Part 3

We have thus proved a second time, from the nature of the army, and the rank of Putnam, according to the author’s own acknowledgment, that Putnam was the commander of the battle. We now proceed to prove it a third and fourth time, by his conduct in the battle, and the evidence in the case. Our troops were well fed at Cambridge, through contributions from the New England towns, who thought, with the old general, that men fought best on full stomachs: but, after waiting two months, they grew impatient for fighting; and Putnam’s whole soul was with them. Notwithstanding Ward’s prudence, Putnam persuaded him at last to grant him two thousand men to meet the enemy. The heights of Charlestown were carefully reconnoitred by Putnam, fascines and empty casks were prepared for intrenchments, and all the intrenching tools far and near were collected; but enough only could be found for one thousand men, and Prescott’s detachment was limited to that number from necessity; but they were to be relieved in the morning by an equal number in their places. The still more important preparation of gunpowder was anxiously attempted, though nearly in vain. During the turmoil of the day of battle, Putnam called on the Committee of Safety to receipt for eighteen barrels of powder from Connecticut. He went on to Breed’s Hill the night before the battle, and assisted in laying out the intrenchments.[8] He likewise took his small soldiers’ tent on to the ground, and Capt. Trevett says it was erected. This shows a “foregone conclusion,” that he was to be indissolubly connected with the expedition, and all its consequences. But, what was still more in the spirit of the man, he prepared for himself a relay of horses for the battle; and nothing more difficult: even Col. Prescott could not find one for Maj. Brooks to ride to Cambridge, though he endeavored to press one from the artillery. Putnam was the only officer mounted in the battle, unless Maj. Durkee was part of the time, as one of the documents relates. Durkee had been his intimate associate in the previous war, as he was through that of the Revolution. By daylight on the morning of the battle, Putnam sent to Gen. Ward for a horse, and procured another himself; he seemed to consider this as important as Richard did, when he exclaims, “My kingdom for a horse.” He went to Breed’s Hill the night before the battle; and this he did under the express agreement with Gen. Ward that he was to do so, and to have the direction and superintendence of the whole expedition. For the minute detail of Putnam’s conduct relative to the battle and connection with it, we refer to our history and notes. The well–known, honorable, and intelligent Col. Putnam, son of the general, who observes he was with the army at the time of the battle, and afterwards an officer under his father till near the close of the war, and during his whole life frequently conversed on the subject of the battle with his father and all others, wrote a memoir, which he communicated to the Monument Association. Putnam, he says, early urged Ward to have the heights of Charlestown fortified, who, with Warren, objected the want of powder and battering cannon. Ward hoped for peace and reconciliation with the enemy, and wished to continue on the defensive. Putnam said we should gain peace only by the sword, and he wished only to draw out the enemy so as to meet them on equal terms. He frequently reconnoitred the heights; and, just before the battle, Ward agreed to put two thousand men under him to form intrenchments and defend them. General Putnam went with half this force to Breed’s Hill the night of the 16th, repairing at dawn to Cambridge for the other thousand to relieve the fatigue–party; but the cannonade of the enemy called him instantly back. Gov. Brooks went on to the ground with Gen. Putnam, and was present whilst he assisted in laying out the works. Col. Trumbull, with the army at the time, says the detachment went under the command of Gen. Putnam and Col. Prescott. Judge Grosvenor, an officer of the army at the time, and in the detachment, says “Putnam was with them; and, under his immediate superintendence, ground was broken and the redoubt formed; and that he commanded the troops engaged afterwards.” Pres. Stiles, of New Haven College, recorded in his Diary, that Putnam took possession of Bunker Hill the night of the 16th. Pres. Dwight, of the same college, says Putnam was the commander of the battle. Rev. Dr. Whitney, the pastor and most intimate friend of Gen. Putnam, states explicitly Gen. Putnam’s own declaration to him, that the detachment was at first put under his command, and that with it he took possession of the hill, and ordered the battle from the beginning to the end. “These facts,” he says, “Gen. Putnam himself gave me soon after the battle, and also repeated them to me after his life [by Humphreys] was printed.” This is in a note of Dr. Whitney to his funeral discourse on Gen. Putnam, 1790, and repeated in his letter, 1818. Col. Putnam, in his letter to me, confirms Dr. Whitney’s declarations as to his father’s assertions. Frothingham thinks they may have mistaken the general’s meaning. Col. Putnam’s reasons for his accurate recollections, we have given. Dr. Whitney says, “Soon after Bunker Hill Battle, I was at Cambridge some weeks chaplain to Gen. Putnam’s regiment, resided in his family, and had peculiarly favorable opportunities of learning, from him and others, in detail, the things which took place in the battle from its beginning to its end.” Dr. Aaron Dexter says, from memoranda written at the time, that he was informed by the officers at Ward’s quarters the day after the battle, that Putnam had command of all the troops that were sent down over–night, and that might be ordered there the next day. Col. Bancroft, the distinguished captain in the redoubt, says he was at the laying–out of the works by Putnam, and that the rail breastwork was formed and lined under the direction of Putnam. John Boyle, Esq. of Boston, who was aide–de–camp to Gov. Hancock, in the expedition to Rhode Island, writes in his Diary, 16th June, 1775: “Gen. Putnam, with a detachment of about one thousand of the American forces, went from Cambridge, and began an intrenchment on an eminence below Bunker Hill.” Col. Samuel Ward, of Rhode Island, then a captain in the army at Roxbury, writes, 20th June: “Putnam had a sore battle on Saturday.” Ethan Clarke writes to Capt. Ward, “We hear that Putnam is defeated, and Dr. Warren slain.” The most astonishing inadvertence of the author, though mere inadvertence we believe, is his publishing two pages out of Rivington’s Gazette of 3d August, 1775, and never hinting, that in the same paper of 29th June, 1775, it is stated that “Putnam on the evening of the 16th inst. took possession of Bunker Hill, and began an intrenchment;” and this extract from Rivington was mentioned in a publication of ours, which he had among our documents. Josiah Cleveland’s[9] deposition says he was of Putnam’s regiment; went on the night of the 16th, Putnam at their head, who with others directed the works, and ordered the Connecticut and some Massachusetts troops to make the breastwork at the rail–fence. Abner Allen,[10] of the same regiment, in his deposition, says he went on the night before the battle; Putnam was then and there called general, and acted as such. Major Daniel Jackson, 16th June, 1775, then a sergeant in the artillery, entered in his Diary, “Gen. Putnam with the army went to intrench on Bunker Hill.” Trevett, senior captain of the artillery, the day of the battle, inquired officially of Maj. Gridley, then in command of all the artillery at Cambridge, and whose father was inferior to no one in the councils of war, “Who had the command of the troops?” and was informed by him, “Gen. Putnam.” “Then there is nothing to fear,” he observed at the time. He consequently applied to Putnam for orders, and received them. We have mentioned Putnam’s command over three regiments from different provinces; and that, while “Gen. Ward was at Roxbury, Gen. Putnam was commander–in–chief” at Cambridge. Gen. Dearborn,[11] who was in the battle, represents Putnam as the authorized commander. Our next witness is the Rev. Jos. Thaxter, of Edgarton, who, in his letter A.D. 1818, says, “On the evening of the 16th June, Col. Prescott and Col. Bridge, with their regiments, under the direction of Gen. Putnam, took possession of Breed’s Hill, and threw up a fort or intrenchment.” We have looked in vain into the author’s book for the name of Thaxter, that most venerable and interesting old man eloquent, and minister of the Most High, who, at the time of the battle, was chaplain in the army, and, while the battle raged, was wrestling with the Lord in prayer for victory; and, in 1825, with head as white and heart as unsullied as the driven snow, appeared again on the battle–field at the jubilee, and laying of the corner–stone for the monument, to bear up to the throne of grace the thanks of the hundred thousand who were present, for the very success that he had prayed for in ’75. The author has devoted twenty–two pages to this jubilee and monument, without one syllable to spare for the patriotism, eloquence, and unction of this most interesting relic of olden time, or for the mention of any religious service whatsoever on the occasion. He dwells on Webster’s eloquent address to the sovereign people, without the slightest notice of any address to the Sovereign of the universe. The neglect of all religious service on the occasion will be considered, by all those who give credit to the author’s history, as a serious imputation on our national character.

All this perfectly decisive testimony of Putnam’s command is fully confirmed by the whole of his conduct during the day after he left Gen. Ward at dawn, who promised to send on a reinforcement. The breastwork at the rail–fence was built under Putnam’s orders by the Connecticut and a few Massachusetts troops, though Frothingham does not give him the credit of it. He acknowledges it was built by Knowlton and the troops under him, and that Judge Grosvenor says Gen. Putnam placed them there. Adj.–Gen. Keyes, then lieutenant in Grosvenor’s company, says the same. Col. Putnam’s memoir states that his father placed them there, and ordered them to make the best preparation in their power for defence. Col. Bancroft and Mr. Josiah Cleveland,[12] as mentioned before, and Messrs. Aaron Smith[13] and William Low,[14] all of them present and in the battle, say expressly Putnam built it; and Low adds, Putnam took a rail on his shoulder, and ordered every man to do the same and build the breastwork. Greater service than this was never performed by Putnam for his country, nor greater service by him or any one at Bunker Hill. There were ingenuity, knowledge of position, and generalship in it, that have secured for him immortal honor, and the warmest gratitude of all his countrymen to the latest posterity. Without this defence, the overwhelming force of the enemy would have flanked, surrounded, and vanquished our ill–equipped troops instantly. There was scarcely a regiment, corps, or individual of the army, that Putnam did not personally command, direct, or encourage. The reinforcements not arriving, he galloped back to Ward’s quarters to obtain them. He ordered Doolittle’s regiment[15] to go on at nine o’clock; ordered Stark’s regiment to the lines, and reserved a part of it to intrench on Bunker Hill; led on Woodbridge’s and Brewer’s regiments; ordered Gardner’s to build intrenchments on Bunker Hill; he ordered the companies of Little’s regiment to their posts; and Ford’s company of Bridge’s regiment he ordered to draw Callender’s deserted cannon to the line. Ford, though no submissive man, obeyed with the greatest reluctance, his company being infantry, and Putnam fired the pieces himself; some of the soldiers exclaiming that he made a lane, others a furrow, through the enemy. He beat, cut, and thrust with his sword a number of the soldiers who were backward and cowardly, broke his sword over a dastardly officer of Gerrish’s regiment, and compelled Capt. Callender to do his duty by threatening him with instant death. During the raging of the battle, frothing at the mouth from his vociferations, and his horse covered with foam, he was galloping from end to end of the line, encouraging, directing, and commanding everybody. My townsman Bagley, who was fighting at the time at the breastwork, and others, say, in their simple language, “he had a very encouraging look.” In the language of one of Shakspeare’s characters,—

“He outfaced the brow of bragging horror; So that inferior men, who borrow their behavior From the great, grew great by his example, And put on the spirit of dauntless resolution.”

And we say the same of Prescott. When Putnam could no longer prevent the retreat of his troops, he was one of the last in the rear. He told Whittemore, an old companion of the former war, he would rally again directly, as he attempted to do at his slight intrenchments on Bunker Hill, where he obstinately remained till even the Leonidas company of Charlestown, and Trevett’s noble corps, left him alone. But, even then, Gen. Putnam it was who saved the honor of his country, as he had already secured for her all the advantages of victory in the battle, by rallying his troops again on Prospect Hill within cannon–shot of the enemy, who did not dare to follow him; and he made a drawn battle of it.

Seventy–five years since, the Battle of Bunker Hill was fought. Who the commander was has ever since remained a mystery. Maj.–Gen. Ward was the commander–in–chief of the army at Cambridge; Maj.–Gen. Warren, the next; Brig.–Gen. Putnam, the third in command; and Col. Prescott, another officer of the army. Gen. Ward, from headquarters, ordered the preparations for the battle, and the general movements and disposition of the troops during the day. But, from want of staff officers, he was unable to ascertain or to direct the particular movements and manœuvres of the troops during the day. He was the commander of the general movements out of the field. Had Napoleon, with his numerous staff, been in Ward’s place, history, without hesitation, would have recorded him the commander. Warren[16] was on the field, and, notwithstanding he declined to issue any orders, was authorized so to do whenever he pleased. His situation was nearly identical with that of the admiral, who declined giving any orders to his fleet, and merely directed that “every commander of a ship should kill his own bird.” Warren, then, was the authorized, and for many years the supposed commander, as he was the distinguished hero, martyr, and volunteer of the battle. Gen. Putnam was the actual, and, on Warren’s declining, the authorized commander of Bunker Hill Battle. He was “the bright particular star,” to which, during all the storm and tempest of the battle, every eye was turned for guidance and for victory. Col. Prescott[17] was commander at Bunker Hill the night before the battle, and the next day till Gen. Putnam came on with the reinforcements; and, during the battle, the commander at the redoubt. He erected his works with his detachment of one thousand men, under a sheet of fire from the enemy like a volcano, and defended them afterwards most heroically to the latest moment of desperation. He immortalized his name. There were, then, four who in some sense participated in the command of Bunker Hill Battle; hence the multiplied mistakes on the subject. It may be equally impossible to demonstrate who was exclusively the commander, as to discover the author of Junius, or birthplace of Homer. It was our duty not the less to make the attempt; as we have done with the greatest diffidence, considering it a forlorn hope.

APPENDIX.

APPENDIX.

PAGE 7.

According to Hon. Jos. Allen, late of Worcester, Samuel Adams, the proscribed patriot, said, “I have heard some people find fault with Gen. Ward, for intrenching on Breed’s Hill, so near the enemy, without any fortifications in their rear; but the world does not know how much that man is to be justified for so doing; for he had secret intelligence from Boston, by means of spies, that the British were about to take possession of Dorchester Heights; and, to divert them from their object, a close approach to the enemy was made by intrenching on Breed’s Hill, which had the desired effect, until the provincials could take possession of Dorchester Heights.”

PAGE 12.

Col. Sargent was born at Salem, in 1745, but resided in early life at Cape Ann, and was rugged as the rocky mountains there. From his continual intercourse, by sea, between the Cape and the Capital, he acquired the additional roughness and hardihood of the mariner, and was not mollified by his fierce disputes with the government and tories in Boston. His schooling in the tented field lent the last finish to his character: he was a perfect Ironsides, and loved fighting as he loved his eyes. Learning from his brother, who was a tory, that he was proscribed by Gov. Hutchinson, he made his escape into New Hampshire, where he raised a regiment, to repay the governor’s compliment, by assisting to blockade Gov. Gage. When Washington departed for New York, Sargent remained at Boston under Gen. Ward, who, Sargent says, knowing his opinion of him, placed him as far off as he could, in command of the castle and islands. Though the British had been driven off, he contrived to find fighting, which he thus describes:—

“Early in April, on Fast Day, while we were going to meeting, an alarm gun was fired from the Castle. I repaired to Long Wharf, and manned my barge with forty men. Proceeding down, I observed a ship and three schooners making for Shirley Point, and immediately proceeded to Pudding Point Channel, and took charge of piloting her through the Narrows. But Mr. Knox and Capt. D. Martin coming on board, Knox being the branch pilot, I gave up my command, and in a few moments he ran the ship on a spit of sand, which I cautioned him of. We then collected all the boats, and loaded with powder from the ship, and sent them to town. There were then lying in Nantasket Road, the ‘Rainbow,’ of fifty guns; ‘Dawson,’ of fourteen; and a schooner, tender to the ‘Rainbow.’ They made no attempt to succor the ship during the day; but I expected they would in the night, and warned Capt. Mugford and the other captains to be very vigilant. I left on board the ship a captain and two subalterns, with forty men, and returned to my quarters. In the night, the British attempted to retake the ship, or destroy her. They came with five boats full of men, and the largest laid the ship alongside. Credit is due to Daniel Malcom, who threw a rope over the boat’s mainmast, and hauled her in till her halyards could be seized by those on board the ship; by which the boat was filled and sunk, and sixty men were put to their paddles, most of whom were drowned. A heavy fire from our soldiers obliged them to make a shameful retreat. They fired a great number of shot at _us_ without effect. She was a most valuable prize, being fully loaded with military stores. We were very short of them, and Lord North could not have done us a greater service.”

The next day, Gen. Ward inquired whether Sargent could drive the enemy from Nantasket. He informed him, that his cannon were too small; but, Ward wishing him to make the experiment, he repaired in the night to Long Island with three hundred men, erected breastworks before light, and in the morning saluted the “Rainbow” with a shot, which struck her on the quarter, carrying away some of her upper works; and excited so great a panic in the enemy, that they instantly towed out, and, the wind springing up, sailed off with the utmost despatch. Sargent, satisfied with their movements, was too prudent to betray his weakness by firing a second time. Crowned with these victories, in July, 1776, he left Boston for New York, with the only full regiment then formed, numbering, officers and men, seven hundred and twenty–seven. And, by December, he had used up this regiment, by continual and desperate fighting, at Harlem Heights, Fort Washington, White Plains, and by casualties; one hundred and ninety–five of them only were left, to tell the melancholy fate of their comrades. So ardent was Sargent’s patriotism, that, many years after the peace, being in Boston on Sunday, he went to church with his half–brother, Daniel Sargent, Esq. and took his seat, before he perceived that his own brother, from Halifax, who had been a tory and refugee, was in the same pew with him. The moment he discovered this, he seized his three–cornered hat, and stalked out of church; vociferating afterwards, that the same roof should never cover such a—— tory as his brother was, and himself. He died 1828.

PAGE 18.

The following description of Putnam was not intended for publication; but that lends it the highest interest. Judge Dana, a senator of the United States from Maine, was a grandson of Putnam, and remarks in his letter, 1818, that he had just been to visit his aunt Waldo, Gen. Putnam’s daughter; and then gives the following description of the general:—

“In his person, for height, about the middle size; very erect; thickset, muscular, and firm in every part. His countenance was open, strong, and animated; the features of his face large, well–proportioned to each other, and to his whole frame; his teeth fair and sound till death. His organs and senses were all exactly fitted for a warrior; he heard quickly, saw to an immense distance; and, though he sometimes stammered in conversation, his voice was remarkably heavy, strong, and commanding. Though facetious and dispassionate in private, when animated in the heat of battle, his countenance was fierce and terrible, and his voice like thunder. His whole manner was admirably calculated to inspire his soldiers with courage and confidence, and his enemy with terror. The faculties of his mind were not inferior to those of his body; his penetration was acute, his decision rapid, yet remarkably correct; and the more desperate his situation, the more collected and undaunted. With the courage of a lion, he had a heart that melted at the sight of distress; he could never witness suffering in any human being, without becoming a sufferer himself; even the operation of blood–letting has caused him to faint. In viewing the field of battle, his distress was exquisite, until he had afforded friend or foe all the relief in his power. Once after a battle, on examining a bullet–wound through the head of a favorite officer, Capt. Whiting, who died on the field, he fainted, and was taken up for dead. Martial music roused him to the highest pitch; while solemn, sacred music set him into tears. In his disposition he was open and generous, almost to a fault; he never disguised; and in the social relations of life he was never excelled.”

PAGE 29.

One of the most magnificent monuments that ever bore the name of any man, and which will transmit the name of Warren, in grateful and glorious remembrance, down to the latest posterity, has been erected in Boston Harbor. Fort Warren, for strength, grandeur, and scientific perfection, is one of the masterpieces of military art; and it will be highly gratifying to all the countrymen of Col. Thayer,—that most amiable, scientific, and distinguished engineer, by whom it was constructed,—that his name will be for ever so honorably and deservedly associated with that of Warren. Both were born in the vicinity of Boston.

PAGE 30.