Part 2

The reports as to Mr. Bryan’s first speech in the convention, say in part: “Mr. Bryan, of Lancaster county, was then called. He came forward and delivered a spirited address, in the course of which he said that if the platform laid down by the President in his message upon the tariff question were carried out and vigorously fought upon in the state, it would, in the course of a short time, give Nebraska to the Democracy. He thought if the Democrats went out to the farmers and people who lived in Nebraska and showed them the iniquity of the tariff system, they would rally round the cause which their noble leader, Grover Cleveland, had championed.” This short, but pointed speech created the greatest amount of enthusiasm, and the young orator impressed his personality upon the public mind of his adopted state.

In the fall of 1888, Mr. Bryan made a canvass of the First Congressional District, in behalf of Hon. J. Sterling Morton, and also visited some thirty counties throughout the state. Mr. Morton was defeated by three thousand four hundred, the district being normally Republican.

When the campaign of 1890 opened, a few Democrats who came to appreciate Mr. Bryan’s real ability believed that with him as the nominee the Republicans could be defeated. So when the Democratic convention met at Lincoln, July 31, 1890, Mr. Bryan was selected without opposition, and at once began a vigorous campaign. He began a thorough canvass, speaking about eighty times, and visiting every city and village in the district. At the close of the last debate, he presented to Mr. Connell (his opponent) a copy of Gray’s Elegy, with the following remarks: “Mr. Connell: We now bring to a close the series of debates which was arranged by our committees. I am glad we have been able to conduct these discussions in a courteous and friendly manner. If I have in any way offended you in word or deed, I offer apology and regret; and as freely forgive. I desire to present to you, in remembrance of these pleasant meetings, this little volume, because it contains ‘Gray’s Elegy,’ in perusing which I trust you will find as much pleasure and profit as I have found. It is one of the most beautiful and touching tributes to human life that literature contains. Grand in its sentiments and sublime in its simplicity, we may both find in it a solace in victory or defeat. If success crowns your efforts in this campaign, and it should be your lot

‘The applause of listening senates to command’

and I am left

‘A youth to fortune and to fame unknown,’

forget not us who in the common walks of life perform our part, but in the hour of your triumph recall the verse:

‘Let not ambition mock their useful toil, Their homely joys and destiny obscure; Nor grandeur hear, with a disdainful smile, The short and simple annals of the poor.’

“If on the other hand, by the verdict of my countrymen, I should be made your successor, let it not be said of you

‘And melancholy marked him for her own’,

but find sweet consolation in the thought:

‘Full many a gem of purest ray serene, The dark unfathomed caves of ocean bear; Full many a flower is born to blush unseen, And waste its sweetness on the desert air.’

“But when the palm of victory is given to you or to me, let us remember those of whom the poet says:

‘Far from the madding crowd’s ignoble strife Their sober wishes never learned to stray, Along the cool, sequestered vale of life. They kept the noiseless tenor of their way.’

“These are the ones most likely to be forgotten by the Government. When the poor and weak cry out for relief, they too often hear no answer but ‘the echo of their cry,’ while the rich, the strong, the powerful are given an attentive ear. For this reason is class legislation dangerous and deadly; it takes from those least able to lose, and gives to those who are least in need. The safety of our farmers and our laborers is not in special legislation, but in equal and just laws that bear alike on every man. The great masses of our people are interested, not in getting their hands into other people’s pockets, but in keeping the hands of other people out of their pockets. Let me, in parting, express the hope that you and I may be instrumental in bringing our Government back to better laws which will give equal treatment without regard to creed or condition. I bid you a friendly farewell.”

Mr. Bryan closed his campaign at the city of Lincoln, and was elected by a plurality of six thousand seven hundred in the same district which two years before had defeated Mr. Morton by a plurality of three thousand four hundred. He was elected in one of the fairest and most brilliant campaigns ever fought; and became one of the most prominent members of the lower House from the West.

The explanation of Mr. Bryan’s popularity must be sought in a cause which lies deeper than a political issue.

When he entered Congress he gave his support in caucus to Mr. Springer, for Speaker of the House, in whose district he had lived when at Jacksonville. In the House, he voted for Mr. Crisp, the caucus nominee. Mr. Springer was made chairman of the Committee on Ways and Means, and although it was unprecedented to give to a first term member a position on the all-important Ways and Means Committee, Speaker Crisp conferred that unprecedented honor upon Bryan of Nebraska. One of the first bills introduced by Mr. Bryan was that providing for the election of senators by the people, at the option of each state.

In supporting this bill Mr. Bryan said: “Mr. Speaker—I desire to call the attention of the House to what I consider a very important question involved in this joint resolution. I shall not consume time in discussing the general principle of electing senators by the people. If the people of a state have enough intelligence to choose their representatives in the state legislature, their executive officers, judges, and their officials in all the departments of the state and country, they have enough intelligence to choose the men who shall represent them in the United States Senate.

“And now, sirs, if we want to secure the election of senators by the people, we must submit a proposition free from the Republican idea of Federal interference, and free from the Democratic idea of non-interference. We may just as well cease the attempt to secure this reform if we are going to tie it to Federal election laws. I appeal to members of both sides of the House, members who in their hearts desire this reform, members who in their own judgment believe that the time has come to give the people a chance to vote for the senators, Democrats, Republicans, and Populists alike, to join in a proposition which will eliminate the political question and leave us simply the question of election by the people or not.”

The bill attracted much attention through the country, although it failed of final passage.

On March 16, 1892, Mr. Bryan made his great tariff speech in the House, which is considered in another chapter of this work. In the spring of 1892, the silver sentiment began to show itself among the leaders of the Nebraska Democracy. The state convention to elect delegates to the National Democratic convention was called for April 15, 1892, and found Mr. Bryan back in Lincoln, by the consent of the House, making a determined effort for the adoption of a plank favoring the free coinage of silver. The fight was a hard and bitter one. In supporting this part of the platform Mr. Bryan said in part:

“GENTLEMEN—I do not believe it is noble to dodge any issue. If, as has been indicated, this may have an effect on my campaign, then no bridegroom went with gladder heart to greet his bride that I shall welcome defeat. Vote this down if you will, but do not dodge it; for that is not democratic.” The convention went wild in a body, a vote was called, which brought defeat to the Bryan silver plank. By this act Mr. Bryan incurred the hatred of the Cleveland administration.

Upon the return of Mr. Bryan to Nebraska at the close of the 52d Congress, a series of debates had been arranged with the Republican party nominee, Allen W. Field, then judge of the district court. This was even a more bitter contest than the first. Mr. McKinley, Mr. Foraker, and others were called to Nebraska to aid the Republican cause. They made desperate efforts to “down” Bryan, but in spite of all he was reelected by a majority of one hundred fifty-two.

As a congressman William Jennings Bryan was a success. From the moment he entered Congress, he was a leader. To those who knew him intimately, it was no surprise that during the first term he sprang suddenly into prominence. His speech on the tariff question stamped him not only as an orator, but a man who had made a deep political study of economic questions.

It was not until his second term that he really focussed public attention upon himself. When Congress was convened in extraordinary session, he went to Washington prepared to resist the repeal of the purchasing clause of the Sherman act. He knew the feeling of his constituents, and being thoroughly familiar with every phase of the question, he entered upon the fight like a gladiator. His conspicuous record as an orator in the previous session was sufficient to get him a place in the great debate, and, when the opportunity came, Bryan was prepared for it. For several days it was known that he was to speak, and the galleries of the House were crowded at each session. Finally he was recognized by the Speaker, and he began the most effective speech that had been heard in Congress in years. Everybody was quiet and listened. The oldest member could not remember when a man had received such marked attention and such spontaneous applause as Bryan got that day. As he stood there, the picture of health, a physical giant, his voice falling in easy cadence, he impressed upon his hearers the thought that he meant every word he was saying. He had every one in his grasp. As he continued, the audience became worked up to a high pitch, and when he concluded with a magnificent peroration, quiet reigned for a moment, then suddenly every one joined in tumultuous applause. Bryan had finished; he had made a speech that for thought, logic, and sentiment, to say nothing of its matchless delivery, had few equals in the records of Congress. For two hours and fifty minutes the young Nebraska orator held the close attention of a full house and crowded galleries. Instead of members leaving the hall as usual, they crowded in, and every man was in his seat. This speech made him famous. Occasionally a single standard man would interrupt, but none did it without subsequent regret. He knew his case too well.

From that day to this, Bryan has been in the public eye everywhere. Many who heard his tariff speech predicted that it was a flash light, and would soon grow dim, and its author be forgotten; but after he made his silver speech those who thought his first an accident were compelled to admit that he possessed all the qualifications of a statesman and that he was bound to be a leader in his party.

Besides his silver and tariff speeches, Mr. Bryan spoke briefly upon several other questions, namely, in favor of foreclosure of Government liens on all Pacific railways, and in favor of the anti-option bill. He favored the application of the principle of arbitration as far as Federal authority extends. On January 30, 1894, Mr. Bryan, in a speech in favor of the income tax, brilliantly and successfully replied to the speech of Bourke Cockran delivered in opposition to that measure.

His record in Congress did not consist entirely of speech-making. He was a tireless worker for his constituents, and he secured more pensions for old soldiers living in his district than all the Republican congressmen who had preceded him. He personally attended to the wants of every constituent, and no man ever wrote a letter asking his assistance that he did not at once enlist Bryan’s active support. He was vigilant and watchful, and never missed an opportunity to do a favor.

He was exceedingly active in Congress, dodging nothing, and often speaking on the current questions. Yet nothing that he did or said in Congress comes back to plague him. It was then thought, and it has since been hoped, that in the fulness of his record something would come back to trip him. But what he said then only makes him stronger now.

It may not be amiss at this point to quote from Mrs. Bryan, who said: “Quoting from a eulogy which Mr. Bryan delivered upon a colleague in the 53d Congress, this extract will serve a double purpose, in that it gives his views upon immortality, and, at the same time, presents a passage which I think may, without impropriety, be called a finished bit of English. Mr. Bryan said ‘I shall not believe that even now his light is extinguished. If the Father deigns to touch with divine power the cold and pulseless heart of the buried acorn, and make it burst forth from its buried walls, will He leave neglected in the earth, the soul of man, who was made in the image of his Creator? If he stoops to give to the rosebush, whose withered blossoms float upon the breeze, the sweet assurance of another springtime, will he withhold the words of hope from the sons of man when the frosts of winter come? If matter, mute and inanimate, though changed by the forces of Nature into a multitude of forms, can never die, will the imperial spirit of man suffer annihilation after it has paid a brief visit, like a royal guest, to this tenement of clay? Rather let us believe that He, who, in His apparent prodigality, makes the blade of grass or the evening’s sighing zephyr, but makes them to carry out His eternal plan, has given immortality to the mortal, and gathered to Himself the generous spirit of our friend. Instead of mourning, let us look up and address him in the words of the poet:

“’The day has come, not gone; The sun has risen, not set; Thy life is now beyond The reach of death or change, Not ended—but begun O, noble soul! O, gentle heart! Hail, and farewell.’”

Mr. Bryan was singularly free from egotism, affectation, or envy of the fame of others. That he was brilliant goes without saying, but his brilliancy was as natural and easy as to be like Shakespeare’s description of mercy:

“The quality of mercy is not strained, It dropped as the gentle rain from heaven Upon the places beneath. It is twice blessed; It blesses him that gives and him that takes.”

THE TARIFF

For twenty years prior to 1896 the chief tangible point of difference between the Democratic and Republican parties was the tariff question. It was, in truth, a question on which the two great parties had always differed since the days when they were known as Federalists and Anti-Federalists.

The Democratic party, in true accord with the principles of Thomas Jefferson, has always held that government to be best which interferes least with the liberty of the individual. The purpose of government, it has held, is to protect man in his personal rights against the unjust encroachments of his neighbors. But, according to the Democratic idea, government should not interfere to arbitrarily promote the interests of any class of its citizens at the expense of any other class. All should be left, protected against illegal encroachment, but otherwise unmolested, to work out their own salvation. In other words, Democracy believes that government to be best which governs least.

The Republican theory, on the other hand, has inclined toward the exactly opposite point of view; that that government is best which governs most. It has acted consistently on the principle that it is not only permissible but advisable for government to be made an instrument for advancing the pecuniary or business interests of such of its citizens as seem most deserving or are most fortunate in winning its ear. It was this radical difference between the two parties, involving, as it did, a basic and fundamental principle, that lay at the root of the controversy regarding tariff duties.

The Democratic party, adhering to the strict letter of the Constitution, held that the tariff should be levied for one simple purpose, and that the purpose contemplated by the Constitution—to raise revenue. With this end in view, the party contended, tariff duties should be levied mostly on such articles as are not produced in this country, and, in order to equalize the burden of taxation, be imposed rather on luxuries than the strict necessities of life.

The Republican party took a more radical position. It advocated the levying of tariff duties, not primarily for the purpose of raising revenue,—that was made a secondary consideration,—but to protect from foreign competition the manufacturing and industrial enterprises of the United States. Then, it argued, these establishments, protected by the fostering arm of government, would grow great and strong, furnishing at once employment for labor at high wages, and a “home market” for the products of the American farm and mine.

Controverting this alluring argument, the Democratic party held that government had no right to compel citizens of one class or section to contribute involuntarily to the support of citizens of some other class or section of the country. The only manner in which a protective tariff could protect, it pointed out, was by enabling the home manufacturer to charge a higher price because of the duty on foreign goods. This added price, it showed, must be paid into the pocket of the American manufacturer by the American consumer. Moreover, it declared, the farmer could only share the burden without receiving any of the benefits of a high protective tariff, the price of his products being fixed in the world’s markets at Liverpool and London. And the same thing, it held, was true of the laboring man, as the rate of his remuneration was fixed mainly by “the iron law of wages.”

When Mr. Bryan was elected to Congress for his first term this question of tariff was the all-absorbing one before the people. The Republican party, in the zenith of its power, had enacted the McKinley tariff law, the embodiment of its views on this question, levying tariff duties so high as almost to exclude foreign competition. It was in this law, undoubtedly, that most of the great trusts and monopolies since formed read their birthright.

Mr. Bryan, naturally, as a Democrat and a firm believer in the principles of government laid down by Thomas Jefferson, was vigorously opposed to the theory of a high protective tariff. The Congress in which he served his first term was Democratic, the result of the enactment of the trust-breeding McKinley tariff law. The Ways and Means Committee, of which Mr. Springer of Illinois was chairman, decided that relief might best be effected by the introduction of a series of bills, transferring certain commodities to the free list.

It was in support of one of these—a bill placing wool on the free list and reducing the duties on woolen goods—that Mr. Bryan delivered his maiden speech in the House. This was on Wednesday, March 16, 1892. Like Byron, he awoke the next morning and found himself famous. The speech had attracted the admiring attention of the whole country. The young orator’s logic, acute reasoning, powers of broad generalization, and apt and homely illustration, not less than his genuine eloquence, incisive wit, and brilliant repartee, had, in one speech, won him a place at the head of the list of American parliamentary orators.

In his speech Mr. Bryan thus effectually punctured with his ridicule the Republican argument generally advanced that a high tariff makes low prices:

“Now, there are two arguments which I have never heard advanced in favor of protection; but they are the best arguments. They admit a fact and justify it, and I think that is the best way to argue, if you have a fact to meet. Why not say to the farmer, ‘Yes, of course you lose; but does not the Bible say, “It is more blessed to give than to receive”—[laughter]—and if you suffer some inconvenience, just look back over your life and you will find that your happiest moments were enjoyed when you were giving something to somebody, and the most unpleasant moments were when you were receiving.’ These manufacturers are self-sacrificing. They are willing to take the lesser part, and the more unpleasant business of receiving, and leave to you the greater joy of giving. [Loud laughter and applause on the Democratic side.]

“Why do they not take the other theory, which is borne out by history—that all nations which have grown strong, powerful, and influential, just as individuals, have done it through hardship, toil, and sacrifice, and that after they have become wealthy they have been enervated, they have gone to decay through the enjoyment of luxury, and that the great advantage of the protective system is that it goes around among the people and gathers up their surplus earnings so that they will not be enervated or weakened, so that no legacy of evil will be left to their children. Their surplus earnings are collected up, and the great mass of our people are left strong, robust, and hearty. These earnings are garnered and put into the hands of just as few people as possible, so that the injury will be limited in extent. [Great laughter and applause on the Democratic side.] And they say, ‘Yes, of course, of course; it makes dudes of our sons, and it does, perhaps, compel us to buy foreign titles for our daughters [laughter], but of course if the great body of the people are benefited, as good, patriotic citizens we ought not to refuse to bear the burden.’ [Laughter.]

“Why do they not do that? They simply come to you and tell you that they want a high tariff to make low prices, so that the manufacturer will be able to pay large wages to his employees. [Laughter.] And then, they want a high tariff on agricultural products so that they will have to buy what they buy at the highest possible price. They tell you that a tariff on wool is for the benefit of the farmer, and goes into his pocket, but that the tariff on manufactured products goes into the farmer’s pocket, too, ‘and really hurts us, but we will stand it if we must.’ They are much like a certain maiden lady of uncertain age, who said, ‘This being the third time that my beau has called, he might make some affectionate demonstration’; and, summing up all her courage, she added, ‘I have made up my mind that if he does I will bear it with fortitude.’” [Great laughter and applause.]

He thus pleaded for the protection of the greatest of “home industries,”—the home-building of the common people:

“I desire to say, Mr. Chairman, that this Republican party, which is responsible for the present system, has stolen from the vocabulary one of its dearest words and debased its use. Its orators have prated about home industries while they have neglected the most important of home industries—the home of the citizen. The Democratic party, so far from being hostile to the home industries, is the only champion, unless our friends here, the Independents, will join with us, of the real home industry of this country.