Part 4

I feel that the tendency in our country is toward a more Socialistic form of government and with this movement I am in entire sympathy. This means, however, that these tendencies will be incorporated in our government by the process of evolution and not by that of revolution. In other words, that we will hammer these questions out one at a time and adopt them only as they are proven to be practicable in every-day experience. Since Socialism presumably stands for an extensive program which is to be adopted in toto and without due deliberation and tentative experience I cannot become a member of that party. Let those who wish to advocate the cause in this wholesale way, have every possible opportunity of doing so, but recognize that as a matter of fact, forms of government and even public opinion are changed very slowly with the process of the sun.

* * * * *

=Ladd, George Trumbull.= (University Professor.)

I believe in the spiritual unity of the race, and in the duty of nations and individuals to treat each other like brothers, and sons of a common father. I detest all class hatred and all arrangements, political and social, for securing and promoting class interests at the expense of the public welfare. I am the enemy of all systems of "bossism," or monopoly, or control by other than natural laws and moral principles, of the opportunities of the individual to labor, to enjoy the fruits of labor, and to develop himself and help others. Thus far I am a Socialist.

I do not believe, however, in any of the definite schemes for equalizing the rewards of labor, irrespective of the merits of the laborer and the excellence of his work. I do not believe in communism, either in the sharing by compulsion, of goods; and certainly not, in the sharing of the privileges of the family life. Nor do I think that the control of government, whether of city, State or Nation, by any Socialistic Party, would, in the large and the long run, improve matters. I fear it would make bad matters even worse. The only way to improve society is to make the men and women who compose society, intellectually, morally, and religiously, better men and better women. I want, first of all, to be improved in all these ways myself; and next, to help the next fellow to improve himself.

* * * * *

=Adams, Thomas Sewall.= (Professor Political Economy.)

If Socialism means primarily the ownership and operation by the State of the principal industries, I am opposed to it because a long experience in State and public work convinces me that public work is, comparatively speaking, inefficient work. The cause of this inefficiency lies deep in the nature of democratic government and will never, I think, be removed. The individual public servant is neither lazy nor inferior, but the conditions of his work make it impossible to get the same results as he could in private employment. The spirit of public work is more equitable. Greater consideration is given to the humane factors. More of this spirit will have to be injected into private industry. The result will be not public industry, but private industry animated by a new ideal and conducted under the guardianship of the State rather than by the State. Industrial life is not simple; it is very complex, and no simple solution is to be looked for. The quasi-public industry managed by private individuals, deeply impressed with the feeling of their public trusteeship, is the ultimate ideal. With the deeper and better spirit of Socialism I am altogether in accord. Most Socialists think that the strength of the movement lies in their tactics; their specific provisions for government ownership; their philosophical doctrines; but the contrary is the truth and the one enduring thing in Socialism is the religious zeal and high ideals of its best exponents.

* * * * *

=Linn, Walter R.= (Editor Harrisburg Telegraph, Harrisburg, Pa.)

I am opposed to Socialism because the progress of the world has been made under individualism. Any system which has a tendency to discourage or repress personal initiative is a system which can produce no good to the country.

* * * * *

=Terhune, William Lewis.= (Publisher.)

Socialism, to my mind, means the overthrow of all the advancements of the past one hundred years or more. The man of brains and energy would stand but little show or encouragement under a government controlled by Socialism or Socialistic ideas. I believe that, the man who is capable of making his way in this world, is smart and energetic enough to build up a business and with it a fortune, is entitled to all he can possess through honest efforts. I do not believe in government ownership of public utilities, but I do believe in a controlling power of the government to in some way supervise these corporations so they will be obliged to keep in the path of honesty in all their transactions with the public. Individual freedom is the watchword of our great country. When we lose that, we lose ourselves.

* * * * *

=Scheffauer, Herman.= (Author.)

I am opposed to theoretical Socialism wherever it threatens to interfere with the full and unhampered development of the individual or to lower his worth. Being a mass philosophy, Socialism must logically strive to sacrifice the individual to that mass. I hold that it is only through the channels of a free, noble, self-restrained individualism that man may naturally attain to his supreme development in happiness, culture and power.

Theoretical Socialism is a splendid fallacy that shines like a truth when contemplated beneath the skies of the future already reddened by the sanguine color of the creed. But it is a fallacy based upon another fallacy, that of the virtue in the sovereign mass or democracy, which in turn is based upon certain fallacies of Christianity.

These systems of the multitude amount to mob rule, and will never evolve the highest type of men--the intellectual and moral samurai of whom H.C. Wells has written, the rulers by nature, training and fitness, the men who, in Nietzsche's phrase, are to surpass men.

In practical matters Socialism may be said to be already operative, and largely operative for good. It is correcting many ancient evils and bringing a certain degree of order and balance into the world. That is its chief value--an industrial and economic one. It is a means and not an end. For in the last analysis of human things it will be undone by that iron fiat which decrees that every man must be an end in himself and unto himself.

* * * * *

=Gaines, Clement Carrington.= (President Eastman College.)

I am opposed to Socialism because I believe that Socialism is an impracticable form of governmental administration, and therefore must, if it should ever come to power, fail as a system of government. In support of this view I suggest the following considerations:

First: A free democratic government, a government by the people in any form, must necessarily be controlled by parties.

Second: Parties are held together by the interests of the organization. These interests in the end are opposed to the interests of the people in that any party must support itself by what its organizers and promoters can get out of the people, which is another way of saying that every party is held together by the cohesion of public plunder, the private interests of its organizers. That policy is always most popular with the party in power which promises most profit to its leaders. The leaders are controlled by the policy which seems to serve their interests best, and not by the principles of righteousness or altruism.

Third: Hence in the administration of Government by a party the success and policy of the party must dominate its action rather than the interests of the people whom the party would govern, because this success is the thing most necessary to the continuance of the party in power. The effort to succeed leads to corruption notwithstanding the apparent purity of its principles or promises of its platform.

Conclusion: Since the three principles enunciated seem to be the fundamental law of party government, and since the principles of Socialism are in contravention of this fundamental law, it is believed that Socialism cannot permanently succeed as a method of party government. It is further believed that the principles of Socialism are in contravention of the natural law that no creature may advance in any direction except by the law of competition of all its vital forces, principles, and powers. Mr. Darwin calls this "the law of natural selection and survival of the fittest," and says conclusively that this natural law governs and directs the development and progress of the material world, and that it applies with equal force to man's nature, and to his progress as a member of the moral, social, industrial, and political world.

* * * * *

=Leckie, A.S.= (Editor, The Joliet Herald, Joliet, Ill.)

We may oppose or improve human legislative enactments, but not natural laws. Socialism, in its logical perfection, would attempt this.

The species improves and advances only through the struggle for existence (or preferment). The law of the survival or supremacy of the fittest is immutable in natural conditions. Remove from the petted squirrels the necessity of providing their winter's food, and they become unable to do so when the necessity again arises.

Ambition in competition, carried if you will, to the extreme of cupidity and greed, are instincts as natural as that of self-preservation.

Without the incentive of reward in preferment, power or wealth, we should have no progress. Any enforced leveling of talent or ability would curb and eventually stop human advancement.

Possibly we are advancing too fast; the advance of Socialism may be a working of the natural law of compensation, destined to put a brake upon the wheels of a too rapid progress.

* * * * *

=Field, Walter Taylor.= (Author.)

I am opposed to such Socialism as emphasizes "class-consciousness" and the entire abolition of private property. True Socialism should make absolutely no distinction between classes, but should hold mankind as a common brotherhood. I am opposed to the entire abolition of private property as removing one of the strongest incentives to labor and progress. We need social reform badly enough, and a check upon inheritances and large accumulations of private property, but I believe the remedy for most of our social evils lies in encouraging the wage-earners to become small farmers and small artisans and in protecting them by stringent legislation against the encroachments of large business.

I am heartily in sympathy with the spirit of Socialism, but not with its methods.

* * * * *

=Barstow, George Eames.= (Business man.)

I am opposed to Socialism, first, because the All-Wise One in His inscrutable wisdom in arranging for His people for occupying the promised land, provided that every man should go and take up the land alloted to him.

Second: The Creator knew what would best contribute to the social and economic order of humanity in all time to come.

Third: Socialism means a community of property. I am opposed to such a social and economic order, believing same to be against the public welfare. Society has now too many drones, lazy and idle from choice. Such class would be largely increased under Socialism. The subject's agitation reveals such product.

Fourth: What is needed in these days is an increase of social justice, not social injustice.

Fifth: A man should enjoy life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, and can only do this as he is at liberty, under wise laws, to exercise his full capacity for himself; leaving to himself the right to contribute to others as he may choose.

Sixth: There are some vital questions to be solved for the betterment of the people at large, concerning social, economic and industrial order; but, their best solution will not be found in Socialism. Many noble and patriotic men and women are devoting money and life to these ends, and will in due time accomplish, through wise laws, the purposes for which they strive and which will be for the healing and uplifting of the peoples of the earth.

* * * * *

=Lee, Elmer.= (Physician, Author, Inventor, Lecturer and Editor.)

Life is experimental and whatever man wishes to try in the hope of bettering his condition will neither hurt him in the long run, and probably not better him.

Each new generation of men is largely unmindful of the experiments of men in the past, and feels that it has a solution for human trial, and disappointment, only to find when it is put to the test that, after all, it will not accomplish what was expected from it.

Man banded together for a common interest, will not go far before he meets reverse and disappointment; he will fall out with his associate and quarrel with him; differences will arise which will lead to dissatisfaction and dissolution of the plan.

Man is primarily selfish and imaginative, and seeks to operate independently and erect for himself, his family and his affairs. Man has so much power and invention that he will not long consent to remain within any set limitation; he will break out and will prefer to fight his own battle.

Anything like common interest and division of labor, under Socialism or whatever name, will become unsatisfactory, if not to the generation which starts it, certainly to its children.

Any system will suffice, were man always in health, intelligent in the selection of food and in the care of his body. Were man willing and able to practice self-control, to avoid self-debasing habits, to abstain from tobacco, liquor, drugs and venery, it would not much matter what form of government prevailed.

Social form is less important than individual conduct. It will always be a struggle for man to survive the perils of life, such as temptation, indulgence, weakness, accident and disease. The test is personal and continuous, and cannot be shifted to the shoulder of society.

* * * * *

=Brownscombe, Jennie.= (Artist.)

I believe in a more rigid enforcement of our existing laws. They are a precious heritage from our forefathers; a resume of the wisdom of the ages. Where time and altered conditions have made it desirable to amend them, they should be amended by the wisest and purest statesmen of our land, guided by the trend of public thought.

I believe that the great need of this time and of all times, is not Socialism, better laws or absence of law, but capable, industrious and honest men and women, who strive to abide by and enforce the Golden Rule in all matters of character and conduct. "Our duties are of more consequence to us than are our rights."

* * * * *

=Lightner, Ezra Wilberforce.= (Journalist)

Some of the most profound of thinkers, some of the grandest of men and women, have written in regard to Socialism; some on the one side and some on the other. If in the mind of the majority of the most earnest and thoughtful and reasoning men and women the majority shall one day say that what is called Socialism is a stride in the process of slow evolution which has brought us to the measure of civilization now recognized, then whether or not we are yet living when that time comes, we must accept that condition as one of the processes of evolution and try the experiment.

I don't believe that at this time anybody can say clearly whether he or she is a Socialist except in vague theory. There are too many bases for doubt, as there are in regard to the finality of the political systems in active operation today. One thing that can't be doubted is that from the date of the Republic of Plato, the Utopia of Moore, the writing of Jean Jacques Rousseau, the "Voyage of Icaria" of Etienne Capet, the essays of Proudhon, St. Simon, Fourier, "Das Kapital" of Karl Marx, the tremendous labor of Liebknecht, Bebel, Lassalle, Singer, William Morris, the English artist, poet and philosopher, John Ruskin, and a host of others, the increase in numbers of the supporters of the Socialist ideal has been one of the most remarkable of economical evangels.

Yet with all this I think that a long process of educational work would be necessary to prepare mankind for the experiment, if it be possible to make it a success. William Morris, before he had declared outright for Socialism, wrote his "Earthly Paradise:"

"Dreamer of dreams, born out of my due time. Why should I strive to set the crooked straight?"

Every thoughtful person recognizes the crooked, even though he may himself be a crook: and even many of the crooks, and certainly all the rest of us, desire with our might to make the crooked straight and to have an "Earthly Paradise," and to hope that "At last, far off, some good will come to all." We are groping, and to grope earnestly and vigorously is to find. We shall find; we must find; or chaos will come again. It must not be the invention of mere dreamers, however. In this age it is the practical business man who builds for permanency.

* * * * *

=Cutler, James Elbert.= (University Professor.)

I am opposed to Socialism as a method or system because of the impracticability of any particular program thus far formulated by Socialists. In the formulation of a Socialist program of action some important principle of social progress is invariably either wholly disregarded or treated superficially by general statements which lack point and application. The inability of the Socialists to agree among themselves as regards a program or plan of action plainly indicates the limitations under which Socialism labors in this respect. (See also "Why I am in Favor of Socialism.")

* * * * *

=Leveroni, Frank.= (Counsellor at Law.)

I am opposed to Socialism because--

First: It is pure theory.

Second: It is impractical.

Third: It leads to nowhere.

Fourth: It tends to destroy and it does not supply anything in the place of that which it destroys.

Fifth: It is opposed to Christianity and to Christian marriage and to settled economic theory.

Sixth: Its theory of distribution of property is fallacious as it overlooks human nature, it takes away the initiative in man, it compels the community to provide for the laggard and drone.

Seventh: It aims to destroy the family which is the center of civilization, it aims to place the education and training of children directly in the care of the State, which would be detrimental to the home life and love that ought to exist between parent and child.

* * * * *

=Anderson, Rasmus Bjorn.= (Editor, College Professor and Translator.)

I am opposed to Socialism on account of its attitude to Christianity. Its attitude to Christianity manifests itself in the fact that it is not only a political party, but also a theory or philosophy of life. Its principles and aims are wholly materialistic. It makes earthly happiness the main purpose and highest ideal to be attained.

I have in mind Socialism as taught by its great promotor, Karl Marx.

Socialism refuses to consider anything beyond the grave It deals exclusively with things pertaining to this life. It refuses to answer, nay, it insists that it is not necessary to answer the great question to every soul: If a man dies, shall he still live? It says we do not know and it is not worth while investigating. Denying all connection between morals and religion, it builds its moral life on a weaker foundation than that built on Christianity. Socialism is selfish.

* * * * *

=Ferguson, Charles.= (Author, Editorial Staff, New York American.)

I am not in favor of Socialism because Socialism is a state of mind in which men are absorbed in the problem of the division of goods. The true and wholesome preoccupation of mankind should be the creation of goods. It is of course important to divide right, but the right division cannot possibly be worked out until the problem is envisaged from the engineering point of view. The tools must belong to those who can use them. And the genius of our redemption requires that all wealth shall be made fecund or reproductive--that there shall no longer be any dead wealth--that there shall be nothing but capital and tools.

* * * * *

=Baxter, James Phinney.= (Author and Ex-Mayor of Portland, Me.)

There is an unchristian Socialism which embodies the spirit of an utterance all too familiar: "Do to thy neighbor as he does unto you." It is impatient and intolerant of restraint, and, ignoring individual freedom, would resort to force to compel men to obey its arbitrary commands; indeed, it would destroy the fabric of society in the vain hope of rebuilding a perfect structure upon its ruins. What this spirit would do for the world may be read in the pages of history. To achieve its ends, it would employ cruel agencies, and the structure it would rear would partake of its own imperfections, for the unchangeable law is, men are known by their works.

May God deliver us from this kind of Socialism, and, in His good time, establish that, the beauty of which He sent Christ to reveal to men. (See also "Why I am in Favor of Socialism.")

* * * * *

=Emerson, Samuel Franklin.= (College Professor.)

I am opposed to Socialism because it is a mechanical reconstruction of society, instead of an organic development.

Because it is an economic readjustment of society instead of morals.

Because it is based upon the essential antagonism of social classes instead of essential co-operation.

Because it is a passing reaction against the present transitional system of industry.

Because it fails to recognize the importance of the individual in all social movements.

Because it would result in a dead social uniformity, instead of a rich social variety.

Because its ideal is in reality drawn from the mediaeval and superseded social past, instead of evaluating the forces of the present.

Because it is saturated with a false and vicious economic philosophy.

Because it misconceives the social function of war, national rivalry and industrial conflict in the social economy.

Because it fails to evaluate the spiritual forces of society.

* * * * *

=Ellis, George Washington.= (Lawyer and Writer.)

In so far as Socialistic theory is concerned, beginning in Plato's "Republic," reasserted in Sir Thomas Moore's "Utopia," embraced in the latter part of the eighteenth century in Europe by Fourier, Baboeuf, Saint Simon and Cabet, and later in the United States by Greeley, Dana and Hawthorne, I regard as important contributions to literature, whose chief value is inspirational rather than practical. These theories involve such complete reconstruction and reorganization of society that their attainment are placed far into the indefinite future, yet their value as social and intellectual ideals serve a very useful purpose in human progress.