Chapter 6

44. Sed Allobroges ex praecepto Ciceronis per Gabinium ceteros conveniunt;[215] ab Lentulo, Cethego, Statilio, item Cassio postulant jusjurandum, quod signatum ad cives perferant; aliter haud facile eos ad tantum negotium impelli posse. Ceteri nihil suspicantes dant; Cassius semet eo brevi venturum pollicetur ac paulo ante legates ex urbe proficiscitur. Lentulus cum his T. Volturcium quendam Crotoniensem mittit, ut Allobroges prins quam domum pergerent, cum Catilina data atque accepta fide societatem confirmarent. Ipse Volturcio litteras ad Catilinam dat, quarum exemplum infra scriptum est: 'Qui[216] sim ex eo, quem ad te misi, cognosces. Fac cogites, in quanta calamitate sis, et memineris te virum esse; consideres, quid tuae rationes postulent; auxilium petas ab omnibus, etiam ab infimis.'[217] Ad hoc mandata verbis dat: 'Quum ab senatu hostis judicatus sit, quo consilio servitia repudiet? in urbe parata esse, quae jusserit; ne cunctetur ipse propius accedere.'

[215] _Conveniunt_, with the accusative. See Zumpt, S 387. [216] _Qui_ for _quis_. See Zumpt, S 134, note. [217] He means to say, 'even from the slaves, who, as is now seen, have not been received by Catiline into his army.'

45. His rebus ita actis, constituta nocte, qua proficiscerentur, Cicero per legates cuncta edoctus,[218] L. Valerio Flacco et G. Pomptinio praetoribus imperat, ut in ponte Mulvio[219] per insidias Allobrogum comitatus deprehendant; rem omnem aperit, cujus gratia mittebantur, cetera, uti facto opus sit, ita agant, permittit. Illi, homines militares, sine tumultu praesidiis collocatis, sicuti praeceptum erat, occulte pontem obsidunt.[220] Postquam ad id loci[221] legati cum Volturcio venerunt et simul utrimque clamor exortus est, Galli, cito cognito consilio, sine mora praetoribus se tradunt. Volturcius primo, cohortatus ceteros, gladio se a multitudine defendit, deinde ubi a legatis desertus est, multa prius de salute sua Pomptinium obtestatus, quod ei notus erat, postremo timidus ac vitae diffidens velut hostibus[222] sese praetoribus dedit.

[218] _Cuncta_. Respecting this accusative, see Zumpt, S 391, note 1. [219] _Pons Mulvius_, a bridge across the Tiber, about one mile from the city, outside the porta Flaminia. It still exists under the name of ponte Molle, and is passed by all travellers who go from Rome to the north. [220] _Obsidunt_. For this verb, see Zumpt, S 189, under _sido_. [221] _Ad id loci_; that is, _ad eum locum_. [222] He betrayed his treasonable designs even by surrendering to the public authorities, as if they were a foreign and hostile power, and by praying them to spare his life.

46. Quibus rebus confectis, omnia propere per nuntios consuli declarantur. At ilium ingens cura atque laetitia simul occupavere; nam laetabatur intellegens conjuratione patefacta civitatem periculis ereptam esse, porro autem anxius erat, dubitans, in maximo scelere tantis civibus deprehensis, quid facto opus esset; poenam illorum sibi oneri, impunitatem perdundae rei publicae[223] fore credebat. Igitur confirmato animo vocari ad sese jubet Lentulum, Cethegum, Statilium, Gabinium, item quendam Caeparium Tarracinensem, qui in Apuliam ad concitanda servitia proficisci parabat. Ceteri sine mora veniunt: Caeparius paulo ante domo egressus cognito indicio ex urbe profugerat. Consul Lentulum, quod praetor erat, ipse manu tenens in senatum[224] perducit; reliquos cum custodibus in aedem Concordiae venire jubet. Eo senatum advocat, magnaque frequentia ejus ordinis, Volturcium cum legatis introducit, Flaccum praetorem scrinium cum litteris, quas a legatis acceperat, eodem afferre jubet.

[223] See Zumpt, S 662. [224] The meeting of the senate was held in the Temple of Concord, close by the Forum. Temples were often used instead of the Curia Hostilia, which was the regular place for the senate to assemble in. Lentulus was taken to the senate by the consul himself; the others were conducted thither by guards, to be brought before the assembly after the business had been opened.

47. Volturcius interrogatus de itinere, de litteris, postremo quid aut qua de causa consilii habuisset, primo fingere alia, dissimulare de conjuratione; post, ubi fide publica dicere jussus est,[225] omnia, uti gesta erant, aperit docetque se paucis ante diebus a Gabinio et Caepario socium ascitum nihil amplius scire quam legatos; tantummodo audire solitum ex Gabinio, P. Autronium, Ser. Sullam, L. Vargunteium, multos praeterea in ea conjuratione esse. Eadem Galli fatentur ac Lentulum dissimulantem coarguunt praeter litteras sermonibus, quos ille habere solitus erat; ex libris Sibyllinis[226] regnum Romae tribus Corneliis portendi; Cinnam atque Sullam antea, se tertium esse, cui fatum foret urbis potiri;[227] praeterea ab incenso Capitolio illum esse vigesimum annum, quem saepe ex prodigiis haruspices[228] respondissent bello civili cruentum fore. Igitur perlectis litteris, quum prius omnes signa sua cognovissent, senatus decernit, uti abdicato magistratu Lentulus, itemque ceteri in liberis custodiis[229] habeantur. Itaque Lentulus P. Lentulo Spintheri, qui tum aedilis erat, Cethegus Q. Cornificio, Statilius G. Caesari, Gabinius M. Crasso, Caeparius (nam is paulo ante ex fuga retractus erat) Gn. Terentio senatori traduntur.

[225] 'He was ordered to make his statement on the ground of the promise made to him, on behalf of the state, that he should not be punished.' Sallust might have used the more complete expression, _fide publica data_ or _accepta_; but such expressions are to be completed by the sense rather than by any grammatical ellipsis. [226] _Sibylla_ is the ancient Greek name for a prophetic woman; and at Rome prophecies and counsels (_libri Sibyllini_) were kept in the Capitol which were believed to have been given as early as the time of the kings by a Sibyl of Cumae. They contained information about festivals, sacrifices, and other religious observances, and the means by which calamities which threatened the state might be averted. They were under the superintendence of a special college of priests, by whom alone they were consulted, on the command of the senate, in cases of public distress or apprehension. This college was called at different times, according to the number of its members, _duoviri_, _decemviri_, or _quindecemviri sacrorum_. [227] The _gens_ Cornelia comprised a large number of families, such as the Scipios, Dolabellas, Merulas, Sullas, Cinnas, Cethegi, and Lentuli. L. Cinna, by repeated consulships, and as the leader of the Marian party, obtained the highest power at Rome after the death of C. Marius, but was slain in B.C. 84 by his own soldiers, whom he intended to lead against L. Sulla. Sulla, after having been consul as early as the year B.C. 88, became dictator in B.C. 82. Respecting the expression _urbis potiri_, see Zumpt, S 466. [228] _Haruspices_ were the interpreters of the signs which were believed to be contained in the entrails of victims sacrificed to the gods, as well as of the phenomena in the atmosphere (_monstra_), and other occurrences in nature, which seemed to be contrary to the ordinary course of things. The system of this kind of superstition had been principally developed by the ancient Etruscans, and the haruspices engaged in the state religion of the Romans were generally natives of Etruria; and the Romans, owing to the uncertainty of their knowledge of things divine, dreaded this kind of superstition rather than practised it. [229] _Libera custodia_ is opposed to the _carcer publicus_, in which the prisoners were treated like slaves, and kept in chains. There were at Rome no prisons for those persons whose guilt was not yet established, or whose punishment consisted merely in confinement; but private persons, or the relatives of the accused, were obliged to keep the person of a criminal in their own houses, until the final decision upon his offence was given by the ordinary courts of justice.

48. Interea plebes, conjuratione patefacta, quae primo cupida rerum novarum nimis bello favebat, mutata mente Catilinae consilia execrari, Ciceronem ad coelum tollere; veluti ex servitute erepta gaudium atque laetitiam agitabat.[230] Namque alia belli facinora praedae magis quam detrimento fore, incendium vero crudele, immoderatum ac sibi maxime calamitosum putabat, quippe cui omnes copiae in usu cotidiano et cultu corporis erant.[231] Post eum diem quidam L. Tarquinius ad senatum adductus erat, quem ad Catilinam proficiscentem ex itinere retractum ajebant. Is, quum se diceret indicaturum de conjuratione, si fides publica data esset, jussus a consule quae sciret edicere, eadem fere quae Volturcius, de paratis incendiis, de caede bonorum, de itinere hostium senatum docet; praeterea se missum a M. Crasso, qui Catilinae nuntiaret, ne eum Lentulus et Cethegus aliique ex conjuratione deprehensi[232] terrerent, eoque magis properaret ad urbem accedere, quo et ceterorum animos reficeret et illi facilius e periculo eriperentur. Sed ubi Tarquinius Crassum nominavit, hominem nobilem, maximis divitiis, summa potentia, alii rem incredibilem rati, pars tametsi verum existimabant, tamen quia in tali tempore[233] tanta vis hominis magis leniunda quam exagitanda videbatur, plerique Crasso ex negotiis privatis obnoxii conclamant indicem falsum esse, deque ea re postulant uti referatur.[234] Itaque consulente Cicerone frequens senatus decernit, Tarquinii indicium falsum videri, eumque in vinculis retinendum, neque amplius potestatem[235] faciundam, nisi de eo indicaret, cujus consilio tantam rem esset mentitus. Erant eo tempore, qui aestimarent, indicium illud a P. Autronio machinatum, quo facilius appellato Crasso per societatem periculi reliquos illius potentia tegeret. Alii Tarquinium a Cicerone immissum ajebant, ne Crassus more suo suscepto malorum patrocinio rem publicam conturbaret. Ipsum Crassum ego postea praedicantem [236] audivi, tantam illam contumeliam sibi a Cicerone impositam.

[230] Such transitions from the historical infinitive to the present or imperfect, and _vice versa_, are not uncommon in Sallust. See chapters 18, 23, 56, 58. [231] _Erant_; according to the style of Cicero, it would be _essent_. See Zumpt, S 565. [232] For _deprehensio Lentuli et aliorum_, which would be more in accordance with the usage of modern languages. [233] _In tali tempore_. See Zumpt, S 475, note. [234] They demanded that the consul should bring forward the matter, as to whether the statement of Tarquinius was to be believed, in order that the votes might be taken upon it. For without a special _relatio_ by the magistrate authorised to make it (commonly the presiding consul, but sometimes also a tribune of the people), no senatus consultum could be made. [235] _Potestatem_; supply from the context _indicandi_. [236] _Praedicantem_. See Zumpt, S 636.

49. Sed iisdem temporibus Q. Catulus et C. Piso[237] neque precibus neque gratia neque pretio Ciceronem impellere potuere, uti per Allobroges aut alium indicem C. Caesar falso nominaretur. Nam uterque cum illo graves inimicitias exercebat: Piso oppugnatus in judicio pecuniarum repetundarum propter cujusdam Transpadani supplicium injustum; Catulus ex petitione pontificatus odio incensus, quod extrema aetate, maximis honoribus usus, ab adolescentulo Caesare victus[238] discesserat. Res autem opportuna videbatur, quod is privatim egregia liberalitate, publice maximis muneribus[239] grandem pecuniam debebat. Sed ubi consulem ad tantum facinus impellere nequeunt, ipsi singulatim circumeundo atque ementiundo, quae se ex Volturcio aut Allobrogibus audisse dicerent,[240] magnam illi invidiam conflaverant, usque adeo, ut nonnulli equites Romani, qui praesidii causa eum telis erant circum aedem Concordiae, seu periculi magnitudine seu animi mobilitate[241] impulsi, quo studium suum in rem publicam clarius esset, egredienti ex senatu Caesari gladio minitarentur.

[237] These two leaders of the party of the optimates had been consuls, Catulus in the year B.C. 78, and C. Piso in B.C. 67; and Catulus had also been censor in B.C. 65. Both were enemies of Caesar, who had defeated Catulus in his canvas for the office of pontifex maximus, and had caused a judicial inquiry to be instituted against Piso, about the manner in which he had conducted the proconsular administration of Gaul. Caesar was even then considered as the leader of the popular party, and as an opponent of the senate and its influence in the constitution. [238] It was at that time that Caesar, on going from home to the elective assembly, said to his mother, 'To-day you shall see your son either as pontifex, or you shall never see him again.' Caesar, however, is here called an _adolescentulus_ only in comparison with the aged Catulus, for he was at that time thirty-six years old. [239] 'In public life by the greatest exhibitions;' for _munera_ are exhibitions by means of which a private person, and still oftener a magistrate, endeavoured to win the favour of the people. As regards Caesar, that which is said here refers to the brilliant exhibitions in his aedileship, and the games which he gave while invested with that office. But he had thereby got so deeply into debt, that when, after his praetorship--with which he was invested in B. C. 62, the year after the Catilinarian conspiracy--he wanted to leave Rome to go to his province of Spain, he was kept back by his creditors; and he was not allowed to depart until M. Crassus had given security for him. [240] _Dicerent_. Respecting this subjunctive, see Zumpt, S 551. [241] _Mobilitas animi_, 'irritability,' or that state of mind which is easily excited, or upon which it is easy to make an impression. _Clarius esset_ is an explanation of _gladio minitarentur_.

50. Dum haec in senatu aguntur et dum legatis Allobrogum et T. Volturcio, comprobato eorum indicio, praemia decernuntur, liberti et pauci ex clientibus Lentuli diversis itineribus opifices atque servitia in vicis ad eum eripiundum sollicitabant, partim exquirebant duces multitudinum,[242] qui pretio rem publicam vexare soliti erant. Cethegus autem per nuntios familiam atque libertos suos, lectos et exercitatos in audaciam, orabat, ut grege facto cum telis ad sese irrumperent. Consul, ubi ea parari cognovit, dispositis praesidiis, ut res atque tempus monebat, convocato senatu refert, quid de his fieri placeat, qui in custodiam traditi erant. Sed eos paulo ante frequens senatus judicaverat contra rem publicam fecisse.[243] Tum D. Junius Silanus, primus sententiam rogatus,[244] quod eo tempore consul designatus erat, de his, qui in custodiis tenebantur, praeterea de L. Cassio, P. Furio, P. Umbreno, Q. Annio, si deprehensi forent, supplicium sumendum decreverat; isque postea, permotus oratione C. Caesaris, pedibus in sententiam Tib. Neronis iturum[245] se dixerat, quod de ea re praesidiis additis referundum censuerat.[246] Sed Caesar, ubi ad eum ventum est, rogatus sententiam a consule, hujuscemodi verba locutus est:

[242] _Multitudines_; that is, _catervae, factiones_, crowds or bands of men united for the purpose of creating disturbances among the people. [243] This is the customary form of condemnation in a decree of the senate, whereby it is declared that a wrong has actually been done to the state, or that an attempt has been made upon the constitution. The verdict of 'guilty,' therefore, had been pronounced by the senate itself. [244] _Sententiam rogatus_. See Zumpt, S 393, note 1. [245] He had declared that at the voting, which took place after the members of the senate had expressed their opinions, he would vote for the opinion of Tib. Nero; for the voting took place by a division (_discessio_), only one proposal being voted upon at a time, so that those who supported it separated from those who did not support it, but intended to vote for any other opinion (_alia omnia_). [246] This opinion then aimed only at an adjournment of the matter. Its issue was to be waited for; but in the meantime, the posts of guards were to be strengthened, and a fresh proposal was to be made respecting the punishment of the prisoners. The Tib. Nero here mentioned is the grandfather of the Emperor Tiberius, who was raised to the imperial throne in A. D. 14, in the fifty-sixth year of his age.

51. 'Omnes homines, patres conscripti, qui de rebus dubiis consultant, ab odio, amicitia, ira atque misericordia vacuos esse decet. Haud facile animus verum providet, ubi illa officiunt, neque quisquam omnium libidini simul et usui paruit. Ubi intenderis ingenium, valet; si libido possidet, ea dominatur, animus nihil valet. Magna mihi copia est memorandi, P. C., quae reges atque populi ira aut misericordia impulsi male consuluerint;[247] sed ea malo dicere, quae majores nostri contra libidinem animi sui recte atque ordine fecere. Bello Macedonico, quod cum rege Perse[248] gessimus, Rhodiorum civitas, magna atque magnifica, quae populi Romani opibus creverat, infida atque adversa nobis fuit; sed postquam bello confecto de Rhodiis consultum est, majores nostri, ne quis divitiarum magis quam injuriae causa bellum inceptum diceret, impunitos eos dimisere. Item bellis Punicis omnibus, quum saepe Karthaginienses et in pace et per inducias multa nefaria facinora fecissent, nunquam ipsi per occasionem talia fecere; magis, quid se dignum foret, quam quid in illos jure fieri posset, quaerebant. Hoc item vobis providendum est, P. C., ne plus apud vos valeat P. Lentuli et ceterorum scelus quam vestra dignitas; neu magis irae vestrae quam famae consulatis. Nam si digna poena pro factis eorum reperitur, novum consilium approbo; sin magnitude sceleris omnium ingenia exuperat, his utendum censeo, quae legibus comparata sunt. Plerique eorum, qui ante me sententiam dixerunt, composite atque magnifice casum rei publicae miserati sunt; quae belli saevitia esset, quae victis acciderent, enumeravere; rapi virgines, pueros, divelli liberos a parentum complexu, matres familiarum pati, quae victoribus collibuissent, fana atque domos spoliari, caedem, incendia fieri, postremo armis, cadaveribus, cruore atque luctu omnia compleri. Sed, per deos immortales, quo illa oratio pertinuit? an[249] uti vos infestos conjurationi faceret? Scilicet[250] quem res tanta et tam, atrox non permovit, eum oratio accendet. Non ita est; neque cuiquam mortalium injuriae suae[251] parvae videntur: multi eas gravius aequo habuere.[252] Sed alia aliis licentia est, P. C. Qui demissi in obscuro vitam habent,[253] si quid iracundia deliquere, pauci sciunt; fama atque fortuna eorum pares sunt: qui magno imperio praediti in excelso aetatem agunt, eorum facta cuncti mortales novere. Ita in maxima fortuna minima licentia est; neque studere, neque odisse, sed minime irasci decet; quae apud alios iracundia dicitur, ea in imperio superbia atque crudelitas appellatur. Equidem ego[254] sic existimo, P. C., omnes cruciatus minores quam facinora illorum esse; sed plerique mortales postrema meminere, et in hominibus impiis sceleris eorum obliti de poena disserunt, si ea paulo severior fuit. D. Silanum, virum fortem atque strenuum, certo scio, quae dixerit, studio rei publicae dixisse, neque illum in tanta re gratiam aut inimicitias[255] exercere; eos mores eamque modestiam viri cognovi.[256] Verum sententia ejus mihi non crudelis,--quid enim in tales homines crudele fieri potest?--sed aliena a re publica nostra videtur. Nam profecto aut metus aut injuria te subegit,[257] Silane, consulem designatum, genus poenae novum decernere. De timore supervacaneum est disserere, quum praesertim diligentia clarissimi viri, consulis, tanta praesidia sint in armis. De poena possumus equidem dicere id quod res habet;[258] in luctu atque miseriis mortem aerumnarum requiem, non cruciatum esse, eam cuncta mortalium mala dissolvere, ultra neque curae neque gaudio locum esse. Sed, per deos immortales, quamobrem in sententiam non addidisti, uti prius verberibus in eos animadverteretur?[259] An quia lex Porcia[260] vetat? At aliae leges item condemnatis civibus non animam eripi, sed exilium permitti jubent.[261] An, quia gravius est verberari quam necari? Quid autem acerbum aut nimis grave est in homines tanti facinoris convictos? Sin, quia levius est; qui convenit[262] in minore negotio legem timere, quum eam in majore neglexeris? At enim[263] quis reprehendet, quod in parricidas rei publicae decretum erit? Tempus, dies, fortuna, cujus libido gentibus moderatur. Illis merito accidet, quidquid evenerit; ceterum vos, P. C., quid in alios statuatis, considerate. Omnia mala exempla ex bonis orta sunt; sed ubi imperium ad ignaros aut minus bonos pervenit, novum illud exemplum ab dignis et idoneis ad indignos et non idoneos transfertur.[264] Lacedaemonii devictis Atheniensibus triginta viros[265] imposuere, qui rem publicam eorum tractarent. Hi primo coepere pessimum quemque et omnibus invisum indemnatum necare; ea[266] populus laetari et merito dicere fieri. Post ubi paulatim licentia crevit, juxta bonos et malos libidinose interficere, ceteros metu terrere. Ita civitas servitute oppressa stultae laetitiae graves poenas dedit. Nostra memoria victor Sulla quum Damasippum[267] et alios hujusmodi, qui malo rei publicae creverant, jugulare jussit, quis non factum ejus laudabat? Homines scelestos et factiosos, qui seditionibus rem publicam exagitaverant, merito necatos ajebant. Sed ea res magnae initium cladis fuit. Nam uti quisque domum aut villam, postremo vas aut vestimentum alicujus concupiverat, dabat operam, ut is in proscriptorum[268] numero esset. Ita illi, quibus Damasippi mors laetitiae fuerat, paulo post ipsi trahebantur; neque prius finis jugulandi fuit quam Sulla omnes suos divitiis explevit. Atque ego haec non in M. Tullio neque his temporibus vereor, sed in magna civitate multa et varia ingenia sunt. Potest alio tempore, alio consule, cui item exercitus in manu sit, falsum aliquid pro vero credi; ubi hoc exemplo per senati decretum consul gladium eduxerit, quis illi finem statuet aut quis moderabitur? Majores nostri, P. C., neque consilii neque audaciae unquam eguere, neque illis superbia obstabat, quo minus aliena instituta, si modo proba erant, imitarentur. Arma atque tela militaria ab Samnitibus, insignia magistratuum ab Tuscis pleraque[269] sumpserunt: postremo quod ubique apud socios aut hostes idoneum videbatur, cum summo studio domi exequebantur, imitari quam invidere bonis malebant. Sed eodem illo tempore, Graeciae morem imitati, verberibus animadvertebant in cives, de condemnatis summum supplicium sumebant. Postquam res publica adolevit et multitudine civium factiones valuere, circumvenire innocentes, alia hujuscemodi fieri coepere, tum lex Porcia aliaeque leges paratae sunt, quibus legibus[270] exilium damnatis permissum est. Ego hanc causam, P. C., quominus[271] novum consilium capiamus, in primis magnam puto. Profecto virtus atque sapientia major in illis fuit, qui ex parvis opibus tantum imperium fecere quam in nobis, qui ea bene parta vix retinemus. Placet igitur eos dimitti et augere exercitum Catilinae? Minime, sed ita censeo; publicandas eorum pecunias, ipsos in vinculis habendos per municipia,[272] quae maxime opibus valent; neu quis de his postea ad senatum referat neve cum populo agat; qui aliter fecerit, senatum existimare eum contra rem publicam et salutem omnium facturum.'