Part 2
The publications of Williams, that have reached us, are not voluminous. The public services in which he was engaged, and the private difficulties which he had to encounter, undoubtedly prevented them from being so. The first, in order of time, is his “Key to the Language of America,” now republished. This, it would seem, was composed during his voyage to England in 1643, and was printed at London soon after his arrival. It preceded Elliot’s publications on the same subject, and was highly commended by the Board of Trade, at the time it was published. Very few copies of the original edition are now extant. The one belonging to the Massachusetts Historical Society is the only one known to be in this country. A strain of ardent piety runs through this work which cannot fail to recommend both itself and its author to the reader. It presents the character of the Natives in a new and favorable light, and appears to have been admirably calculated to facilitate that intercouse with them, which the safety of the settlers and the interests of both settlers and natives imperiously demanded.
The next work was his “Bloody Tenent,” written in answer to Cotton’s work upholding the right and enforcing the duty of the civil magistrate to regulate the doctrines of the Church. This work called forth a reply from Cotton, entitled “The Bloody Tenent, Washed and made White in the blood of the Lambe.” And this was followed by a rejoinder from Williams, entitled “The Bloody Tenent yet more Bloody, by Mr. Cotton’s endeavor to Wash it White.” In these works of Williams the doctrine of religious liberty and unlimited toleration are illustrated in strong language and supported by stronger arguments--arguments that preceded those of Locke, Bayle and Furneau. The character and standing of Cotton made him an antagonist, with whom to contend, was glorious, even though vanquished, but with truth on his side, and supported and strengthened by a sense of it, Williams entered the contest, and was not vanquished. Accompanying this last, are two letters, one to Gov. Endicott and the other to the Clergy of Great-Britain and Ireland. The first of which, if it had been read with the spirit in which it appears to have been written, would have stayed the arm of Persecution in New-England. These were published in London in 1652. About twenty years after, Williams had a controversy with the Quakers. He maintained a public dispute with them at Newport, on the 9th, 10th and 12th, and at Providence, on the 17th August, 1672. Afterwards he published his “George Fox digged out of his Burrows,” in answer to a work of Fox. This is a rare book.
In regard to the literary attainments of Roger Williams it is deemed proper to say but little. The readers of this work will be principally such as chuse to form their _own_ opinions. It will be, however, generally admitted, that his Style, abounds with the Beauties and Defects, peculiar to the Literature of his own Times. It is no small praise to say of him, that, as an author, he compares well with his great opponent, COTTON. Both indulge in the same apposite, but somewhat profuse use of Scripture allusion and Phraseology; both are at home in the Classics and the Fathers, and surprise us with quaint erudition; both fight with the same weapon of controversy--the ancient scholastic Logic.
Those who have a partiality for Williams will justify that partiality, by the conciliating liberality of his doctrines, and the philosophic philanthropy of his sentiments, which impart a peculiar amenity to his diction, and to his reasoning, an air of common sense deduction and equitable and rational conclusion, more satisfactory than the most refined subtilties of dialectic skill.
No description of the person of Williams has reached us, but Rhode-Islanders will always remember his name and his deeds, and revere him as the father of their State, and the world will ever regard him as the earliest and boldest champion of the right of all men “fully to have and enjoy their own judgments and consciences, in matters of religious concernments.”
FOOTNOTES:
[1] Amended at the annual meeting A. D. 1826, and three trustees added.
[2] This censure refers to those who had not separated from the Established Church, before they left England, as well as to those who on visiting England, attended the Parish Churches there.
A KEY INTO THE LANGUAGE OF AMERICA,
OR AN
HELP TO THE LANGUAGE OF THE NATIVES IN THAT PART OF AMERICA CALLED
New-England;
TOGETHER WITH BRIEFE OBSERVATIONS OF THE CUSTOMES, MANNERS, AND WORSHIPS, &c. OF THE AFORESAID NATIVES, IN PEACE AND WARRE, IN LIFE AND DEATH.
_On all which are added_,
SPIRITUALL OBSERVATIONS GENERALL AND PARTICULAR, BY THE AUTHOUR, OF CHIEFE AND SPECIALL USE (UPON ALL OCCASIONS) TO ALL THE ENGLISH INHABITING THOSE PARTS; YET PLEASANT AND PROFITABLE TO THE VIEW OF ALL MEN.
By ROGER WILLIAMS, Of Providence, in New-England.
LONDON. PRINTED BY GREGORY DEXTER. 1643.
_TO MY DEARE AND WELBELOVED FRIENDS AND COUNTREYMEN, IN OLD AND NEW ENGLAND._
I present you with a Key; I have not heard of the like, yet framed, since it pleased God to bring that mighty continent of America to light: others of my Countreymen, have often and excellently, and lately written of the Countrey (and none that I know beyond the goodnesse and worth of it.)
This Key, respects the native language of it, and happily may unlocke some Rarities concerning the natives themselves, not yet discovered.
I drew the materialls in a rude lumpe at Sea, as a private helpe to my owne memory, that I might not by my present absence lightly lose what I had so dearely bought in some few yeares hardship and charges among the Barbarians; yet being reminded by some, what pitie it were to bury those Materialls in my Grave at land or sea; and withall, remembring how oft I have been importun’d by worthy friends of all sorts, to afford them some helps this way.
I resolved (by the assistance of the most High) to cast those Materials into this Key, pleasant and profitable for All, but specially for my friends residing in those parts:
A little Key may open a Box, where lies a bunch of Keyes.
With this I have entred into the secrets of those Countries, where ever English dwel about two hundred miles, betweene the French and Dutch Plantations; for want of this, I know what grosse mistakes my selfe and others have run into.
There is a mixture of this Language North and South, from the place of my abode, about six hundred miles; yet within the two hundred miles (aforementioned) their Dialects doe exceedingly differ; yet not so, but (within that compasse) a man may by this helpe, converse with thousands of Natives all over the Countrey: and by such converse it may please the Father of Mercies to spread civilitie (and in his owne most holy season) Christianitie; for one Candle will light ten thousand, and it may please God to blesse a little Leaven to season the mightie lump of those Peoples and Territories.
It is expected, that having had so much converse with these Natives, I should write some little of them.
Concerning them (a little to gratifie expectation) I shall touch upon foure Heads:
First, by what Names they are distinguished.
Secondly, Their Originall and Descent.
Thirdly, their Religion, Manners, Customes, &c.
Fourthly, That great Point of their Conversion.
To the first, their Names are of two Sorts:
First, those of the English giving: as Natives, Savages, Indians, Wild-men, (so the Dutch call them Wilden) Abergeny men, Pagans, Barbarians, Heathen.
Secondly, their names, which they give themselves.
I cannot observe, that they ever had (before the comming of the English, French, or Dutch amongst them) any Names to difference themselves from strangers, for they knew none; but two sorts of names they had, and have amongst themselves.
First, generall, belonging to all Natives, as Nínnuock, Ninnimissinûwock, Eniskeetompaûwog, which signifies Men, Folke or People.
Secondly, particular names, peculiar to severall Nations of them amongst themselves, as Nanhigganêuck, Massachusêuck, Cawasumséuck, Cowwesêuck, Quintikóock, Quinnipiéuck, Pequttóog, &c.
They have often asked mee, why wee call them Indians, Natives, &c. and understanding the reason, they will call themselves Indians in opposition to English &c.
For the second Head proposed, their Originall and Descent.
From Adam and Noah that they spring, it is granted on all hands.
But for their later Descent and whence they came into those parts, it seemes as hard to finde, as to finde the well head of some fresh Streame, which running many miles out of the Countrey to the salt Ocean, hath met with many mixing Streames by the way. They say themselves, that they have sprung and growne up in that very place, like the very trees of the wildernesse.
They say that their Great God Cowtantowwit created those parts, as I observed in the Chapter of their Religion. They have no Clothes, Bookes, nor Letters, and conceive their Fathers never had; and therefore they are easily perswaded that the God that made Englishmen is a greater God, because Hee hath so richly endowed the English above themselves: But when they heare that about sixteen hundred yeeres agoe, England and the Inhabitants thereof were like unto themselves, and since have received from God, Clothes, Bookes, &c. they are greatly affected with a secret hope concerning themselves.
Wise and judicious men with whom I have discoursed, maintaine their originall to be Northward from Tartaria: and at my now taking ship, at the Dutch Plantation, it pleased the Dutch Governour (in some discourse with mee about the natives) to draw their Line from Iceland, because the name Sackmakan (the name for an Indian Prince, about the Dutch) is the name for a Prince in Iceland.
Other opinions I could number up: under favour I shall present (not mine opinion, but) my observations to the judgement of the wise.
First, others (and myselfe) have conceived some of their words to hold affinitie with the Hebrew.
Secondly, they constantly anoint their heads as the Jewes did.
Thirdly, they give Dowries for their wives as the Jewes did.
Fourthly (and which I have not so observed amongst other nations as amongst the Jewes, and these) they constantly seperate their women (during the time of their monthly sicknesse) in a little house alone by themselves foure or five dayes, and hold it an Irreligious thing for either Father or Husband or any Male to come neere them.
They have often asked me if it bee so with women of other nations, and whether they are so separated: and for their practice they plead Nature and Tradition. Yet againe I have found a greater affinity of their language with the Greek tongue.
2. As the Greekes and other nations, and our selves call the seven starres (or Charles Waine, the beare,) so doe they Mosk, or Paukunnawaw the beare.
3. They have many strange Relations of one Wétucks, a man that wrought great Miracles amongst them, and walking upon the waters, &c. with some kind of broken resemblance to the Sonne of God.
Lastly, it is famous that the Sowwest (Sowaniu) is the great subject of their discourse. From thence their Traditions. There they say (at the South west) is the Court of their Great God Cautántouwit: at the South-west are their forefathers soules: to the South west they goe themselves when they dye; From the South west came their Corne, and Beanes out of their great God Cautántowwits field: and indeed the further Northward and Westward from us their Corne will not grow, but to the Southward better and better. I dare not conjecture in these Vncertainties, I believe they are lost, and yet hope (in the Lords holy season) some of the wildest of them shall be found to share in the blood of the Son of God. To the third head, concerning their Religion, Customes, Manners &c. I shall here say nothing, because in those 32 chapters of the whole book, I have briefly touched those of all sorts, from their birth to their burialls, and have endeavoured (as the nature of the worke would give way) to bring some short observations and applications home to Europe from America.
Therefore fourthly, to that great point of their conversion so much to bee longed for, and by all New-English so much pretended, and I hope in Truth.
For my selfe I have uprightly laboured to suite my endeavours to my pretences: and of later times (out of desire to attaine their Language) I have run through varieties of Intercourses with them Day and Night, Summer and Winter, by Land and Sea, particular passages tending to this, I have related divers, in the Chapter of their Religion.
Many solemne discourses I have had with all sorts of nations of them, from one end of the Countrey to another (so farre as opportunity, and the little language I have could reach.)
I know there is no small preparations in the hearts of multitudes of them. I know their many solemne confesions to my self, and one to another of their lost wandring conditions.
I know strong Convictions upon the Consciences of many of them, and their desires uttred that way.
I know not with how little Knowledge and Grace of Christ the Lord may save, and therefore neither will despair or report much.
But since it hath pleased some of my worthy Countrymen to mention (of late in print) Wequash, the Pequt Captaine, I shall be bold so farre to second their relations, as to relate mine own hopes of him (though I dare not be so confident as others.)
Two dayes before his death, as I past up to Quinnihticut River it pleased my worthy friend Mr. Fenwick whom I visited at his house in Say-Brook Fort at the mouth of that River, to tell me that my old friend Wequash lay very sick: I desired to see him, and Himselfe was pleased to be my Guide two mile where Wequash lay.
Amongst other discourse concerning his sicknesse and Death (in which hee freely bequeathed his son to Mr. Fenwick) I closed with him concerning his Soule: Hee told me that some two or three yeare before he had lodged at my House, where I acquainted him with the Condition of all mankind, and his own in particular, how God created Man and All things: how Man fell from God, and of his present Enmity against God, and the wrath of God against Him until Repentance: said he, “your words were never out of my heart to this present;” and said hee “me much pray to Jesus Christ.” I told him so did many English, French and Dutch, who had never turned to God, nor loved Him: He replyed in broken English: “me so big naughty Heart, me heart all one stone!” Savory expressions using to breath from compunct and broken Hearts, and a sence of inward hardnesse and unbrokennesse. I had many discourses with him in his Life, but this was the summe of our last parting untill our generall meeting.
Now because this is the great Inquiry of all men what Indians have been converted? what have the English done in those parts? what hopes of the Indians receiving the knowledge of Christ!
And because to this Question some put an edge from the boast of the Jesuits in Canada and Maryland, and especially from the wonderfull conversions made by the Spaniards and Portugalls in the West-Indies, besides what I have here written, as also, besides what I have observed in the Chapter of their Religion; I shall further present you with a brief additionall discourse concerning this Great Point, being comfortably perswaded that that Father of Spirits, who was graciously pleased to perswade Japhet (the Gentiles) to dwell in the Tents of Shem (the Jewes) will in his holy season (I hope approaching) perswade these Gentiles of America to partake of the mercies of Europe, and then shall bee fulfilled what is written by the Prophet Malachi, from the rising of the Sunne (in Europe) to the going down of the same (in America) my name shall be great among the Gentiles. So I desire to hope and pray,
Your unworthy Country-man, ROGER WILLIAMS.
DIRECTIONS FOR THE USE OF THE LANGUAGE.
1. A dictionary or Grammer way I had consideration of, but purposely avoided, as not so accommodate to the benefit of all, as I hope, this forme is.
2. A Dialogue also I had thoughts of, but avoided for brevities sake, and yet (with no small paines) I have so framed every Chapter and the matter of it, as I may call it an implicite Dialogue.
3. It is framed chiefly after the Narrogánset Dialect, because most Spoken in the Countrey, and yet (with attending to the variation of peoples and Dialects) it will be of great use in all parts of the Countrey.
4. Whatever your occasion bee either of Travell, Discourse, Trading &c. turne to the Table which will direct you to the Proper Chapter.
5. Because the Life of all Language is in the Pronuntiation, I have been at the paines and charges to Cause the Accents, Tones or sounds to be affixed, (which some understand according to the Greeke Language, Acutes, Graves, Circumflexes) for example, in the second Leafe in the word Ewò He: the Sound or tone must not be put on E, but Wò, where the grave accent is.
In the same Leafe, in the word _Ascowequássin_, the sound must not be on any of the Syllables, but on _quáss_, where the Acute or Sharp sound is.
In the same leafe, in the word Anspaumpmaûntam, the Sound must not be on any other Syllable but Maûn where the Circumflex or long sounding Accent is.
6. The _English_ for every _Indian_ word or phrase stands in a straight line directly against the _Indian_: yet sometimes there are two words for the same thing (for their Language is exceeding copious, and they have five or six words sometimes for one thing) and then the English stands against them both; for example in the second leafe.
Cowáuncakmish and I pray your favour. Cuckquénamish,
AN HELPE
TO THE NATIVE LANGUAGE
OF THAT PART OF AMERICA CALLED
New-England.
CHAPTER I.
_Of Salutation._--Observation.
The natives are of two sorts (as the English are) some more rude and clownish, who are not so apt to salute, but upon salutation resalute lovingly. Others, and the generall, are sober and grave, and yet cheerfull in a meane, and as ready to begin a salutation as to resalute, which yet the English generally begin, out of desire to civilize them.
What cheare _Nétop_ is the general salutation of all English toward them. _Nétop_ is friend. _Netompaûog_, Friends.
They are exceedingly delighted with Salutations in their own Language.
Neèn, Keèn, Ewò, I, you, he.
Keénkaneen, You and I.
Ascowequássin, Ascowequassunnúmmis, Good morrow.
Askuttaaquompsín, Hou doe you?
Asnpaumpmaúntam, I am very well.
Taubút paump maúntaman, I am glad you are well.
Cowaúnckamish, My service to you.
OBSERVATION.
This word upon speciall Salutations they use, and upon some offence conceived by the _Sachim_ or Prince against any; I have seen the party reverently doe obeysance, by stroking the Prince upon both his sholders, and using this word,
Cowaúnckamish and Cuckquénamish, I pray your favour.
Cowaúnkamuck, He salutes you.
Aspaumpmáuntam Sachim, How doth the Prince?
Aspaumpmaúntam commíttamus, How doth your wife?
Aspaumpmaúntamwock How doth your children? cummuckiaûg?
Konkeeteâug, They are well.
Táubot ne paump maunthéttit, I am glad they are well.
Túnna Cowâum? Whence came you?
Tuckôteshana, Yò nowaum, I came that way.
Náwwatuck nóteshem, I came from farre.
Mattaâsu nóteshem, I came from hard by.
Wêtu, An House.
Wetuômuck nóteshem, I came from the house.
Acâwmuck nóteshem, I came over the water.
Otàn, A Towne.
Otânick nóteshem, I came from the Towne.
OBSERVATION.
In the Narigánset Countrey (which is the chief People in the Land) a man shall come to many townes, some bigger, some lesser, it may be a dozen in 20 miles travell.
OBSERVATION.
_Acawmenóakit_, old England, which is as much as _from the Land on t’other side_: hardly are they brought to believe that that water is three thousand English mile over or thereabouts.
Tunnock kuttòme, Whither goe you?
Wékick nittóme, To the house.
Nékick, To my house.
Kékick, To your house.
Tuckowêkin, Where dwell you?
Tuckuttîin, Where keep you?
Matnowetuómeno, I have no house.
OBSERVATION.
As commonly a single person hath no house, so after the death of a Husband or Wife, they often break up house, and live here and there a while with Friends to allay their excessive sorrowes.
Tou wuttîin? Where lives he?
Awânickuchick, Who are these?
Awaùn ewò? Who is that?
Túnna úmwock, Tunna Wutshaûock, Whence come they?
Yo nowêkin, I dwell here.
Yo ntiîn, I live here.
Eîu or Nnîu? Is it so?
Nùx, Yea.
Matnippompitámmen, I have heard nothing.
Wésuonck, A name.
Tocketussawêitch, What is your name?
Taantússawese? Doe you aske my name.
Ntússawese, I am called, &c.
Matnowesuónckane, I have no name.
OBSERVATION.
Obscure and meane persons amongst them have no names: _nullius numeri_ &c. as the Lord Jesus foretells his followers that their names should be cast out, Luk. 6. 22. as not worthy to be named &c. Againe, because they abhorre to name the dead (Death being the King of Terrours to all naturall men: and though the natives hold the Soule to live ever, yet not holding a Resurrection they die and mourn without Hope.) In that respect I say, if any of their Sáchims or neighbours die who were of their names, they lay down those Names as dead.
Now ánnehick nowésuonck--I have forgot my name. Which is common amongst some of them, this being one Incivilitie amongst the more rusticall sort, not to call each other by their names, but Keen, You, Ewo, He &c.
Tahéna, What is his name?
Tahossowêtam, What is the name of it?
Tahéttamen, What call you this?
Teáqua, What is this?
Yò néepoush, Stay or stand here.
Máttapsh, Sit down.
Noónshem, Non ânum, I cannot.
Tawhitch Kuppee Yaúmen, What come you for?
Téaqua Kunnaúnta men, What doe you fetch?
Chenock cuppeeyâu mis? When came you?
Maish Kitummâyi, Just even now.
Kitummâyi nippeéam, I came just now.
Yò commíttamus, Is this your wife?
Yò cuppáppoos, Is this your child?
Yò cummúckquachucks, Is this your son?
Yò cuttaûnis, Is this your daughter?
Wunnêtu, It is a fine child.
Tawhich neepou weéye an, Why stand you?
Pucqúatchick? Without dores.
Tawhítch mat pe titeáyean? Why come you not in?
OBSERV.