempore multō distineor vehementius#, _Fam._ 12, 30, 2, _I was distracted by most important engagements before, but now I am very much more distracted_. Less frequently the subjunctive, to denote cause or concession (1877): as, #cum tē ā pueritiā tuā dīlēxerim, tum hōc multō ācrius dīligō#, _Fam._ 15, 9, 1, _whereas I have always loved you from your boyhood, for this I love you with a far intenser love_. By abridgement of the sentence (1057), #cum . . . tum# come to be copulative conjunctions (1687): as, #mōvit patrēs cōnscrīptōs cum causa tum auctor#, L. 9, 10, 1, _both the cause and its supporter touched the conscript fathers_.

#quoniam.#

1882. #quoniam#, compounded of #quom# and #iam#, _when now_, refers primarily to time, but is seldom so used and only by early writers. The temporal meaning passed early into an exclusively causal meaning, _since_. In both meanings it regularly introduces the indicative (1721). For special reasons, however, the subjunctive is used, as in indirect discourse (1725), or by attraction (1728).

1883. (1.) #quoniam#, _when now_, used of time in early Latin, has sometimes as a correlative #continuō#, #subitō#, or #extemplō#; it usually introduces the present indicative (1590): as,

#is quoniam moritur, numquam indicāre id fīliō voluit suō#, Pl. _Aul._ 9, _when he was on his dying bed, he ne’er would point it out to his own son_, of a hidden treasure. #quoniam sentiō quae rēs gererētur, nāvem extemplō statuimus#, Pl. _B._ 290, _when now I saw what was doing, we stopped the ship at once_.

1884. (2.) #quoniam#, _since_, _seeing that_, _now that_, with the indicative, introduces a reason, usually one known to the person addressed, or one generally known: as,

#vēra dīcō, sed nēquīquam, quoniam nōn vīs crēdere#, Pl. _Am._ 835, _the truth I speak, but all in vain, since thou wilt not believe_. #vōs, Quirītēs, quoniam iam nox est, in vestra tecta discēdite#, _C._ 3, 29, _do you, citizens, since it is now grown dark, depart and go to your own several homes_. #quoniam in eam ratiōnem vītae nōs fortūna dēdūxit, ut sempiternus sermō dē nōbīs futūrus sit, caveāmus#, _QFr._ 1, 1, 38, _since fortune has set us in such a walk of life that we are to be eternally talked about, let us be on our guard_. Often in transition: as, #quoniam dē genere bellī dīxī, nunc dē magnitūdine pauca dīcam#, _IP._ 20, _since I have finished speaking about the character of the war, I will now speak briefly about its extent_. With the subjunctive in indirect discourse (1725): as, #crēbrīs Pompēī litterīs castīgābantur, quoniam prīmō venientem Caesarem nōn prohibuissent#, Caes. _C._ 3, 25, 3, _they were rebuked in numerous letters of Pompey, ‘because they had not kept Caesar off as soon as he came.’_

#quotiēns#, #quotiēnscumque#.

1885. The relative particle #quotiēns# (711), or #quotiēnscumque#, _every time that_, _whenever_, introduces the indicative: as,

#quotiēns quaeque cohors prōcurrerat, magnus numerus hostium cadēbat#, 5, 34, 2, _as the cohorts successively charged, a great number of the enemy fell every time_. #quoius quotiēns sepulcrum vidēs, sacruficās#, Pl. _E._ 175, _every time you see her tomb, you offer sacrifice_. #nec quotiēnscumque mē vīderit, ingemīscet#, _Sest._ 146, _neither shall he fall a-groaning whenever he sees me_ (1736). #quotiēnsque# is late and rare.