Histoire de la Littérature Anglaise (Volume 5 de 5)

Part 15

Chapter 153,429 wordsPublic domain

[Note 39: During that interval the business of a servant of the Company was simply to wring out of the natives a hundred or two hundred thousand pounds as speedily as possible, that he might return home before his constitution had suffered from the heat, to marry a peer's daughter, to buy rotten boroughs in Cornwall, and to give balls in Saint-James square.... There was still a nabob of Bengal who stood to the English rulers of his country in the same relation in which Augustulus stood to Odoacer, or the last Merovingians to Charles Martel and Pepin. He lived at Moorshedabad, surrounded by princely magnificence. He was approached with outward marks of reverence, and his name was used in public instruments. But in the government of the country, he had less real share than the youngest writer or cadet in the Company's service.... Of his moral character it is difficult to give a notion to those who are acquainted with human nature only as it appears in our island. What the Italian, is to the Englishman, what the Hindoo is to the Italian, what the Bengalee is to other Hindoos, that was Nuncomar to other Bengalees. The physical organisation of the Bengalee is feeble even to effeminacy. He lives in a constant vapour bath. His pursuits are sedentary, his limbs delicate, his movements languid. During many ages he has been trampled upon by men of bolder and more hardy breeds. Courage, independance, veracity are qualities to which his constitution and his situation are equally unfavourable. His mind bears a singular analogy to his body. It is weak even to helplessness for purposes of manly resistance; but its suppleness and its tact move the children of sterner climates to admiration non unmingled with contempt. All those arts which are the natural defence of the weak are more familiar to this subtle race than to the Ionian of the time of Juvenal or to the Jew of the dark ages. What the horns are to the buffalo, what the paw is to the tiger, what the sting is to the bee, what beauty, according to the old Greek song, is to woman, deceit is to the Bengalee. Large promises, smooth excuses, elaborate tissues of circumstantial falsehood, chicanery, perjury, forgery are the weapons, offensive and defensive, of the people of the Lower Ganges. All those millions do not furnish one sepoy to the armies of the Company. But as usurers, as money-changers, as sharp legal practitioners, no class of human beings can bear a comparison with them.]

[Note 40: He had in the highest degree that noble faculty whereby man is able to live in the past and in the future, in the distant and in the unreal. India and its inhabitants were not to him as to most Englishmen mere names and abstractions, but a real country and a real people. The burning sun, the strange vegetation of the palm and cocoa-tree, the rice-field, the tank, the huge trees, older than the Mogul empire, under which the village crowds assemble, the thatched roof of the peasant's hut, the rich tracery of the mosque where the imaun prays with his face to the Mecca, the drums and banners and gaudy idols, the devotee swinging in the air, the graceful maiden, with the pitcher on her head, descending the steps to the river-side, the black faces, the long beards, the yellow streaks of sect, the turbans and the flowing robes, the spears and the silver maces, the elephants with their canopies of state, the gorgeous palanquin of the prince, and the close litter of the noble lady, all those things were to him as the objects amidst which his own life had been placed, as the objects which lay on the road between Beaconsfield and Saint-James street. All India was present to the eye of his mind, from the hall where suitors laid gold and perfumes at the feet of sovereigns to the wild moor where the gipsy camp was pitched, from the bazars humming like bee-hives with the crowd of buyers and sellers, to the jungle where the lonely courier shakes his bunch of iron rings to scare away the hyenas. He had just as lively an idea of the insurrection at Benares as of lord George Gordon's riot and of the execution of Nuncomar as of the execution of Dr Dodd. Oppression in Bengal was to him the same thing as oppression in the streets of London.]

[Note 41: But in all those works in which Mr. Southey has completely abandoned narration, and has undertaken to argue moral and political questions, his failure has been complete and ignominious. On such occasions his writings are rescued from utter contempt and derision solely by the beauty and purity of the English. We find, we confess, so great a charm in Mr. Southey's style that, even when he writes nonsense, we generally read it with pleasure, except indeed when he tries to be droll. A more insufferable jester never existed. He very often attempts to be humorous, and yet we do not remember a single occasion on which he has succeeded farther than to be quaintly and flippantly dull. In one of his works he tells us that Bishop Spratt was very properly so called, inasmuch as he was a very small poet. And in the book now before us he cannot quote Francis Bugg, the renegade Quaker, without a remark on his unsavoury name. A wise man might talk folly like this by his own fireside; but that any human being, after having made such a joke, should write it down, and copy it out, and transmit it to the printer, and correct the proof-sheets, and send it forth into the world, is enough to make us ashamed of our species.

(_Critical and Historical Essays_, t. I, p. 215.)]

[Note 42: The severest punishment which the two Houses could have inflicted on him would have been to set him at liberty and send him to Oxford. There he might have staid, tortured by his own diabolical temper, hungering for puritans to pillory and mangle, plaguing the cavaliers, for want of somebody else to plague, with his peevishness and absurdity, performing grimaces and antics in the cathedral, continuing that incomparable diary, which we never see without forgetting the vices of his heart in the imbecility of his intellect, minuting down his dreams, counting the drops of blood which fell from his nose, watching the direction of the salt, and listening for the note of the screech-owls. Contemptuous mercy was the only vengeance which it became the Parliament to take on such a ridiculous old bigot.

(_Critical and Historical Essays_, t. I, p. 165.)]

[Note 43: The work of Dr. Nares has filled us with astonishment similar to that which Captain Lemuel Gulliver felt when first he landed in Brobdingnag, and saw corn as high as the oaks in the New Forest, thimbles as large as buckets, and wrens of the bulk of turkeys. The whole book, and every component part of it, is on a gigantic scale. The title is as long as an ordinary preface: the prefatory matter would furnish out an ordinary book; and the book contains as much reading as an ordinary library. We cannot sum up the merits of the stupendous mass of paper which lies before us better than by saying that it consists of about two thousand closely printed quarto pages, that it occupies fifteen hundred inches cubic measure, and that it weighs sixty pounds avoirdupois. Such a book might, before the deluge, have been considered as light reading by Hilpa and Shalum. But unhappily the life of man is now three-score years and ten; and we cannot but think it somewhat unfair in Dr. Nares to demand from us so large a portion of so short an existence.

(_Critical and Historical Essays_, t. II, p. 81.)]

[Note 44:.... We find it difficult to believe that, in a world so full of temptation as this, any gentleman whose life would have been virtuous if he had not read Aristophanes and Juvenal, will be made vicious by reading them. A man who, exposed to all the influences of such a state of society as that in which we live, is yet afraid of exposing himself to the influence of a few Greek or Latin verses, acts, we think, much like the felon who begged the sheriffs to let him have an umbrella held over his head from the door of Newgate to the gallows, because it was a drizzling morning and he was apt to take cold.

(_Critical and Historical Essays_, t. V, p. 146.)]

[Note 45: They therefore gave the command to lord Galway, an experienced veteran, a man who was in war what Molière's doctors were in medicine, who thought it much more honourable to fail according to rule, than to succeed by innovation, and who would have been very much ashamed of himself if he had taken Monjuich by means so strange as those which Peterborough employed. This great commander conducted the campaign of 1707 in the most scientific manner. On the plain of Almanza he encountered the army of the Bourbons. He drew up his troops according to the methods prescribed by the best writers, and in a few hours lost eighteen thousand men, a hundred and twenty standards, all his baggage and all his artillery.]

[Note 46: Ariosto tells a pretty story of a fairy, who, by some mysterious law of her nature, was condemned to appear at certain seasons in the form of a foul and poisonous snake. Those who injured her during the period of her disguise were for ever excluded from participation in the blessings which she bestowed. But to those who, in spite of her loathsome aspect, pitied and protected her, she afterwards revealed herself in the beautiful and celestial form which was natural to her, accompanied their steps, granted all their wishes, filled their houses with wealth, made them happy in love and victorious in war. Such a spirit is Liberty. At times she takes the form of a hateful reptile. She grovels, she hisses, she stings. But woe to those who in disgust shall venture to crush her! And happy are those who, having dared to receive her in her degraded and frightful shape, shall at length be rewarded by her in the time of her beauty and her glory! (T. I, p. 40.)]

[Note 47: The Reformation is an event long past. That volcano has spent its rage. The wide waste produced by its outbreak is forgotten. The landmarks which were swept away have been replaced. The ruined edifices have been repaired. The lava has covered with a rich incrustation the fields which it once devastated, and, after having turned a beautiful and fruitful garden into a desert, has again turned the desert into a still more beautiful and fruitful garden. The second great eruption is not yet over. The marks of its ravages are still all around us. The ashes are still hot beneath our feet. In some directions, the deluge of fire still continues to spread. Yet experience surely entitles us to believe that this explosion, like that which preceded it, will fertilise the soil which it has devastated. Already, in those parts which have suffered most severely, rich cultivation and secured dwellings have begun to appear amidst the waste. The more we read of the history of past ages, the more we observe the signs of our own times, the more do we feel our hearts filled and swelled up by a good hope for the future destinies of the human race. (T. II, p. 92.)]

[Note 48: On the thirteenth of February 1788, the sittings of the Court commenced. There have been spectacles more dazzling to the eye, more gorgeous with jewellery and cloth of gold, more attractive to grown-up children, than that which was then exhibited at Westminster; but perhaps there never was a spectacle so well calculated to strike a highly cultivated, a reflecting, an imaginative mind. All the various kinds of interests which belong to the near and to the distant, to the present and to the past were collected on one spot and in one hour. All the talents and all the accomplishments which are developed by liberty and civilisation were now displayed with every advantage that could be derived both from cooperation and from contrast. Every step in the proceedings carried the mind either backward, through many centuries, to the days when the foundations of our constitution were laid; or far away over boundless seas and deserts, to dusky natives living under strange stars, worshipping strange gods and writing strange characters from right to left. The high Court of Parliament was to sit, according to forms handed down from the days of the Plantagenets, on an Englishman accused of exercising tyranny over the lord of the holy city of Benares and over the ladies of the princely house of Oude.

The place was worthy of such a trial. It was the great Hall of William Rufus, the hall which had resounded with acclamations at the inauguration of thirty kings, the hall which had witnessed the just sentence of Bacon and the just absolution of Somers, the hall where the eloquence of Strafford had for a moment awed and melted a victorious party inflamed with just resentment, the hall where Charles had confronted the high court of justice with the placid courage which has half redeemed his fame. Neither military nor civil pomp was wanting. The avenues were lined with grenadiers. The streets were kept clear by cavalry. The peers robed in gold and ermine were marshalled by the heralds under Garter king-at-arms. The judges in their vestments of state attended to give advice on points of law. Near a hundred and seventy lords, three fourths of the Upper-house, as the Upper-house then was, walked in solemn order from their usual place of assembly to the tribunal. The junior baron present led the way, George Elliot, lord Heathfield, recently ennobled for his memorable defence of Gibraltar against the fleets and armies of France and Spain. The long procession was closed by the duke of Norfolk earl marshal of the realm, by the great dignitaries, and by the brothers and sons of the king. Last of all came the prince of Wales conspicuous by his fine person and noble bearing. The grey old walls were hung with scarlet. The long galleries were crowded by an audience such as has rarely excited the fears or the emulation of an orator. There were gathered together from all parts of a great, free, enlightened and prosperous empire, grace and female loveliness, wit and learning, the representation of every science and of every art. There were seated round the queen the fair-haired young daughters of the house of Brunswick. There the ambassadors of great kings and commonwealths gazed with admiration on a spectacle which no other country in the world could present. There Siddons in the prime of her majestic beauty looked with emotion on a scene surpassing all the imitations of the stage. There the historian of the Roman empire thought of the days when Cicero pleaded the cause of Sicily against Verres, and when, before a senate which still retained some show of freedom, Tacitus thundered against the oppressor of Africa. There were seen side by side the greatest painter and the greatest scholar of the age. The spectacle had allured Reynolds from that easel, which has preserved to us the thoughtful foreheads of so many writers and statesmen, and the sweet smiles of so many noble matrons. It had induced Parr to suspend his labours in that dark and profound mine from which he had extracted a vast treasure of erudition, a treasure too often buried in the earth, too often paraded with injudicious and inelegant ostentation, but still precious, massive, and splendid. There appeared the voluptuous charms of her to whom the heir of the throne had in secret plighted his faith. There too was she, the beautiful mother of a beautiful race, the St Cecilia whose delicate features, lighted up by love and music, art has rescued from the common decay. There were the members of that brilliant society which quoted, criticised, and exchanged reparties, under the rich peacock-hangings of Mrs Montague. And there the ladies whose lips, more persuasive than those of Fox himself, had carried the Westminster election against palace and treasury, shone round Georgiana duchess of Devonshire.]

§ 2.

Ainsi préparé, il a abordé l'histoire d'Angleterre; il y a choisi l'époque qui convenait le mieux à ses opinions politiques, à son style, à sa passion, à sa science, au goût de sa nation, à la sympathie de l'Europe. Il a raconté l'établissement de la constitution anglaise, et concentré tout le reste de l'histoire autour de cet événement unique, «le plus beau qu'il y ait au monde[49],» aux yeux d'un Anglais et d'un politique. Il a porté dans cette oeuvre une méthode nouvelle d'une grande beauté, d'une extrême puissance: le succès a été extraordinaire. Quand parut le second volume, trente mille exemplaires étaient demandés d'avance. Essayons de décrire cette histoire, de la rattacher à cette méthode, et cette méthode à ce genre d'esprit.

Cette histoire est universelle et n'est point brisée. Elle comprend les événements de tout genre et les mène de front. Les uns ont raconté l'histoire des races, d'autres celle des classes, d'autres celle des gouvernements, d'autres celle des sentiments, des idées et des moeurs; Macaulay les raconte toutes: «J'accomplirais bien imparfaitement la tâche que j'ai entreprise, si je ne parlais que des batailles et des siéges, de l'élévation et de la chute des gouvernements, des intrigues du palais, des débats du parlement. Mon but et mes efforts seront de faire l'histoire de la nation aussi bien que l'histoire du gouvernement, de marquer le progrès des beaux-arts et des arts utiles, de décrire la formation des sectes religieuses et les variations du goût littéraire, de peindre les moeurs des générations successives, et de ne point négliger même les révolutions qui ont changé les habits, les ameublements, les repas et les amusements publics. Je porterai volontiers le reproche d'être descendu au-dessous de la dignité de l'histoire, si je réussis à mettre sous les yeux des Anglais du dix-neuvième siècle un tableau vrai de la vie de leurs ancêtres[50].» Il a tenu parole. Il n'a rien séparé et rien omis. Chez lui, les portraits se mêlent au récit. Vous voyez ceux de Danby, de Nottingham, de Shrewsbury, de Howe, dans l'histoire d'une session, entre deux décisions du parlement. Les petites anecdotes curieuses, les détails d'intérieur, la description d'un mobilier viennent couper l'exposé d'une guerre sans le rompre. En quittant le récit des grandes affaires, on voit volontiers les goûts hollandais du roi Guillaume, le musée chinois, les grottes, les labyrinthes, les volières, les étangs, les parterres géométriques, dont il enlaidit Hampton-Court. Une dissertation politique précède ou suit la narration d'une bataille; d'autres fois l'auteur se fait touriste ou psychologue avant de devenir politique ou tacticien. Il décrit les hautes terres d'Écosse, demi-papistes et demi-païennes, les voyants enveloppés dans une peau de boeuf, attendant le moment de l'inspiration, des hommes baptisés faisant aux démons du lieu des libations de lait ou de bière; les femmes grosses, les filles de dix-huit ans labourant un misérable champ d'avoine, pendant que leurs maris ou leurs pères, hommes athlétiques, se chauffent au soleil; les brigandages et les barbaries regardés comme de belles actions; les gens poignardés par derrière ou brûlés vifs; les mets rebutants, l'avoine de cheval et les gâteaux de sang de vache vivante offerts aux hôtes par faveur et politesse; les huttes infectes, où l'on se couchait sur la fange, et où l'on se réveillait à demi étouffé, à demi aveuglé et à demi lépreux. Un instant après, il s'arrête pour noter un changement du goût public, l'horreur qu'on éprouvait alors pour ces repaires de brigands, pour cette contrée de rocs sauvages et de landes stériles; l'admiration qu'on ressent aujourd'hui pour cette patrie de guerriers héroïques, pour ce pays de montagnes grandioses, de cascades bouillonnantes, de défilés pittoresques. Il trouve dans le progrès du bien-être physique les causes de cette révolution morale, et juge que si nous louons les montagnes et la vie sauvage, c'est que nous sommes rassasiés de sécurité. Il est tour à tour économiste, littérateur, publiciste, artiste, historien, biographe, conteur, philosophe même; par cette diversité de rôles, il égale la diversité de la vie humaine, et présente aux yeux, au coeur, à l'esprit, à toutes les facultés de l'homme, l'histoire complète de la civilisation de son pays.