Part 10

In enumerating the evils that would result from introducing woman to the responsibilities and excitements of political life, the most prominent is her increased withdrawal from the more humble, but more important offices of the family state. At the present time, the services of the seamstress and the mantua-maker are imperfectly supplied, and when obtained it is often from those who are poorly trained. An economical, trustworthy, and competent cook, is a treasure growing more and more rare, which often the highest wages cannot procure. A kind, intelligent, and affectionate woman, to aid a mother in the cares of the nursery, is still more rare.

If the good mothers and grandmothers, who have trained their own offspring, would take pity on the young mothers all over the land who are suffering for want of just such sympathy and help as only such women can bestow, they would soon find, especially in the poorer classes, a field of usefulness far more in keeping with the tender spirit of Christian love and humility than any offices that political action would provide.

Again, the demand for well trained governesses and family teachers is unsupplied, while multitudes of children all over the nation have no teachers and no schools of any kind. To open avenues to political place and power for all classes of women would cause these humble labors of the family and school to be still more undervalued and shunned.

Another evil to be apprehended from introducing women into political life is increasing the temptations to draw them from the humble, self-sacrificing Christian labor among the ignorant and neglected, which now is so imperfectly supplied. To be a member of the Legislature, a member of Congress, a Judge, a Governor, or a President, are temptations heretofore unknown to women. Who shall say what would be the result should every woman of _every class in society_ be stimulated by such temptations?

Another danger to be feared, is the introducing into political strifes the distinctive power of sex, an element as yet untried in our form of government. In some short experiments that have been made we have seen how pure and intelligent women can be deceived and misled by the baser sort, their very innocence and inexperience making them credulous and the helpless tools of the guilty and bold.

Another danger from universal woman suffrage would result from the course that would be taken by many of the most virtuous and intelligent women. Of those who would regard this measure as an act of injustice and oppression, forcing duties on their sex unsuited to their character and circumstances, many would refuse to assume any such responsibilities. Thus a large number of the most intelligent and conscientious women would be withdrawn from the polls, increasing the relative proportion of the ignorant and incompetent voters, a class that already bring doubt on the success of republican institutions. On the other hand, another portion would be forced to the polls by conscientious motives, and there meet the lowest and vilest of their sex as those who are to appoint their rulers and decide their laws. How would it be possible for such women to honor the rulers and respect the laws instituted by such agencies?

The final objection to universal woman suffrage is that there is another safer, surer, and more speedy method at command which would secure all the benefits aimed at without any of these dangers.

This method is based on the general principle that in seeking either favors or rights it is a wise policy to assume the good character and good intentions of those who have the power to give or withhold. The law-making power is now in the hands of men, and the advocates of women suffrage practically are saying, "you men are so selfish and unjust that you cannot be trusted with the interests of your wives, daughters, and sisters; therefore give them the law-making power that they may take care of themselves."

As a mere matter of policy, to say nothing of justice, how much wiser it would be to assume that men are ready and willing to change unjust laws and customs whenever the better way is made clear and then to ask to have all evils that laws can remedy removed. Whenever this course has been practiced it has always been successful and therefore should first be tried. For any men who would give up the law-making power to women in order to remedy existing evils, would surely be those most ready to enact the needful laws themselves.

The woman suffrage party is so extensively organized, with such energetic and persistent leaders and such ably conducted papers and tracts, that those of our sex who are opposed to this measure begin to feel disturbed and anxious lest it should finally be consummated. Instead of meeting this danger by ridicule and obloquy I would suggest that practical methods be instituted in which conservative men and women can unite, and which the most radical will approve and aid.

There are many ways in which great influence can be exerted without any regular organization or establishing newspapers or circulating tracts as is now so vigorously carried on by those favoring woman suffrage. One method might be enlisting editors of newspapers and magazines to promote the circulation of this little volume and also to insert extracts of some of the most effective portions in their columns. Another might be to present this work to the clergymen and seek their influence and counsel in promoting its aims.[198:A]

[198:A] A small periodical, published in Baltimore, Md., entitled the _True Woman_, ably edited by Mrs. Charlotte E. McKay, is valuable as a cheap and excellent tract with the same aim.

Still another might be, efforts to promote the establishment of such a University for Women as the one here indicated, commencing with seeking endowments for the Health and Domestic departments in connection with some flourishing literary institution, for the purpose of restoring women teachers to health, and also for training pupils to become health-keepers in families, schools, and communities.

The importance of this last measure will appear in the following extract from a public address of a regularly educated American physician:

It is much to be deplored that we have no chair devoted to _Hygiene_ in any of our medical colleges. During four courses of Lectures, that I attended, one of them in Paris, I never heard a single lecture upon the Laws of Health; and when on one occasion I asked one of our Professors if he would not devote one or more of his course to this subject, he replied, that he ought to, but feared he would not find time; and then jokingly remarked, that we would find it more to our interests to learn how to cure people than to keep them well; that we would get gratitude and money for healing the sick, but neither the one nor the other for preserving the health of the people, however well we might do it.

I have since found that there was more truth in the remark then I was then willing to admit. Still, I cannot help thinking that we should have such Lectures in every medical school, if for no other purpose but to enable its graduates to heal the sick—confident that more can be gained in this way by a thorough knowledge of Hygiene, than by any other means whatever. No drug or medicine is as powerful for good in disease as a wise advantage of Nature's laws.

We spent in one Session over three weeks in the study of Mercury, its different preparations, effects, etc.; not one hour in learning the value of Light, Air, Sleep, Food, and Clothing. The result was we know much about Calomel, and literally nothing about the Laws of Health; so we sat, something over four hundred students, for five or six hours daily, in a room—an amphitheatre—the seats extending from the floor to the ceiling—so small, that another hundred could not possibly be packed into it—and not a window opened all winter—no ventilation whatever—a regular "black hole of Calcutta"—the air heavy, foul, offensive with bad breaths—the odors of tobacco, liquor, onions—poisonous in the extreme—not a fresh cheek among the four hundred. Many of the students drank; most of them used tobacco, coffee, sausages, pork, in short lived like barbarians. A large proportion of them were ill all the time, and some died before the session closed, others soon after, and many since. The professors themselves were often ailing—not very healthy men. If any of my readers will step into any of the medical lectures in any of the colleges of this city, some winter afternoon, he will be able to verify the truth of this description. Their presiding genius seems to have no respect for fresh air, sunlight—in short for the laws of health. How then shall these schools inspire respect for these laws in others? How can they teach them when they know so little of them?

Dr. Willard Parker, of New York, in a recent public address also has lamented the fact that a Woman's Medical College should be the first one sustaining a Chair for instructing in Hygiene, as if it were a conceded fact that it is not the business of physicians to _prevent_ disease in a community, but only to cure their patients with medicines.

Is it not a proper time and measure for the women of our country to ask for benefactions, both private and legislative, to secure equal advantage for their professional duty as _health-keepers_, such as have so long and so liberally been bestowed on men to train them for their professions?

Believing that such a measure would meet wide approval, the following form of petition is drawn up, which might be used in every State:

_To the honorable members of the Senate and House of Representatives of the State of ——_:

We the undersigned, ladies of the State of —— and gentlemen citizens of the same, respectfully petition that an appropriation be made to endow one department of a _Woman's University_ under charge of the Trustees of —— Seminary; the object of which shall be to train school-teachers and house-keepers in all that relates to health in schools and families, and that this endowment be made equal to what has been or may be given to endow Scientific Schools for young men; and also that this be given on condition that the citizens of the place give an equal sum to promote the scientific and practical training of women for their distinctive professions.

It is believed that there is not a single state in the Union where such a petition signed by a large portion of the intelligent women of the state, would fail. The difficulty is not that the fathers, husbands, and brothers are not ready to bestow all that such women would unite in asking, but rather that women do not so feel the importance of such measures as to unite in such a petition.

It appears in the preceding pages that the daughters of the more wealthy classes who are educated in boarding schools and most academies and female colleges cannot enjoy advantages equal to what are given gratuitously in our best public High Schools to the children of the poor. Instead of following in the rear of public schools, those who have wealth should aim to elevate the public schools by the example of institutions of the highest order for their own daughters. And they also would be doubly blest if they would set an example that should both dignify labor and protect their daughters from helpless poverty should reverses come, by having them _trained to some profession_ by which they could earn an honorable independence.

When the precepts and example of Jesus Christ fully interpermeate society, to labor with the hands will be regarded not only as a duty but a privilege.

TO THE FORMER PUPILS AND PERSONAL FRIENDS OF THE WRITER.

If this enterprise succeeds in Connecticut its example will be followed in other States, and this volume is sent to many former pupils and personal friends that they may co-operate in the several ways suggested.

As the writer in former times has received such aid and co-operation, with funds also to employ at her discretion, and for several years has had no official organs to report results, it is proper to state that her personal expenditures for many years have been in a style of economy which she has seen practised to such a degree nowhere else, and that _all_ her income not thus employed has been devoted to plans from aiding her own sex to prepare for and perform their sacred ministry.

The question as to _how much_ of our income it is _our duty_ to give for the cause for which our Lord came and suffered is a difficult one to settle. But He instructed the rich young man, "Sell all that thou hast and give to the poor and come and follow us," and he also approved the poor widow who gave her last mite to the service of God.

In following out the spirit of these teachings, even in this life, to the writer has been fulfilled His gracious promise, "Give and it shall be given, good measure, pressed down, shaken together, running over." And the added rewards will increase through eternal ages, as immortal spirits, rescued from ignorance and sin, will carry forward the same noble work of training immortal minds to virtue and happiness.

Those who spend their money and time for earthly enjoyments that perish in the using "have their reward" in the short lived pleasures. Those who most literally follow the Divine Master lay up treasures that fail not, but draw interest through everlasting ages. This is written for the comfort and encouragement of those who by the writer were trained to "seek _first_ the kingdom of God and His righteousness."

NOTE A. Mrs. Livermore, in her address which followed this, expressed the wish that I had noticed more directly the main point, (i. e.) woman's natural, as well as constitutional right to the ballot. This I will briefly attempt here.

It will be conceded by all, that neither man nor woman has any right to anything which is contrary to the _best_ good of society. The question then is, does the best good of society demand a _division of responsibilities_, so that man shall take those out of the family, and woman those in it? In other words, shall man take the responsibilities of nursery and kitchen in addition to his outside business, and shall women take charge of government, war, and the work men must do in addition to her home duties? Past laws and customs demand the division, and it is probable that it will be retained.

As to the constitution of the United States, and the 14th and 15th amendments, the question all turns on the use of the terms _citizen_ and _people_. Both these words, (as the dictionaries show,) have two uses, a wide, and a limited. In the widest sense they include men, women, and children. In the limited sense they include only a portion of society with certain qualifications which the _best_ good of society requires. It is not probable that any court will ever decide that the framers of the constitution, or of the two amendments, used these terms in the widest sense, thus including not only women, but children.

If the best good of society requires women to be law-makers, judges and juries, she has a right to these offices; if it does not, she has no right to them. As to taxation, it is probable that the best good of society _does_ require that _women holding property_ shall have the ballot, for this would increase the proportion of responsible and intelligent voters, and not add a mass of irresponsible and ignorant ones, as would universal woman suffrage.

It is owing to this that in Europe the statesmen are aiming to give suffrage, not to _all_ women as demanded here, but only to those who hold property and pay taxes; for this, in reality, is a method of increasing the proportion of intelligent voters. And if this measure were adopted here it probably would add to the safety of our institutions.

It is worthy of notice that a large portion of those who demand woman suffrage are persons who have not been trained to reason, and are chiefly guided by their generous sensibilities. Such do not seem to be aware that all _reasoning_ consists in the presentation of evidence to prove that a given proposition is included in a more general one already believed and granted, and also that in this process there must be definitions of the sense in which terms are used that have several meanings.

Instead of this, they write and talk as if _reasoning_ were _any kind_ of writing or talking which tends to convince people that some doctrine or measure is true and right. And so they deal abundantly in exciting narratives and rhetorical declamations, and employ words in all manner of deceptive senses.

For example, when Mrs. Livermore pleads that women should have equal rights with men before law, everybody grants it in _some_ sense. But the question is in what sense is she to be made equal? All will allow that law should be so framed that woman's highest usefulness and happiness shall be treated as equal in value to that of man's. But this is not relevant to the question whether laws be framed by fathers, husbands, and brothers, or by women. Most women believe that it is for their best good that the responsibility of making and enforcing laws be taken by men and not by women.

But however clearly these distinctions are urged, Mrs. Livermore and her party will keep on saying that women should be made equal with men before the law, without stating in what sense they used these terms. So also they will insist that all "citizens" and all the "people" have a right to vote, without stating what they mean by "a right," or in which sense they use the words "people" and "citizens."

NOTE B. The author of this volume is preparing a new edition of her works on Domestic Science and Economy with many improvements. Its name is to be _The Housekeeper and Healthkeeper_, and it is designed for a complete Encyclopædia of Domestic Science and Practice. It will be published this winter by the Harpers.

It will offer these new and peculiar features:

1. The recipes for food and drink will be in two portions. The first portion will embrace a _very_ large collection of simple and economical dishes, which, according to _all_ medical and physiological rules, are _perfectly healthful_. The second portion will be a collection of more elaborate and expensive articles, which, according to _all_ rules, are of at least doubtful character as to healthfulness. Thus, every housekeeper will have safe and intelligent guidance in her selections.

2. There will be _exact directions_ as to _flavors and seasonings_, such as in most receipt-books are to be "according to the taste," thus leaving young housekeepers to the mercies of untrained cooks.

3. It will contain exact directions for preserving and restoring health by the _scientific_ use of the _natural agencies_ of water, heat, cold, light, diet, exercise, and pure air, and such only as will be approved by scientific men of _all_ medical schools.

NOTE C. All the creeds of the large Christian denominations agree in the following, viz.: that God created angels and our first parents with a "holy nature," and also created such a constitution of things, that by a single sin they changed their holy nature to a "depraved nature" and also transmitted to all their posterity not the holy nature but the depraved one. In consequence of this constitution of things made by God, all our race, except those who are "regenerated," go to everlasting misery in Hell.

As intelligence and Christian feeling have increased, multitudes educated in these views deny the doctrine of future punishments and hold that the righteous and the wicked all go to Heaven at death.

Others hold that God creates all infant minds perfect as to _nature_, being "in his image," yet imperfect in development, and that holy _character_ and action can be secured only by training, knowledge and self-control; that "the deeds done in the body" influence character and happiness through an eternal existence; that _some_ form such a character in this life as secures eternal happiness and that _some_, by voluntary resistance to the highest possible good influences, form a changeless character of selfishness and consequent misery, so that it were "better never to have been born"; that with others the training to virtue goes on during the intermediate state, in Hades where Christ, at his death, went and preached to those that lived before the flood; (see I Peter, 3: 18, 19, 20,) that the day of judgment is the time when the final separation of the righteous and the wicked will take place; that the punishment of the wicked is only the natural result of perpetuated selfishness in a world from which all the good are removed; and that this separation will not take place until God and all good beings have done all in their power to rescue as many as possible from selfishness and sin.

There are many modifications of these general views in various denominations; but all except a small number agree that Christ teaches that there are awful dangers in the life to come; and that it should be the chief aim of every parent and educator to train all within the reach of their influence so to live and act in view of these dangers as to follow Him in self-denying labors to save as many as possible.

It will be found that in all ages the _fear_ of dangers in the life to come has been the basis of the most earnest labor and self sacrifice to save men from ignorance and sin. "The _fear_ of the Lord is the _beginning_ of wisdom," and those who throw aside this principle loose the most powerful motive in training to safety both for this and the future life. And there are modes of presenting this doctrine so as not to implicate the justice and mercy of our Heavenly Father as do some representations from which humanity more and more revolts.

The fact that sin and suffering exist in a universe created by a perfectly benevolent, wise, and almighty Being, is proof that "almighty power" is not the power to work contradictions, and therefore _in this respect_ is limited. In the words of my venerated father, "God cannot govern the stars by the ten commandments, nor free agents by the attraction of gravity." This limitation of God's power in governing free agents, is expressly taught in the Bible. For our only idea of power is causing anything by _willing_ it, and _want_ of power is inability to cause a thing by willing it. And God repeatedly declares that he is not willing that any should perish; and that he did all for the people of Israel that he could do to make them obedient.

The parents and teachers who hold that _all_ are to come out good and happy at last, however negligent or criminal in this life, or that _all_ have a second probation, never can train the young to the self-denying labors to save men which Jesus Christ has taught by both precept and example, to be the duty of his followers. It is very certain that the whole course of my life would have been changed for the worse had I believed either that there was little or no danger in the life to come or that _all_ had a second probation after death.

NOTE D. The following chapter is a part of my small work entitled _Letters to the People on Health and Happiness_, published by the Harpers, who have loaned the stereotype plates here used.

Before reading it, I would ask that my _definitions_ be borne in mind when I class the degrees of health, and also the fact that when I give my own observations I am confined to those persons whom I know well enough to ascertain exactly their state of health, while there may be others in close vicinity not noticed, whom on enquiry I might find to be vigorously healthy women.