PART II

PIONEERING IN WEST AFRICA; OR, "THE OPENING UP OF THE QUA IBOE RIVER"

In the year 1880, I was asked by a Liverpool firm to undertake certain work in connection with one of the trading establishments on the Old Calabar River. The offer came at a very opportune time. Being anxious to improve my position, like most young fellows, I accepted, and was soon on the way to my new undertaking. My first business was to take an old ship, that had seen the best of her days, and had been lying there in the stream for many years as a trading hulk, now being considered unsafe to remain longer afloat. I had to place her on the beach in such a way that she could still be used as a trading establishment. This was not a small matter, as the beach upon which she had to be placed was not a good one for the purpose. However, I found that if I could get her to lie on a certain spot I had carefully marked out, there was every possibility of a success; but I fear I was the only one that thought so, as it was fully twelve months before my senior would let me undertake the venture; at last I got his consent, and in a very short time the vessel was landed safely, and, I am pleased to say, did duty for over ten years. It was while waiting for this consent that the beginning of the events I am going to narrate took place.

Business was somewhat quiet in the Old Calabar, so our senior thought he would go for a bit of an excursion to a place called Qua Iboe, which was supposed to be a small tributary of the great river of Old Calabar, but which he found to his astonishment was some twenty-five miles westward of the mouth of the Old Calabar, and ninety miles from our main station at Calabar; however, he did not like to return without seeing the place, so he and his crew went, and after two or three days' journey, they suddenly found themselves in the midst of breakers, and it was only by luck they got washed into the mouth of the river Qua Iboe, half-dead with fright, so much so that our senior would not venture back in the boat, but preferred walking overland.

After being absent seven or eight days, he returned to headquarters with a very lively recollection of what he had gone through. Not being accustomed to the sea, the knocking about of the small boat very much upset him, then the long overland journey back took all the pleasure out of what he had intended to be a little holiday. Consequently, on his return he had but little to say about the river he had gone to see; and not being of a talkative disposition, had I not pressed him on the subject, I think, as far as our establishment was concerned, the Qua Iboe would have been a blank space on the map to-day, as many more fine places are in that great continent.

So while we were at dinner, an evening or so after his return, feeling very anxious to hear something about his excursion, I remarked that we had not heard him say much about the new river. "No," said he; "for the simple reason is that I know but very little about it, except that I nearly got capsized in the breakers." "Well," I said, "is it a river of any size? Would it not be a good place to open up a new business?" "Oh, yes!" he said; "the river is a fair size, and it may or may not be a good place for business. We can't go there, we have not the means; we could not go without a vessel of some sort." "Well," said I, "would you go if you could? Or, in other words, will you give me all the support I need if I undertake to go?" "Yes, certainly," he said; "I shall be only too pleased to give you anything we have here."

That night I got to work and laid out all my plans. First I had to find a vessel. We had attached to our hulk a good large boat that would carry about ten tons. This boat I soon got rigged up with mast and sails. This done, I had a house constructed about sixty or seventy feet long by twenty wide, made ready to be put up on whatever spot I should pitch upon when I reached my new destination. This work, of course, took some little time. However, the eighth day after I had my senior's consent to go, I was sailing away from the Old Calabar, with my little craft and sixteen people besides myself.

It took some four or five days to get to the long-looked-for Qua Iboe. At last we were rewarded with a glimpse of the bar and its breakers, which we had to pass before we could get into the river. We, however, reached it safely, and with thankful hearts I can tell you, as our journey had been anything but a pleasant one--so many of us in such a small craft. I felt bound to take this number, as in addition to wanting these people for the building of the establishment, I wished to make as big a show as I could to the, at that time, unknown natives, who had the reputation of being as bad a lot as were to be met with anywhere on the West Coast. Anyhow, I thought they would have to be pretty bad if I could not make something of them, so I sailed my boat flying up the river to the first village, which was supposed to be the senior one in the river, and was always called Big Town. It was just dusk when we arrived. We dropped anchor, and decided to rest for the night; but I found the villagers very excited, and not liking at all my advent among them, as they had just had news from the up-country informing them that if they allowed a white man to remain in their river, King Ja Ja, who was the very terror not only of this place, but of some fifty or sixty miles all round, had threatened to burn their towns down; he laying claim to all this country, allowed no one to trade there but himself.

The advice I had from these people was that I had better go back and leave them and their river to themselves. But I said, No, I am not going back. I have come to open a trading station and to remain with you, and that King Ja Ja, or any one else but our British Consul, would never drive me from that river alive. I saw, though, it was useless taking any notice of these frightened people, so I up anchor the next morning, and sailed up the river; near the next village I saw a suitable spot for our establishment. I at once anchored our boat, landed our people with house and everything we had brought, put up a bit of a shanty to sleep under for the time, and set to work to build our house; this, I may tell you, did not take long, for by the end of the week we had a fine-looking place up, such a one had never been seen in that part before. The house complete, my next work was to get goods for the natives to buy from us. This meant a journey for me.

Ten days after our first arrival, our house and store were up and built, and I was away to the Old Calabar in our boat with some of my people to get goods to start our trade with; the remainder stayed to put the finishing touches to our building and to clear the land near.

I was soon back at my post again and trade started. After this I had to make several journeys to keep our supply good, and all went well for about three months, with the exception of continuous rumours as to what King Ja Ja intended to do; these I took no notice of, as I did not anticipate he would molest me or my people. However, my peaceful occupation was not to last for long; for while I was away at Old Calabar replenishing our stock, a day or two previous to my return King Ja Ja, with about a thousand of his men, pounced down unexpectedly on these Qua Iboe people, burnt down seven villages, took one hundred prisoners, and drove the remainder of the population into the woods, cutting down every plantain tree, and destroying everything in the way of food stuff that was growing in the place. I arrived off the bar the day after this terrible business had taken place. When I left the river I left twelve of my people there. The head man had instructions that as soon as they saw me off the bar, when the tide was right for me to come in, to hoist a white flag.

The day I arrived, after waiting until I knew high water must have passed, I took my glasses, but there was not a soul visible. Not caring to risk our little vessel without the signal, I took a small boat we had with us and started over the bar into the river. What my surprise was you will readily understand when, arriving at the store, I found only one man, half-dead with fright, and crying like a child; all I could get out of him was that Ja Ja had been there and killed every one in the place. The first thing I did was to at once return to the vessel, and bring her in with the remainder of my people. We landed all our stores, then I immediately hoisted our English ensign on the flag-staff. I prayed to the Almighty to defend us and the country from the tyranny of these dreadful men who had caused so much misery for these poor people. Their wretchedness I was soon brought face to face with.

The morning after my arrival, if ever a man's heart was softened mine was, and the tears came to my eyes when I saw crawling into the house from the woods a poor, half-starved cripple child, covered with sores, and in a dreadful state. We took it in at once and cared for it. Then I sent my people into the woods to see if they chanced to come across any one, and to tell them to come in under our flag, and I would see that no harm again befell them. In this we were very successful, for one after the other they arrived, more dead than alive, until some 700 of them were in and around our house. The next thing to be thought about was food for them. My last cargo fortunately was all rice and biscuits. This relieved me somewhat, and I felt we could at least manage for a short time.

To find food for such a great number gave me, as you may suppose, serious thought, for there was not a scrap left in the district; the land in this particular part being of a poor nature, the food grown at the best of times was very small, and this little had all been destroyed. But we had not to wait long before witnessing one of the greatest blessings that could have happened. As soon as the men had somewhat recovered from their fright, they began to go out into the river to fish, when such quantities were caught that never in the remembrance of any person in that country had such an amount of fish been seen. Load after load was brought to the shore, in fact, some had to spoil before it could be cured.

What did all this wonderful catch bring about? While a short time before these people had been in the greatest poverty and distress, now they are rejoicing and thankful for this abundance of food and wealth. I say wealth because fish in this part of Africa is more precious than gold with us. With fish anything can be bought in the market, from the smallest article to the largest slave. So you see here was our relief brought about by the ever bountiful Providence, whose all-seeing eye is ever near those who are in want and need and ask His aid, whether it be the poorest slave in Africa or the orphan child in England.

From this time we began to gather strength day by day. New arrivals came in who had managed to get away to some place of safety until they felt they could return to their native place with security.

As soon as Ja Ja and his men had destroyed the villages they returned to their town of Opobo, with the hundred prisoners, the whole of whom they massacred in cold blood, and exhibited to their townspeople, and, I am sorry to say, to some Europeans, for days. While this fearful murdering was going on twenty-five miles away from us I, with a few of the most courageous Ibunos, or Qua Iboe people, made a tour of the principal villages in the Ibuno country to let the inhabitants know of the deadly onslaught that had been committed on the people at the mouth of the river. They all swore to stand by us to a man, and to keep themselves free from Ja Ja's tyrannical rule. After making this round we returned to the mouth of the river and turned our attention to the defence of the new villages that were about to be built.

A little accident occurred to us while leaving the last village, called Ikoropata, that may be worth mentioning as a warning to others who might be placed in a similar situation. We had just started after having a long palaver with the chiefs, our men, about twenty, marching in single file, I near the leading man. All at once I noticed he was carrying his gun in a very alarming and unsuitable way. Had it gone off by accident, which is not an unusual occurrence, the man behind him was bound to receive the contents, with perhaps fatal results. Having stopped them and explained the danger of carrying guns in this position, we started off again, every man with his weapon to his shoulder. Strange to say, a few minutes after the very man's gun I had noticed at first blew off into the air with a tremendous report. Had this happened before, I fear we might have had to take one of our comrades back more dead than alive. The escape was a marvellous one, and not easily forgotten by any of us.

Now being back amongst our own people, we set about to get all the guns we could together, and all able bodied men I told off for gun practice and defence drill. This I carried on day after day, until we had quite a little band of well-trained men. All this time we were continually receiving rumours from the Opobo side as to what Ja Ja's next intentions were, and to keep up the excitement he sent about 200 men as near the mouth of the river as he dared. They settled themselves in a creek two or three miles away from us, and here they used to amuse themselves by letting off now and again a regular fusilade of guns. This generally occurred in the middle of the night when every one but the watchmen had gone to sleep, and had such an effect on the frightened Ibunos that often two-thirds of them would rush off to the woods under the impression that the Opobos were again making a raid upon them. This went on for weeks, so much so that I was almost losing heart, and sometimes thought I should never get confidence in the people. At last, to my great surprise one evening in walked to my house the whole of the chiefs, who had just held a meeting in the village and passed a law that no person should again leave the town. They said they had come to tell me they felt ashamed of themselves for running away so many times and leaving me alone and unprotected in their country, and had decided to leave me no more, but that every man should stand and die if needs be for the defence of their towns. Whether Ja Ja's people heard of this resolution I don't know, but they soon dropped their gun firing at night, and eventually left their camping ground. Their next move was to get into the Ibunos' markets, and worry them there. This I was determined should not be done if I could help it. It was a long time before there was any real disturbance, although I could see that the Ibunos were daily getting more frightened that the Opobo people would monopolise their markets, and in that case they knew there would be very little chance for them.

At last news came down the river that the Opobos had that afternoon sent a canoe to a market or town called Okot for the purpose of starting a trade with the natives. Now Okot was at that time one of the best markets the Ibunos had, and for them to be suddenly deprived of this trading station would be a terrible calamity to us all. I did not know what was to be done. The Ibunos would not go to the market to face the Opobos, neither would they go further up the river for fear of being molested by them. The only thing to do was to go myself and start a station at the same place, and which would enable me to keep an eye on their movements, so I at once made ready to start the same evening, and by five o'clock next morning I landed at Okot, and found the Opobo canoe there also, but like all Africans, time not being an object to them, they had not gone to the king or the owner of the land at the landing place. We did not wake the Opobos up on our arrival, but I immediately started for the village, and at daylight walked into the presence of the king of that part, who was so surprised to see a white man in his village that it took him some time to believe his eyes. Poor old chap! I fear he must have wished several times afterwards that he had never seen a white man, for he was taken prisoner by the Government in 1896 or 1897 for insisting, I believe, in carrying out some human sacrifice at one of the feast times, and died in prison. But to return to my mission. I soon made him understand that I had come to start a trading station at his beach, but before doing this I had to secure the land at the landing place for the purpose. This he readily consented to, telling me at the same time that although the land at that particular spot did not belong to him he would instruct the owner of it to sell me all I wanted. So after paying the usual compliments to the old king, I started back for the landing place with the owner, who had already sold his right to me, and was now only coming to show us the extent, which was the whole of the land of any use on this spot. Just as we got back we found our Opobo friends preparing to go to the village to see the king and also get permission to build on this land, but their surprise on being told by him that he had no land on the spot to give them I will leave you to imagine. But the Opobos at that time took a lot of beating, and they decided to build a house without getting the permission of any one, and an iron roofed house too, which was considered by the natives then a great thing. After the house had stood for some time, our consul being in the river, we had the disputed land brought before him and thoroughly discussed. After hearing evidence on both sides for two days, it was decided that it belonged to us, and the Opobos were ordered to remove their house. But before this settlement occurred we had a lot to contend with from them. They did all in their power to debar us from keeping our establishments open there, and for two or three years we had continual trouble with them, occasionally firing at our people; luckily they seldom hit any one. Then they tried competing with us in trading. This I did not mind, as I considered it a fair means of testing who was who. Ja Ja, I knew, was a very rich man, and if we attempted to follow them in their extravagant prices we should soon be ruined. My policy was to let them go ahead, which they did, paying almost twice as much for their produce as we could possibly afford to pay. This lasted a great deal longer than I anticipated, and I feel sure Ja Ja must have lost a deal of money. After about twelve months of this reckless trading we were left pretty much to ourselves at Okot, and being fairly well settled down I began to look about for a good beach to start my next establishment. I had not to look far. On the left bank of the river, about two and a half miles down from Okot, was the landing beach of Eket. Here there is a rising cliff about fifty feet high, and I had often remarked when passing this spot, "If I were going to build a house to live in here I should like to build it on this hill." The situation was so good, as it was right in an elbow of the river, and from the top of the hill you had a view of the river branching off both up and down at right angles. An opportunity occurring for me to start a house at Eket, I went and saw the people, who were very pleased for me to come among them. So a little house was built, and a young coloured assistant named William Sawyer placed in charge, who proved to be one of the best men I ever had in the country. He needed to be, too, for the Ekets were the most trying of any of the peoples we had to deal with. I never left my stations for any length of time. Once or twice a week I visited them, but no matter how short a time I was away there was always a grievance to be settled at Eket. Poor Sawyer had a terrible time; the people had an idea they could do as they liked with the factory keeper, and would often walk off with the goods without paying for them, which Mr. Sawyer naturally objected to, usually ending in a free fight, sometimes my people coming off second best. The trade at that time at Eket was not large, although it was a good one, and I did not want to give it up if it could be helped. But my patience came to an end when I arrived upon the scene one day and found Mr. Sawyer had been terribly handled the day before. There had been a big row, and I could see by his face he had had very much the worst of the fight. I felt I could not allow this any longer, so summoned a meeting of all the chiefs and people. We had a very large meeting, one of the largest I ever remember, and after explaining to them my reason for calling them together, told them it was my intention to close the little house and go to some people higher up the river, who would be pleased for us to come among them, and would not ill-use my people as the Ekets were doing, and showing them how badly they had treated Mr. Sawyer, who had done nothing more than his duty in trying to protect the property that was under his care, and which they seemed to think they had a better right to than he. When they had heard my complaint and warning to close the house, the old and ever respected chief of all the Ekets rose to his feet. The people seeing this, there was silence in a moment (which every one knows who has happened to have been present at an African palaver is indeed a rarity), he being much loved and reverenced in his own town. As soon as he started I felt we were going to hear something worth hearing, and we did, for if ever there was a born statesman this was one. He said, "We have heard with sorrow of the way in which your people have been so ill-used by our people, and it is a shame to us a stranger should be so treated who is trying to do his best to bring business among us. Not only have you brought a business to us, where we can come and exchange our produce for our requirements, but you have opened our eyes to the light, as it were, and we have no intention that you should leave us. You have been sent to us by Abassy (which means God), and he will never let you leave us. Your trade will grow in such a way that you will see here on this beach far more trade than you will be able to cope with, so cast away from your mind the thought of leaving us. The disturbances that have been going on we will stop. It is not our wish that it has been so; it is the young boys of the village who know no better. We will put a stop to it in such a way that you will find your people from this time will have but little to complain about." After such a speech you may be sure I gave up all thought of leaving the Eket people, and I need scarcely tell you that this same spot has become the centre of the whole of the trade of this river. The words spoken by the venerable and, I believe, good old chief came as true as the day. We did see often and often more trade than we could cope with, and the establishment grew in such a way that the natives themselves often used to wonder. I never had anything to do with a more prosperous undertaking in Africa, and to-day there are few establishments on the West Coast that can surpass it, either in its quiet, steady trade or healthy climate. I used to say one could live as long as they liked. On the hill there is a very fine house, with acres and acres of good land at the back of it, while at the foot of the hill are all the stores and the shop where the daily work and trade goes on year in year out.

Several very remarkable incidents happened here. One evening, just as we were going to dinner, a woman came and stood a little way from the house. I could see that she was crying bitterly and evidently in great distress. "What is the matter?" I said. "Affya (that is her brother) is dying, and I want you to come and see him before it is too late." Now Affya was one of the finest young fellows at Eket, and one whom I felt would be a sad loss to a people who wanted so much leading and governing, as it were. So I lost no time, but went off at once with the woman to see if I could do anything. On our arrival at the house things looked bad enough, and I feared the worst when I saw him laid out, as every one there thought, for dead--the finest young fellow at Eket. I fell on my knees by his side and prayed as earnestly as man could to our Heavenly Father, and begged for this life to be spared to us. All at once he moved as though suddenly aroused from sleep, and in a moment I had him up and on the back of one of my boys, and away to Eket House as fast as possible, and laid him on the verandah to sleep and rest free from the close and stuffy hut he had been in before. After a little nourishment he slept all night. I kept watch near him, and next morning what was my surprise when he told me he was feeling quite strong and able to walk back to the village. This I allowed him to do after the sun had got well high, as I could plainly see the lad was out of all danger. Should these lines ever get into the hands of that lad, for lad he will always be to me, I feel very sure he will say, "Yes, this wonderful returning to life did indeed happen to me, Affya, son of Uso, at Eket, at the village of Usoniyong, in the month of July, 1892." This is one of the many incidents that occurred whilst I was in charge at Eket and the Qua Iboe River. Another evening, just after dinner, my steward came to me saying there was a rat under the house (our house stood on iron columns). "A rat," I said; "what do you mean?" "Well, a small woman."

"Go and bring her up; do not be afraid." He looked at me as much as to say you will be afraid when I do bring her up. Presently he appeared with a child in his arms, such a sight I never shall forget--almost starved to death, and covered with marks where she had been burnt with fire-sticks. This poor little thing, after wandering many days in the wood, at last found her way to our house. She was too ill to have anything done to her that evening, so I had a bed made for her in the sitting-room, close to my door, so that I could hear should she get frightened in the night. The little thing woke up many times, but was soon off to sleep again when I had patted and spoken to it. The next day we had her seen to, the steward boy set about and made her some dresses, and after a warm bath and plenty of food, in a few days the little girl was the life of our house. The poor little thing had been left without father or mother, and had become dependent upon an uncle, or some other relative, who had ill-used her in such a terrible manner that he had left her for dead. How she ever found strength to get to our house was almost a mystery.

After being with us for twelve months, some other relatives laid claim to her, and as I was just leaving for England, I allowed them to take her, but not without making four or five of the principal chiefs responsible for her welfare. She will now be a grown woman, but will look back upon those happy months with pleasure, I feel sure.

Another incident may be of interest--quite a change of scene--showing you how you may be as kind and as good to a people as it is possible to be, yet you must always be ready to defend yourself at a moment's notice, which will be seen from the following circumstances. We had been troubled for some time past with night robberies, not very serious at first, but they became more frequent than I cared about. I gave the matter serious attention, but we could not trace the thieves, do what we would; the strange thing was, that as soon as a robbery had been committed, a native, a sort of half slave, was sure to be seen about the beach putting on what seemed to me a sort of bravado manner; but, of course, he never knew anything about the people who had been tampering with the premises, and he always appeared to be surprised to think that any one should do such a thing, but at last matters came to a climax; our plantain trees had been cut down, and a whole lot of fine plantains stolen, as well as a lot of wire fencing. I was vexed to the extreme when this dastardly work was brought to my notice. But what was my surprise, no sooner had my lad reported the matter to me, when along walked the very man I have just described, looking as bold as brass. Said I to myself, "If you have not done this stealing you know something about it, and you will have to give an account of your movements before you leave these premises." So I sent orders to have him immediately put under arrest, which was done, and he was given to understand that until the thieves, whoever they were, had been brought to justice, he would have to remain under arrest.

This was an unexpected blow for my friend, but he proved one too many for my people. He managed to get the best side of his keeper, and slipped; next morning we had no prisoner, the bird had flown. I knew he would work no good for us in the villages, neither did he; he went from village to village, right through the Eket country, telling the people the most dreadful things, and the most abominable lies, of what had been done to him the short time he was our prisoner; so much so, that he got the people quite furious against me and my people. Just as an agitator will work up strife in England if he is not checked, so it was with this man; he got every village to declare war against me. This went on for three or four days, until he got them all to concentrate themselves. They were all brought one night to within a quarter of a mile of our establishment; here they had their war dances all night, yet I did not think there was any likelihood of their attacking us. Still, for a couple of days things did not appear right, the people seemed strange in their manner; so I thought it not wise to be caught napping, and I made some preparations for an attack if we were to have one, and had the Gatling gun placed in position at the rear of the house. This I felt was quite enough to defend the house, if I could but get a fair chance to use it, although I was in hope I should not be called upon to do so.

We had not long to wait, for at 5.30 in the morning after a continuous beating of drums all night, I got up and walked out on the verandah, which was my usual custom, not thinking we were going to be attacked, but when I looked round, the wood and bush seemed to be alive with people, and some of them were already advancing towards the house, while one chief, more daring than the others, came on near enough for me to speak to him. Seeing this unexpected development of affairs, and the suspicious look of my friend near at hand, I called to my boy, who was near, to bring my revolver, and no sooner had the chief got within twenty paces or so of the house, when I called upon him to stop and tell me what was their mission so early in the morning. He said they had come to talk over the matter of the man I had imprisoned. But I said this is not the time of day we usually talk over matters we may have in dispute--the afternoon being always the recognised time. "Yes," said my friend, "but we want to settle matters now." "All right," I said, and with that I held my revolver at his head, and ordered him to stand, and not move an inch, or I would shoot him dead on the spot. The people at the back, seeing what was taking place, began to move towards the house. I said to my boy, "run to the beach and tell Mr. Sawyer to come up." This was my coloured assistant, whom I knew I could trust. The lad was away, and Mr. Sawyer at my side before the people had got too near. "What am I to do, sir?" "Take this revolver and hold it to that man's head, whilst I jump to the Gatling; if he moves, shoot him down." There was not half a move in him, and in a moment I was at the Gatling. By this time there was a general move forward from all parts of the bush, but no sooner did this black mass see I was at the gun, and determined to fight or die, quicker than I can write these words, I saw the whole body fall back in dismay. There was my opportunity. I jumped from the Gatling, went straight to the people, and demanded of them what they wanted to do. Their answer was--"We don't know; we are a lot of fools, and we have lost our heads; send us back, we have no business to come to fight against you, and we don't want to."

By seven o'clock that morning the trade was going on in our establishment as though nothing had happened. This little incident I have always described as a bloodless battle, won in a few moments; yes, in almost less time than it has taken me to write its description. This matter we finally settled, after holding a large meeting with all the chiefs and people. The laws of these people are very definite; you must have absolute proof of a person's guilt, before you can even accuse him. I had to sit as judge over my own case, which was rather an unfair position for one to be placed in. But as the laws are definite it was simple enough to decide. The question was--"Had I any proof that this man was one of the thieves, or in any way connected with the affair?" I had not; my evidence was purely suppositional. This ended the matter. I was in the wrong, therefore I had no alternative but to put a fine upon myself, which I did, and was very pleased to end what had nearly cost me my life, and probably also a number of my people. After this affairs went on merrily at Eket.

There was a place called Okon some few miles up the river from Eket, and here I proposed to start another establishment, so had made all preparations at Ibuno for that purpose, and left the latter place with my boat, people, provisions and materials. We arrived at Okot overnight, intending to sleep there, as it was the nearest beach to Okon. All went well until the next morning, when we were preparing to start. My factory keeper at Okot came to me in the most serious manner possible, wanting to know if I really meant going to Okon. I said "Certainly, we have come up for the purpose." "Well," he said, "I think you had better not go; there are very nasty rumours about here that it is intended to do you some harm if you should attempt to open up at Okon; in other words, men have been appointed to take your life." "All right," I said; "we must take our chance; we shall not turn back until we have tried." So away we went, I in a small boat with a few boys, the others in another boat with the etceteras. We arrived at Okon and landed our goods, but we found a number of Ja Ja's people had arrived before us. I took no notice of them any more than passing the time of day. However, I must confess I did not like their demeanour. Nothing was said and our provisions were safely housed in a native shanty. Here I intended to remain while building our own house. The timber, iron and other goods were placed on the spot we intended to occupy. This done, I started off with a couple of boys to acquaint the king and the people of the village of our arrival, and to get the king or some of his chiefs to come down and allot me the land I required. We had been in the village some little time, and matters were well-nigh settled, when all at once there was a general stampede from the meeting house, and just at that moment I heard a regular fusilade of guns, and in came running one of my people from the beach, nearly frightened to death. "Massa, massa, come quick to the beach; Ja Ja's men have burnt down the house and want to shoot us all, and all our goods are in their hands." By this time a lot of Ja Ja's men were in the village, and I was left absolutely alone with the exception of my own boys and the one that had run up from the beach. Every native had rushed to his compound as soon as the firing had commenced. I turned to my boys, told them not to fire, but to keep cool, do as I told them, and be ready to protect themselves if any one attacked them, not else. So down we slowly walked to the beach. Here was a sight for me! All my goods thrown to the four winds, my house burnt to the ground, and about a hundred or more of Ja Ja's or Opobo men arranged up in line, every man with his rifle and cutlass, ready to fight, which they evidently anticipated I should do as soon as I appeared on the scene; but this I had no intention of doing. To attempt to show fight against such odds would have been simply suicidal, so I made up my mind to show the best front possible under the circumstances, called my boys, placed them in equal numbers on either side of me, with our backs to the bush and facing our would-be enemies. I then inquired what they wished to do. Drawing my revolver, which was a six chambered one, I held it up. "If you want my life you may have it, but, FIRST, _let me tell you, inside this small gun I hold six men's lives; those six men I_ WILL _have_, then you may have me." Not a word was uttered. Then I said, "If you do not want that, I and my people will leave you here in possession of these goods and the house that you have already partly destroyed." With this I ordered my boys to the boats, to which we went quietly and in order, leaving our Opobo friends dumbfounded and baulked of the main object of their mission.

When we had got well clear of the beach I was thankful indeed, for never was a man nearer death than I was at that time, I think. We went down to Ibuno as fast as our boats could go, our boys singing as Kroo boys can sing when they feel themselves free from danger. I only stayed a few hours at Ibuno. As soon as the tide served I made right away to Old Calabar to lay the whole affair before H.M. Consul. After this I felt I had done my duty in the matter of the Opobo business. The affair was, of course, settled against the Opobos, and they had to leave the Okon beach to us absolutely.

I must not deal with the rough side only of pioneer life in West Africa, so I think I will just touch upon one of the many kindnesses shown to me by the Ibunos during these troublous times. The Qua Iboe bar, like many others along the coast, more so in this particular part, is very treacherous, being composed of quicksand. It is always on the move, so the channel changes from place to place. Sometimes you go in and out at one side, sometimes at the other, and sometimes straight through the centre. These moving sands require a great deal of careful watching and constant surveying, which I used to invariably see to and do myself about once a fortnight. While out on this work one day, with four boys and Mr. Williams, who at that time had a small establishment at Ibuno, and was as anxious as I was to know the true position of the channel, we were both working small sailing craft--we had not risen to a steamer then--(now there is, and has been for a considerable time, one working the same river), and started off, the weather being fairly fine, and to all appearances the sea very quiet. All went well with us going out. I got soundings right through the channel, and after passing safely we turned our boat about to come back into the river again. Along we came until we got right into the centre of the bar, then suddenly a sea took us, and before any one could speak the boat was over. We were under water and the boat on top of us. Being a good swimmer, I was not afraid, but immediately dived down and came up alongside the boat. My boys were round me like a swarm of fish, not knowing whether I could swim or not. I soon put their minds at rest and told them not to trouble about me, but to get everything together belonging to the boat and get her righted. This done, "Now," I said, "if you will all keep your heads and do as you are told, we shall get the boat and ourselves through all right." So we divided, three on one side, three on the other, and swam with the boat until we reached the beach, which was about a mile and a half distant, and I can tell you took us some considerable time. Before we landed we had been something like three hours in the water, which is no small matter anywhere, much less in West Africa, where one is not always in the best of condition. Mr. Williams got very frightened and, I think, was in doubt once or twice as to whether we should reach the shore; but we did, and were truly thankful, and although we did not openly show it, we gave none the less hearty thanks from our inmost hearts. After landing we righted our boat and paddled off up river to our factory. Here we arrived before any of the natives knew what had happened. Our boys soon put the news about, as they felt they had had a marvellous escape. Mr. Williams and I drank as much brandy as we could manage, then I jumped into bed and remained until the next morning. I believe he did the same too. At daylight I awoke and felt, to my surprise, as well as I ever felt in my life. Being so long in the water, I fully anticipated a severe attack of fever next day, but it wasn't so, and I was about my business as though nothing had happened. I don't think I should have thought any more about it had not the Ibunos so forcibly reminded me of the danger we really had passed through. After having so many narrow escapes this one appeared to pass as a matter of ordinary occurrence. Not so to them; the afternoon of the day after the accident, while I was out about the work, I saw an unusual number of natives going to the house, each little contingent carrying baskets of yams and fish. I had not long to wait before one of my boys came to tell me the Ibuno people wished to speak with me at the house. I went to them at once. Here was my dining room full of natives, and in the centre a pile of yams two or three feet high, and fish, the very finest that had been caught that day, as well as some very beautiful dried fish, enough to last me and my people, I should think, a month or more. This sight took me rather by surprise, not quite knowing what was about to take place. I took the chair which was placed for me and waited. All being quiet, one of the chiefs rose up and said, "We know you are somewhat surprised to see all us villagers here to-day, and also the food we have brought with us which is now in front of you, but we have come to tell you how sorry we all were, men, women and children throughout our villages, when we heard you had been thrown into the sea, and all had such a narrow escape of losing your lives. We are all the more sorry to think that not one of our people were able to render you the slightest assistance. Had we seen you or known what was taking place every canoe would have come to your aid, but we did not, and while we were sitting comfortably in our houses you were struggling in the water. To us this has been a grief, and to show you how thankful we are to think you have been preserved to us through this danger and many others, we have brought for your acceptance the best we can offer you. We are but poor, as you know, but these gifts come from our hearts as a present to you and a thank-offering to our Father in Heaven who has been pleased to restore you to us unhurt. We are, we must tell you, thankful in more ways than one for your deliverance, because had you been lost our great enemy Ja Ja would at once have said his Ju Ju had worked that it should be so." With this he sat down.

For me to attempt to express what I felt at that moment would be impossible; I must say I felt a very unpleasant feeling in my throat, and I don't know but that some of the water I had had too much of the day before was having a good try to assert itself. If it had, it was not to be wondered at; for any one would have to have been hard indeed if such kindness did not touch them; even the strongest of us are bound sometimes to give way for a moment. I did not attempt to hide from them the fulness of my heart, and the gratitude I felt for such kindness, where I least expected it. I told them I had not thought much of the accident, but I was thankful to think my life and my people had been spared, and I only hoped I should live to show them how their great kindness would ever be remembered by me, and would not be forgotten as long as life lasted. After general thanks our meeting broke up and ended, but has never been forgotten.

After we had got fairly well established and our trade began to develop itself, our firm at Liverpool chartered a small brig, with a general cargo of goods for us, which in due time I was notified of. Now this was a great event, not only for us, but for the river, as this would be the first sailing ship that had ever entered the Qua Iboe to bring in and take out a cargo direct. Everything that had been done before this was by small craft, and transhipped at one of the main rivers; so I was very anxious that the arrival of this ship should be made as complete a success as possible. I knew it would be next to impossible to bring her in right over the bar, as deeply laden as she would be from England, as our depth of water was not more than 8 ft. 6 in. to 9 ft. at spring tides, and this vessel would draw from 10 to 11 ft. at the very least.

In due time the little ship was sighted off the bar. As soon as the tide made, I put off to her to receive her letters, and to give the captain instructions as to what I wished him to do. On arriving alongside, the first thing I found was that her draft of water was 11 ft., so I told the captain he could not possibly go into the river with that draft, so we decided to lighten her all we could; I left again for the shore to make all the necessary arrangements to this end. The next morning our boats were started off out; the day being fine they all got alongside without much trouble, and brought away as much as they could carry, which was not more than about twenty tons; this from 200 did not make much impression on the ship's draught. Next day all the boats were again despatched; this time the weather was anything but favourable, and, to my dismay, while all the boats crossed the bar in safety, not one could get to the ship; the wind and current being so strong down from the westward against them, they all fell away to leeward. When night came on they anchored, as they could neither get to the ship nor back to the river; here they were without food or fire. All remained until the next day, when the weather, if anything, was worse; so when evening came and they all found it was useless trying to get back into the river or to the ship, and being without food, they all ran before the wind for the Old Calabar River, which was some twenty-five miles to the mouth, then about thirty-five miles more of river, until they got to our establishment there; here they eventually arrived nearly starved; while I, with only one boy, was left at the Ibuno factory in a dreadful state of mind, as you may imagine, wondering what had happened to our people, and also what was to be done with the ship and cargo. The spring tides were upon us, and the vessel either had to come in at once, or remain out another fortnight, and be under demurrage, which meant a very serious matter for us. Being our first ship, it was most unfortunate. The only thing to do was to bring her in as she stood. This had to be done at all costs; so I at once got Mr. Williams, who, by-the-bye, was generally to the fore in time of need, to lend me his boat, with three of his boys; these, with my one, made up some sort of a crew. Away we went, and got safely out. On the way I had a good survey of the bar, so as to get every inch of the water it was possible. This carefully done, we arrived alongside the ship, and no one was more surprised than the captain, when I told him I had come out to take his ship into the river, if he was ready. "Yes," he said; "if you will undertake to do it." "I will," I said. "You work your ship as I tell you, and we shall get in all right, I feel confident."

The order was given to loose all sails and heave anchor, which was done in a very short time. As the tide was near to being high, there was no time to be lost. We were soon under way, and our little craft, with all sails set, bounding for the bar. I had my channel to a nicety; over we went, to my astonishment, without a touch. The relief I felt when this was passed, I am unable to describe. In a short time the first ship that had ever entered Qua Iboe River from England direct was anchored off our factory. The natives crowded down to see this, to them, wonderful sight, and when I landed I was immediately carried on the shoulders of some of the crowd up to my house. The delight in the river that evening was great indeed; so much so, that I shall not easily forget that event.

Still, my troubles were not quite at an end, for while we had the ship in, we had no one to discharge her cargo; but "necessity being the mother of invention," I called the chiefs of the village together, and told them of my position. One boy was all I had, and the cargo must come out of the ship. "All right," they said, "show our people what has to be done; we will discharge the ship." Next morning our beach was alive with people, and by the evening of the next day she was completely discharged and ready for homeward cargo. We could now afford to take more time. The next thing was to commence loading; this we had got well on with, when our people returned. After this we were not long in getting our ship ready for going out over the bar again, which was done as successfully as she was brought in. After getting her clear we ran her to Old Calabar to complete her loading for England. This ended our first ship, others followed after, one of which got left on the bar a wreck, and another turned back and was condemned in the river. We soon gave up the idea of working sailing ships. A small steamer was bought, and after this things went fairly well.

APPENDIX III

TRADE GOODS USED IN THE EARLY TRADE WITH AFRICA AS GIVEN BY BARBOT AND OTHER WRITERS OF THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. BY M. H. KINGSLEY

"Those used in trade by the Senga Company of Senegal at St. Lewis and Goree and their dependent factories of Rufisco, Camina, Juala, Gamboa (Gambia), _circa_ 1677.

"For the convenience of trade between the French at the Senega and the natives, all European goods are reduced to a certain standard, viz., hides, bars, and slaves, for the better understanding whereof I give some instances. One bar of iron is reckoned as worth 8 hides, 1 cutlace the same, 1 cluster of bugles weighing 4-1/4 lbs. as 3 hides, 1 bunch of false pearls 20 hides, 1 bunch of Gallet 4 hides, 1 hogshead of brandy from 150 to 160 hides. Bugles are very small glass beads, and mostly made at Venice, and sold in strings and clusters. At Goree the same goods bear not quite so good a rate, as, for example, a hogshead of brandy brings but 140 hides, 1 lb. of gunpowder 2 hides, 1 piece of eight 5 hides, 1 oz. of coral 7 or 8 hides, 1 oz. of crystal 1 hide, an ounce of yellow amber 2 hides.

"A slave costs from 12 to 14 bars of iron, and sometimes 16, at Porto d'Ali 18 to 20, and much more at Gamboa, according to the number of ships, French, English, Portuguese, and Dutch, which happen to be there at the same time. The bar of iron is rated at 6 hides.

"Besides these, which are the most staple commodities, the French import common red, blue, and scarlet cloth, silver and brass rings or bracelets, chains, little bells, false crystal, ordinary and coarse hats, _Dutch_ pointed knives, pewter dishes, silk sashes with false gold and silver fringes, blue serges, _French_ paper, steels to strike fire, _English_ sayes, _Roan_ linen, salamporis, platillies, blue callicoes, taffeties, chintzs, cawris or shells, by the French called _bouges_, coarse north, red cords called _Bure_, lines, shoes, fustian, red worsted caps, worsted fringe of all colours, worsted of all kinds in skeins, basons of several sizes, brass kettles, yellow amber, maccatons, that is, beads of two sorts, pieces of eight of the old stamp, some pieces of 28 sols value, either plain or gilt, Dutch cutlaces, straight and bow'd, and clouts, galet, martosdes, two other sorts of beads of which the blacks make necklaces for women, white sugar, musket balls, iron nails, shot, white and red frize, looking-glasses in plain and gilt frames, cloves, cinnamon, scissors, needles, coarse thread of sundry colours, but chiefly red, yellow, and white, copper bars of a pound weight, ferrit, men's shirts, coarse and fine, some of them with bone lace about the neck, breast, and sleeves, _Haerlem_ cloths, _Coasveld_ linen, _Dutch_ mugs, white and blue, _Leyden_ rugs or blankets, _Spanish_ leather shoes, brass trumpets, round padlocks, glass bottles with a tin rim at the mouth, empty trunks or chests, and a sort of bugle called Pezant, but above all, as was said above, great quantities of brandy, and iron in bars; particularly at Goree the company imports 10,000 or more every year of those which are made in their province of _Brittany_, all short and thin, which is called in London narrow flat iron, or half flat iron in Sweden, but each bar shortened or cut off at one end to about 16 to 18 inches, so that about 80 of these bars weigh a ton English. It is to be observed that such voyage-iron, as it is called in London, is the only sort and size used throughout all Nigritia, Guinea, and West Ethiopia in the way of trade. Lastly, a good quantity of Cognac brandy, both in hogsheads and rundlets, single and double, the double being 8, the single 4 gallons.

"The principal goods the French have in return for these commodities from the _Moors_ and _Blacks_ are slaves, gold dust, elephants' teeth, beeswax, dry and green hides, gum-arabic, ostrich feathers, and several other odd things, as ambergris, cods of musk, tygers' and goats' skins, provisions, bullocks, sheep, and teeth of sea-horses (hippopotamus)."

The main trade of the Senga or Senegal Company seems to have been gum and slaves in these regions. Gold dust they got but little of in Senegal, the Portuguese seeming to have been the best people to work that trade. The ivory was, according to Barbot, here mainly that picked up in woods, and scurfy and hollow, or, as we should call it, kraw kraw ivory, the better ivory coming from the Qua Qua Ivory Coast. Hides, however, were in the seventeenth century, as they are now, a regular line in the trade of Senegambia, and the best hides came from the Senegal River, the inferior from Rufisco and Porto d'Ali. Barbot says: "They soak or dye these hides as soon as they are flayed from the beast, and presently expose them to the air to dry; which, in my opinion, is the reason why, wanting the true first seasoning, they are apt to corrupt and breed worms if not looked after and often beaten with a stick or wand, and then laid up in very dry store houses." I have no doubt Barbot is right, and that there is not enough looking after done to them now a days, so that the worms have their own way too much.

The African hides were held in old days inferior to those shipped from South America, both in thickness and size, and were used in France chiefly to cover boxes with; but in later times, I am informed, they were sought after and split carefully into two slices, serving to make kid for French boots.

"The French reckoned the trade of the Senga Company to yield 700 or 800 per cent, advance upon invoice of their goods, and yet their Senga Company, instead of thriving, has often brought a noble to ninepence. Nay, it has broken twice in less than thirty years, which must be occasioned by the vast expense they are at in Europe, Africa, and America, besides ill-management of their business; but this is no more than the common fate of Dutch and English African Companies, as well as that to make rather loss than profit, because their charges are greater than the trade can bear, in maintaining so many ports and other forts and factories in Africa, which devour all the profits." I quote this of Barbot as an interesting thing, considering the present state of West Coast Colonial finance.

GAMBIA TRADE, 1678.

"The factors of the English Company at James Fort, and those of the French at Albreda and other places, drive a very great trade in that country all along the river in brigantines, sloops, and canoes, purchasing--

Elephants' teeth, beeswax, slaves, pagnos (country-made clothes), hides, gold and silver, and goods also found in the Sengal trade.

In exchange they give the _Blacks_--

Bars of iron, drapery of several sorts, woollen stuffs and cloth, linen of several sorts, coral and pearl, brandy or rum in anchors, firelocks, powder, ball and shot, Sleysiger linen, painted callicoes of gay colours, shirts, gilded swords, ordinary looking-glasses, salt, hats, _Roan_ caps, all sorts and sizes of bugles, yellow amber, rock crystal, brass pans and kettles, paper, brass and pewter rings, some of them gilt, box and other combs, _Dutch_ earthen cans, false ear-rings, satalaes, and sabres or cutlaces, small iron and copper kettles, _Dutch_ knives called _Bosmans_, hooks, brass trumpets, bills, needles, thread and worsted of several colours." This selection practically covered the trade up to Sierra Leone.

SIERRA LEONE, 1678.

"Exports.--Elephants' teeth, slaves, santalum wood, a little gold, much beeswax with some pearls, crystal, long peppers, ambergris, &c. The ivory here was considered the best on the West Coast, being, says Barbot, very white and large, have had some weighing 80 to 100 lbs., at a very modest rate 80 lbs. of ivory for the value of five livres _French_ money, in coarse knives and other such toys. The gold purchased in Sierra Leone, the same authority states, comes from Mandinga and other remote countries towards the Niger or from South Guinea by the River Mitomba. The trade selection was: French brandy or rum, iron bars, white callicoes, Sleysiger linen, brass kettles, earthen cans, all sorts of glass buttons, brass rings or bracelets, bugles and glass beads of sundry colours, brass medals, earrings, _Dutch_ knives, _Bosmans_, first and second size, hedging bills and axes, coarse laces, crystal beads, painted callicoes (red) called chintz, oil of olive, small duffels, ordinary guns, muskets and fuzils, gunpowder, musket balls and shot, old sheets, paper, red caps, men's shirts, all sorts of counterfeit pearls, red cotton, narrow bands of silk stuffs or worsted, about half a yard broad for women, used about their waists.

The proper goods to purchase, the cam wood and elephants' teeth in Sherboro' River, are chiefly these:--

Brass basons and kettles, pewter basons, and tankards, iron bars, bugles, painted callicoes, _Guinea_ stuffs or cloths, _Holland_ linen or cloth, muskets, powder, and ball. A ship may in two months time out and home purchase here fifty-six tons of cam wood and four tons of elephants' teeth or more."

The trade selection for the Pepper Coast was practically the same as for Sierra Leone, only less extensive and cheaper in make, and had a special line in white and blue large beads. The main export was Manequette pepper and rice, the latter of which was to be had in great quantity but poor quality at about a halfpenny a pound; and there was also ivory to be had, but not to so profitable an extent as on the next coast, the Ivory. The same selection of goods was used for the Ivory Coast trade as those above-named, with the addition of Contaccarbe or Contabrode, namely, iron rings, about the thickness of a finger which the blacks wear about their legs with brass bells, as they do the brass rings or bracelets about their arms in the same manner. The natives here also sold country-made cloths, which were bought by the factors to use in trade in other districts, mainly the Gold Coast; the Ivory Coast cloths come from inland districts, those sold at Cape La Hou are of six stripes, three French ells and a half long, and very fine; those from Corby La Hou of five stripes, about three ells long, and coarser. They also made "clouts" of a sort of hemp, or plant like it, which they dye handsomely, and weave very artificially.

THE GOLD COAST.

This coast has, from its discovery in the 15th century to our own day, been the chief trade region in the Bight of Benin; and Barbot states that the amount of gold sent from it to Europe in his day was £240,000 value per annum.

The trade selection for the Gold Coast trade in the 17th and 18th centuries is therefore very interesting, as it gives us an insight into the manufactures exported by European traders at that time, and of a good many different kinds; for English, French, Portuguese, Dutch, Danes and Brandenburghers were all engaged in the Gold Coast trade, and each took out for barter those things he could get cheapest in his own country.

"The _French_ commonly," says Barbot, "carry more brandy, wine, iron, paper, firelocks, &c., than the _English_ or _Dutch_ can do, those commodities being cheaper in _France_, as, on the other hand, they (the _English_ and _Dutch_) supply the Guinea trade with greater quantities of linen, cloth, bugles, copper basons and kettles, wrought pewter, gunpowder, sayes, perpetuanas, chintzs, cawris, old sheets, &c., because they can get these wares from _England_ or _Holland_.

"The _French_ commonly compose their cargo for the Gold Coast trade to purchase slaves and gold dust; of brandy, white and red wine, ros solis, firelocks, muskets, flints, iron in bars, white and red contecarbe, red frize, looking glasses, fine coral, sarsaparilla, bugles of sundry sorts and colours and glass beads, powder, sheets, tobacco, taffeties, and many other sorts of silks wrought as brocardels, velvets, shirts, black hats, linen, paper, laces of many sorts, shot, lead, musket balls, callicoes, serges, stuffs, &c., besides the other goods for a true assortment, which they have commonly from _Holland_.

"The _Dutch_ have _Coesveld_ linen, Slezsiger lywat, old sheets, _Leyden_ serges, dyed indigo-blue, perpetuanas, green, blue and purple, _Konings-Kleederen_, annabas, large and narrow, made at _Haerlem_; _Cyprus_ and _Turkey_ stuffs, _Turkey_ carpets, red, blue and yellow cloths, green, red and white _Leyden_ rugs, silk stuffs blue and white, brass kettles of all sizes, copper basons, _Scotch_ pans, barbers' basons, some wrought, others hammered, copper pots, brass locks, brass trumpets, pewter, brass and iron rings, hair trunks, pewter dishes and plates (of a narrow brim), deep porringers, all sorts and sizes of fishing hooks and lines, lead in sheets and in pipes, 3 sorts of _Dutch_ knives, _Venice_ bugles and glass beads of sundry colours and sizes, sheep skins, iron bars, brass pins long and short, brass bells, iron hammers, powder, muskets, cutlaces, cawris, chintz, lead balls and shot, brass cups with handles, cloths of _Cabo Verdo_, _Qua Qua_, _Ardra_ and _Rio Forcada_, blue coral, _alias_ akory from Benin, strong waters and abundance of other wares, being near 160 sorts, as a _Dutchman_ told me."

I am sorry Barbot broke down just when he seemed going strong with this list, and I was out of breath checking the indent, and said "other wares," but I cannot help it, and beg to say that this is the true assortment for the Gold Coast trade in 1678. The English selection "besides many of the same goods above mentioned have tapseils, broad and narrow, nicanees fine and coarse, many sorts of chintz or _Indian_ callicoes printed, tallow, red painting colours, _Canary_ wine, sayes, perpetuanas inferior to the _Dutch_ and sacked up in painted tillets with the _English_ arms, many sorts of white callicoes, blue and white linen, _China_ satins, _Barbadoes_ rum, other strong waters and spirits, beads of all sorts, buckshaws, _Welsh_ plain, boy-sades, romberges, clouts, gingarus, taffeties, amber, brandy, flower, _Hamburgh_ brawls, and white, blue and red chequered linen, narrow _Guinea_ stuffs chequered, ditto broad, old hats, purple beads. The _Danes_, _Brandenburghers_ and _Portuguese_ provide their cargoes in _Holland_ commonly consisting of very near the same sort of wares as I have observed the _Dutch_ make up theirs, the two former having hardly anything of their own proper to the trade of the Gold Coast besides copper and silver, either wrought or in bullion or in pieces of eight, which are a commodity also there.

"The _Portuguese_ have most of their cargoes from _Holland_ under the name of _Jews_ residing there, and they add some things of the product of _Brazil_, as tobacco, rum, tame cattle, _St. Tome_ cloth, others from _Rio Forcado_ and other circumjacent places in the Gulf of Guinea."

USE MADE OF EUROPEAN GOODS BY THE NATIVES OF THE GOLD COAST. BARBOT.

"The broad linen serves to adorn themselves and their dead men's sepulchers within, they also make clouts thereof. The narrow cloth to press palm oil; in old sheets they wrap themselves at night from head to foot. The copper basons to wash and shave. The _Scotch_ pans serve in lieu of butchers' tubs when they kill hogs or sheep, from the iron bars the smiths forge out all their weapons, country and household tools and utensils; of frize and perpetuanas, they make girts 4 fingers broad to wear about their waists and hang their sword, dagger, knife and purse of money or gold, which purse they commonly thrust between the girdle and their body. They break _Venice_ coral into 4 or 5 parts, which afterwards they mould into any form on whetstones and make strings or necklaces which yield a considerable profit; of 4 or 5 ells of _English_ or _Leyden_ serges, they make a kind of cloak to wrap about their shoulders and stomachs. Of chintz, perpetuanas, printed callicoes, tapsiels and nicanees, are made clouts to wear round their middles. The wrought pewter, as dishes, basons, porringers, &c., serve to eat their victuals out of, muskets, firelocks and cutlaces they use in war; brandy is more commonly spent at their feasts, knives to the same purposes as we use them. With tallow they anoint their bodies from head to toe and even use it to shave their beards instead of soap. Fishing hooks for the same purpose as with us. _Venice_ bugles, glass beads and contacarbe, serve all ages and sexes to adorn their heads, necks, arms and legs very extravagantly, being made into strings; and sarsaparilla."--Well, I think I have followed Barbot enough for the present on this point, and turn to his description of the dues the natives have to pay to native authorities on goods bought of Europeans, which amounted to 3 per cent. paid to the proper officers; the kings of the land have at each port town, and even fishes, if it exceeds a certain quantity pays 1 in 5; these duties are paid either in coin or value. Up the inland they pay no duty on river fish, but are liable to pay a capitation fee of one shilling per head for the liberty of passing down to the sea-shore either to traffic or attend the markets with their provisions or other sorts of the product of the land, and pay nothing at their return home, goods or no goods, unless they by chance leave their arms in the village, then the person so doing is to pay one shilling.

The collectors account quarterly with their kings, and deliver up what each has received in gold at his respective post, but the fifth part of the fish they collect is sent to the king as they have it, and serves to feed his family.

No fisherman is allowed to dispose of the first fish he has caught till the duty is paid, but are free to do it aboard ships, which perhaps may be one reason why so many of them daily sell such quantities of their fish to the seafaring men.

Barbot, remarking on this Gold Coast trade, says: "The Blacks of the Gold Coast, having traded with Europeans ever since the 14th century, are very well skilled in the nature and proper qualities of all European wares and merchandize vended there; but in a more particular manner since they have so often been imposed on by the Europeans, who in former ages made no scruple to cheat them in the quality, weight and measures of their goods which at first they received upon content, because they say it would never enter into their thoughts that white men, as they call the Europeans, were so base as to abuse their credulity and good opinion of us. But now they are perpetually on their guard in that particular, examine and search very narrowly all our merchandize, piece by piece, to see each the quality and measure contracted for by samples; for instance, if the cloth is well made and strong, whether dyed at _Haerlem_ or _Leyden_--if the knives be not rusty--if the basons, kettles, and other utensils of brass and pewter are not cracked or otherwise faulty, or strong enough at the bottom. They measure iron bars with the sole of the foot--they tell over the strings of contacarbel, taste and prove brandy, rum or other liquors, and will presently discover whether it is not adulterated with fresh or salt water or any other mixture, and in point of French brandy will prefer the brown colour in it. In short they examine everything with as much prudence and ability as any European can do."

"The goods sold by _English_ and _Dutch_, _Danes_, _Brandenburghers_, &c., ashore, out of these settlements are generally about 25 per cent. dearer to the Blacks than they get aboard ships in the Roads; the supercargoes of the ships commonly falling low to get the more customers and make a quicker voyage, for which reason the forts have very little trade with the Blacks during the summer season, which fills the coast with goods by the great concourse of ships at that time from several ports of Europe; and as the winter season approaches most of them withdraw from the coast, and so leave elbow room for the fort factors to trade in their turn during that bad season.

"In the year 1682 the gold trade yielded hardly 45 per cent. to our French ships, clear of any charges; but that might be imputed to the great number of trading ships of several European nations which happened to be at that time on the coast, whereof I counted 42 in less than a month's time: had the number been half as great that trade would have appeared 60 per cent. or more, and if a cargo were properly composed it might well clear 70 per cent. in a small ship sailing with little charge, and the voyage directly home from this coast not to exceed 7 or 8 months out and home, if well managed."

These observations of Barbot's are alike interesting and instructive, and in principle applicable to the trade to-day. Do not imagine that Barbot was an early member of the Aborigines' Protection Society when he holds forth on the way in which Europeans "in former ages" basely dealt with the angelic confidence of the Blacks. One of his great charms is the different opinions on general principles, &c., he can hold without noticing it himself: of course this necessitates your reading Barbot right through, and that means 668 pages folio in double column, or something like 2,772 pages of a modern book; but that's no matter, for he is uniformly charming and reeks with information.

Well, there are other places in Barbot where he speaks, evidently with convictions, of "this rascal fellow Black," &c. and gives long accounts of the way in which the black man cheats with false weights and measures, and adulterates; and if you absorb the whole of his information and test it against your own knowledge, and combine it with that of others, I think you will come to the conclusion that it is not necessary for the philanthropist to fidget about the way the European does his side to the trade; the moralist may drop a large and heavy tear on both white and black, but that is all that is required from him. Unfortunately this is not all that is done nowadays: the black has got hold of Governmental opinion, and just when he is more than keeping his end up in commercial transactions, he has got the Government to handicap his white fellow-trader with a mass of heavy dues and irritating restrictions, which will end most certainly in stifling trade. My firm conviction is that black and white traders should be left to settle their own affairs among themselves.

SELECTION OF GOODS FOR FIDA OR ONIDAH, CALLED BY THE FRENCH JUIDA, NOW KNOWN AS DAHOMEY, WITH MAIN SEAPORT WHYDAH.

The French opened trade in this district in 1669, when the Dutch were already there.

"The main export of this coast was 'slaves, cotton cloth, and blue stones, called agoy or accory, very valuable on the Gold Coast.'

"The best commodity the Europeans can carry thither to purchase is Boejies or cawries, so much valued by the natives, being the current coin there and at Popo, Fida, Benin and other countries further east, without which it is scarcely possible to traffic there. Near to Boejies the flat iron bars for the round or square will not do, and again next to iron, fine long coral, _China_ sarcenets, gilt leather, white damask and red, red cloth with large lists, copper bowls or cups, brass rings, _Venice_ beads or bugles of several colours, agalis, gilded looking glasses, _Leyden_ serges, platilles, linen morees, salampores, red chints, broad and narrow tapsiels, blue canequins, broad gunez and narrow (a sort of linen), double canequins, French brandy in ankers or half-ankers (the anker being a 16 gallon rundlet), canary and malmsey, black caudebec hats, Italian taffeties, white or red cloth of gold or silver, _Dutch_ knives, _Bosmans_, striped armoizins, with white or flowered, gold and silver brocadel, firelocks, muskets, gunpowder, large beads from _Rouen_, white flowered sarcenets, _Indian_ armorzins and damask napkins, large coral earrings, cutlaces gilded and broad, silk scarfs large umbrellors, pieces of eight, long pyramidal bells."

All the above-mentioned goods are also proper for the trade in _Benin_, _Rio Lagos_ and all along the coast to _Rio Gabon_.

BENIN TRADE GOODS.

"Exports, 1678: cotton cloths like those of _Rio Lagos_, women slaves, for men slaves (though they be all foreigners, for none of the natives can be sold as such) are not allowed to be exported, but must stay there; jasper stones, a few tigers' or leopards' skins, acory or blue coral, elephants' teeth, some pieminto, or pepper. The blue coral grows in branching bushes like the red coral at the bottom of the rivers and lakes in Benin, which the natives have a peculiar art to grind or work into beads like olives, and is a very profitable merchandise at the Gold Coast, as has been observed.

"The Benin cloths are of 4 bands striped blue and white, an ell and a half long, only proper for the trade at _Sabou river_ and at _Angola_, and called by the blacks _monponoqua_ and the blue narrow cloths _ambasis_; the latter are much inferior to the former every way, and both sorts made in the inland country.

"The European goods are these: cloths of gold and silver, scarlet and red cloth, all sorts of calicoes and fine linen, _Haerlem_ stuffs with large flowers and well starched, iron bars, strong spirits, rum and brandy, beads or bugles of several colours, red velvet, and a good quantity of Boejies, cawries as much as for the Ardra (Fida) trade being the money of the natives, as well as them; false pearls, Dutch cans with red streaks at one end, bright brass large rings from 5 to 5-1/2 ounces weight each, earrings of red glass or crystal, gilt looking glasses, crystal, &c."

OUWERE (NOW CALLED WARRI) TRADE, AND THE NEW CALABAR TRADE, 1678.

"Exports mainly slaves and fine cloths from New Calabar district and Ouwere. 'The principal thing that passes in Calabar as current money among the natives is brass rings for the arms or legs, which they call _bochie_, and they are so nice in the choice of them, that they will often turn over a whole cask before they find 2 to please their fancy.'

"The _English_ and _Dutch_ import there a great deal of copper in small bars, round and equal, about 3 feet long, weighing about 1-1/4 lbs., which the blacks of Calabary work with much art, splitting the bar into 3 parts from one end to the other, which they polish as fine as gold, and twist the 3 pieces together very ingeniously into cords to make what form of arm rings they please."

OLD CALABAR TRADE, 1678.

"The most current goods of Europe for the trade of Old Calabar to purchase slaves and elephants' teeth are iron bars, in quality and chiefly, copper bars, blue rags, cloth and striped _Guinea_ clouts of many colours, horse bells, hawks' bells, rangoes, pewter basons of 1, 2, 3 and 4 lbs. weight, tankards of ditto of 1, 2, and 3 lbs. weight, beads very small and glazed yellow, green, purple and blue, purple copper armlets or arm rings of _Angola_ make, but this last sort of goods is peculiar to the _Portuguese_."

The blacks there reckon by copper bars, reducing all sorts of goods to such bars; for example, 1 bar of iron, 4 copper bars; a man slave for 38 and a woman slave for 37 or 36 copper bars.

TRADE OF RIO DEL REY, AMBOZES COUNTRY, CAMARONES RIVER, AND DOWN TO RIO GABON.

"The _Dutch_ have the greatest share in the trade here in yachts sent from Mina on the Gold Coast, whose cargo consists mostly of small copper bars of the same sort as mentioned at Old Calabar, iron bars, coral, brass basons, of the refuse goods of the Gold Coast, bloom coloured beads or bugles and purple copper armlets or rings made at _Loanda_ in _Angola_, and presses for lemons and oranges. In exchange for which they yearly export from thence 400 or 500 slaves, and about 10 or 12 tons weight of fine large teeth, 2 or 3 of which commonly weigh above a hundredweight, besides accory, javelins and some sorts of knives which the blacks there make to perfection, and are proper for the trade of the Gold Coast."

"_Ambozes_ country, situated between the _Rio del Rey_ and _Rio Camarones_, is very remarkable for the immense height of the mountains it has near the sea-shore, which the Spaniards call _Alta Tierra de Ambozi_, and reckon some of them as high as the _Pike of Teneriffe_ (this refers to the great Camaroon, 13,760 feet). Trade in teeth, accory and slaves, for iron and copper bars, brass pots and kettles, hammered bugles or beads, bloom colour purple, orange and lemon colour, ox horns, steel files, &c."

The trade in the Rio Gabon at this time was inferior to that at Cape Lopez. Indeed, the ascendency the Gaboon trade attained to in the middle parts of this 19th century was an artificial one, the natural outlet for the trade being the districts round the mouth of the Ogowé river, which penetrates through a far greater extent of country than the rivers Rembwe and Ncomo, which form the Gaboon estuary or _Rio Gabon_ of Barbot.

"Great numbers of ships ran to _Cape Lopez Gonzalves_ in the seventeenth century, and did a pretty brisk trade in cam wood, beeswax, honey and elephants' teeth, of which last a ship may sometimes purchase three or four thousand-weight of good large ones and sometimes more, and there is always an abundance of wax; all which the Europeans purchase for knives called _Bosmans_, iron bars, beads, old sheets, brandy, malt, spirits or rum, axes, the shells called cauris, annabas, copper bars, brass basons, from eighteen-pence to two shillings apiece, firelocks, muskets, powder, ball, small shot, &c."

SELECTION OF GOODS FOR THE ISLANDS FERNANDO PO, ST. THOMAS'S, PRINCE'S, AND ANNOBON.

There were about 150 ships per annum calling and trading at San Tomé in the seventeenth century. The goods in "_French_ ships particularly consist in _Holland_ cloth or linen as well as of _Rouen_ and _Brittany_, thread of all colours, serges, silk stockings, fustians, _Dutch_ knives, iron, salt, olive oil, copper in sheets or plates, brass kettles, pitch, tar, cordage, sugar forms (from 20 to 30 lbs. apiece), brandy, all kinds of strong liquors and spirits, _Canary_ wines, olives, carpets, fine flour, butter, cheese, thin shoes, hats, shirts, and all sorts of silks out of fashion in _Europe_, hooks, &c., of each sort a little in proportion."

In connection with this now but little considered island of San Tomé, so called from having been discovered in the year 1472, under the direction of Henry the Navigator, on the feast day of the Apostle Thomas, there is an interesting bit of history, which has had considerable bearing on the culture of the Lower Congo regions.

The Portuguese, observing the fertility of the soil of this island, decided to establish a colony there for the convenience of trading in the Guinea regions; but the climate was so unwholesome that an abundance of men died before it was well settled and cultivated. "Violent fevers and cholicks that drove them away soon after they were set a-shore."

"The first design of settling there was in the year 1486 but perceiving how many perished in the attempt, and that they could better agree with that of the continent on the coast of Guinea, it was resolved by King Jaõ II. of Portugal that all the Jews within his dominions, which were vastly numerous, should be obliged to receive baptism, or upon refusal be transported to the coast of Guinea, where the Portuguese had already several considerable settlements and a good trade, considering the time since its first discovery.

"A few years after such of those Jews as had escaped the malignant air, were forced away to this Isle of San Tomé; these married to black women, fetched from Angola in great numbers, with near 3,000 men of the same country.

"From these Jews married to black women in process of time proceeded mostly that brood of mulattos at this day inhabiting the island. Most of them boast of being descended from the Portuguese; and their constitution is by nature much fitter to bear with the malignity of the air." (For a full account of this matter see the _History of Portugal_ by Faria y Sousa, p. 304.)

San Tomé is now very flourishing, on account of its soil being suited to cocoa and coffee, and there are to-day there plenty of full-blooded Portuguese; but the old strain of Jewish mulattos still exists and is represented by individuals throughout all the coast regions of West Africa. Moreover, these mulattos secured in the seventeenth century a monopoly for Portugal of the slave trade in the Lower Congo, and I largely ascribe the prevalence of customs identical with those mentioned in the Old Testament that you find among the Fjort tribes to their influence, although you always find such customs represented in all the native cultures in West Africa (presumably because the West African culture is what the Germans would call the _urstuff_), but I fancy in no culture are they so developed as among the Fjorts.[94]

TRADE GOODS FOR CONGO AND CABENDA, 1700.

"Blue bafts, a piece containing 6 yards and of a deep almost black colour, and is measured either with a stick of 27 inches, of which 8 sticks make a piece, or by a lesser stick, 18 inches long, 12 of which are accounted a piece, _Guinea_ stuffs, 2 pieces to make a piece, tapseils have the same measure as blue bafts.

Nicanees, the same measure.

Black bays, 2-1/2 yards for a piece, measured by 5 sticks of 18 inches each.

Annabasses, 10 to the piece.

Painted callicoes, 6 yards to the piece.

Blue paper Slesia, 1 piece for a piece. Scarlet, 1 stick of 18 inches or 1/2 a yard is accounted a piece.

Muskets, 1 for a piece.

Powder, the barrel or rundlet of 7 lbs. goes for a piece.

Brass basons, 10 for a piece. We carry thither the largest.

Pewter basons of 4, 3, 2 and 1 lb. The No. 4 goes 4 to the piece, and those of 1 lb. 8 to a piece.

Blue perpetuanas have become but of late in great demand, they are measured as blue bafts, 6 yards making the piece.

Dutch cutlaces are the most valued because they have 2 edges, 2 such go for a piece.

Coral, the biggest and largest is much more acceptable here than small coral, which the Blacks value so little that they will hardly look on it, usually 1-1/2 oz. is computed a piece.

_Memorandum._ A whole piece of blue bafts contains commonly 18-1/2 yards, however some are shorter and others exceed.

_Pentadoes._ Commonly contain 9 or 9-1/2 to the piece.

_Tapseils._ The piece usually holds 15 yards.

_Nicanees._ The piece is 9 or 9-1/2 yards long."

The main export of Congo was slaves and elephants' teeth and grass clothes called Tibonges, were used by the Portuguese as at Loando in Angola. Some of them single marked with the arms of Portugal, and others double marked, and some unmarked.

The single marked cloth was equal in value to 4 unmarked, equal to about 8 pence.

TRADE GOODS FOR SAN PAUL DO LOANDA.

"Cloths with red lists, great ticking with long stripes and fine wrought red kerseys, _Silesia_ and other fine linen, fine velvet, small and great gold and silver laces, broad black bays, _Turkish_ tapestry or carpets, white and all sorts of coloured yarns, blue and black beads, stitching and sewing silk, _Canary_ wines, brandy, linseed oil, seamen's knives, all sorts of spices, white sugar and many other commodities and trifles as great fish-hooks, pins a finger long, ordinary pins, needles and great and small hawks' bells.

"The _English_ compose their cargoes generally of brass, basons, annabasses, blue bafts, paper, brawls, _Guinea_ stuffs, muskets, powder, nicanees, tapseils, scarlet, _Slesia's_, coral, bags, wrought pewter, beads, pentedoes, knives, spirits, &c., all sorts of haberdashery, silks, linens, shirts, hats, shoes, &c., wrought pewter plates, dishes, porringers, spoons of each a little assortment are also very probably vended among the _Portuguese_, and also all manner of native made cloths from other parts of _Guinea_ fetch good prices in _Angola_."

FOOTNOTES:

[94] For the reasons for the unhealthiness of this island see _Travels in West Africa_ (Macmillan), p. 46.

INDEX

A

ABIABOK, 163, 180-184

Abiadiong, 180

Abonema (_see_ New Calabar)

Abrah, oracle at, 172

Administration (_see_ Crown Colony)

Adultery laws, 434, 454, 536

African-- acclimatisation of, West Indians, 53-54 agriculture, 341 nature of, 63, 124, 168, 177-178, 373

Alemba rapid fetish, 177

Alumah, King, 458

Amachree, King, 500, 503, 505

_Amomum_, 56

Anamaquoa, 82

Ancestor Worship, 131-135

Andoni, 538-540, 553

Angola, 196, 283

Animal deities, 513, 515 (_see_ Snake and Shark)

Ants-- Driver, 25-33 _Myriaica molesta_, 33, 34

Apothecary, 180-184

Ashantee, 115, 144, 368

Assini, 73, 83

Atlantis, 227

Ayzingo, 108

Azambuja, 258

B

BAFANGH, 152

Bakele, 186

Bantu, 231 (_see_ Negro)

Bar, custom, 523

Barbot, 46, 69, and Appendix III.

Basel mission, 110

Bastian, 137, 154

Baths, medical, 182, 183

Bence Island, 36

Benga, 90, 153

Benguella, 210, 286-287

Benin, Bight of, 4 fetish of, 141-144 (_see_ Appendix I) natives of kingdom, 448-468

Binger, 83

Bob Manuel, King, 507, 509

Bonny, 142, 495-509, 510, "free," 516, 540

Brahmanism, 119

Brass River, 140, 468-491

Bristol, 83

Brohemie, 458

Brüe Sieur, 271-273

Burial Customs, 144-150, 452-455

Bush fighting, 319 soul, 208, 209

C

CABINDA, 11, 186

Calabar, 54, 140-142 fetish, 144 history, 552-561 New, 491

Cameroons, 81, 231, 236, 238

Canoes, 99-101

Catfish, 96, 97

Centipedes, 81

Chamberlain, Rt. Honble. J., 307

Chambers of Commerce, 323

Charms, 163-169

Chiloango, 108-112 Clerks, 329, 357

Coinage, native, 82

Colonial Office, 305, 324-330

Comey, 444, 447, 523

Competition, 417

Comte, 115

Congo-- Belge, 54 River, 102, 238

Cookey Gam, King, 497

Corisco, 89-90

Crabs, 105

Crocodiles, 2 worship of, 140

Crown Colony, 317, 319, 326, 361, 366, 390, 417-418 statistics, 348, 357

Crowther-- Bishop, 481 Archdeacon, 487, 509

"Customs," native, 451 (_see_ Fetish) fiscal, 408, 410, 413, 444, 447

D

DAHOMEY-- fetish, 144 fiscal, 347-348

Danfodio, 278

Dash, 446

De Brosses, 114

Debtors, 431, 433

Dennett, R. E., 154, 183, 186, 192

De Zurara, 252, 253

Dieppe, 256, 261-263

Diplomacy, 280

Direct taxation, 331

Disease (_see_ Doctor) ague, 184 boisi, 184 fvuma, 184 hysteria, 188 leprosy, 184 malignant melancholy, 188 pneumonia, 188 small-pox, 184-188 soul, diseases of, 199, 209, 213 worms, 184 yaws, 187

Doctor (_see_ Apothecary) clinical, 199-219 witch, 163, 169, 180, 182, 213

Dream-soul, 205, 207

Drum fish, 108

Duppy, 68

Dutch, 262, 268

Dye wood, 78

E

EBOES, 138 (_see_ Ibo)

Ebony, 78

Ebumtup, 214

_Edinburgh Review_, 157

Egbo (_see_ Law God)

Electrical fish, 107

Ellis, Sir A. B., 115-116, 132, 134-139

Elmina, 257

Emanequetta, 57

Expenditure (_see_ Crown Colony)

Exports, 334

F

FACE, throwing the, 165-167

Familiar spirits, 161

Fangaree charms, 164

Father, making, 146-148, 451

Fetish, 112-179 "customs," 173, 176, 450 days, 171, 174 definitions of, 113, 116, 119, 171 derivation of the word, 114 gods and goddesses-- Abassi-boom, 155 Mbuiri, 118 Nkala, 118 Nyankupong, 155 Nzambi 118, 137, 154 Nzambi Mpungu, 155 Sasabonsum, 117 Srahmantin, 137 House, description of, 170, 514 Man, 168, 171 Schools of, 137 Calabar, 144, 151, 160 Mpongwe, 151, 154, 160 Nkissism, 154-163 Tshi and Ewe and Yoruba, 139

Fiscal arrangements, 290 (_see_ Crown Colony)

Fish, quality of, 95, 106-109 Fishing, appliances, 101-106 canoes, 99 Native methods of, 99-109, 488

Floating Islands, 103

French, early exploration by the, 250, 264 Statistics, Colonial, 347

Frogs, 66

Funerals, 145, 452-484

G

GA, 138

Gesture, 237

Ghagas, 424

Glamour, 219

Gods (_see_ Fetish), 141

Goethe, 121-123

Gorillae, 235, 236

Governor, 305, 328, 365 native, 450

Grain Coast, 56-61 of Paradise, 56-61

Guineamen, 83

Günther, Dr., 108

H

HANNO, 231-240

Head cutting, 525

Hero worship, 131-134

Hoheit, Landes and Ober, 400-405, 410

House system, 427, 475-478

Human sacrifices, 142-148

I

IBBIBIOS, 138

Igalwa, 153

Ijos, 448, 460

Immortal soul, 200, 207

Imports, 334

Inheritance, 453-475

Insects, 10-11

Islam and Fetish, 127

Ivory Coast, 68-73 trade of, 81-83, 347

J

JA JA, KING, 497, 522, 527, 540-552

Jakris, 448-457, 459-460

Jam, 503

Jannequin, 248

Jews, 630

Jobson, 246-247

Ju Ju, 114 (_see_ Fetish) Long, 439, 444, 461, 480, 498 trade, 503

K

KITTY-KATTY, 64

Kla, 200

Koromantin slaves, 140

Krumen, 52, 54, 56, 412, 429

Kufong, 163, 165

Kwo Ibo, 549, 552, and Appendix II

L

LABAT, 131

Lagos, colony, 353

Land, 438

Landana, 194

Law, John, 271

Law, native-- adultery, 434, 536 god society, 160 property, 371, 427, 439, 475-478.

Leo Africanus, 231

Leopard worship, 140, 165

Liberia, 46, 52-54 (_see_ Grain Coast)

Loanda, 108, 284

Loango, 212

Lucan, Dr., 194

Lyall, Sir Alfred, on witchcraft, 156, 158

M

MACHINERY, 288

Maine, Sir Henry, 153

Malagens, 69

Malignant melancholy, 188-189

Manchester, 288, 351

Manilla, 82

Manioc, 190

Markets, 310

Maxwell, Sir Wm., 329

Meleguetta Coast, 51-61

Melli, 244-245, 426

Mendi, 164

Merolla, 197, 321

Minstrels, 149

Missionary, 320, 478, 509, 512, 556

Mohammedanism and Fetish, 126-127, 141

Monrovia, 46

Monteiro, 196

Mpongwe, 151

Mungo Mah Lobeh, 236

Murder, 454

Music, 64-66

_Mutterrecht_, 437

N

NASSAU, Dr., 89, 130, 152-153, 159

Nana, 451, 458

Negro, 420-423

Nganga bilongo (_see_ Apothecary)

Niger Company, 279, 306, 360, 394

Nkala, 118

Nkissism, 154-155, 163

Nyankupong, 155

Nzambi, 118, 137, 154-155, 159

Nzambi Mpungu, 118, 155

O

OBEAH, 139, 140, 219

Ogi, 138

Ogowé, 45, 79, 102

Oko Jumbo, King, 522, 529-532

Ombuiri, 116

Opobo, 142, 532, 540-549

Ordeal, 160, 161, 490

Oru, 160

Oulof, 273

Ouwere, 143, 630

P

PALM oil, 15 (_see_ Appendix I)

Panavia, 152

Paradise grains, 56-57

Parliamentary resolution (1865), 305, 307, 311

Pepple, King, 497, 510, 512, 517-521, 526

Pepper coast (_see_ Grain)

Phoenicians, 227 (_see_ Hanno)

Police, 333, 407

Poorah, 139

Portuguese, 114, 252-256, 281, 290 stone monuments, 259

Post-mortem, 211

Priests, 140-141, 160, 169-170, 499, 505 (_see_ Fetish Man)

Property-- ancestral, 428 family, 428 private, 428-429 Stool, 428

R

RAILWAYS, 287, 350

Religion, native (_see_ Fetish)

Revenue, 309, 413 (_see_ Crown Colony) native, 444-447, 523

S

SAILS, 100-101

Sataspes, 228

San Andrew, Rio, 58, 70, 73

Sanguin, 274

Sasabonsum, 116-117

Scorpion, 80, 81, 185

Senegal, 273, 275

Shadow-soul, 200, 207-208

Shake hand, 446

Shark, 501

Sierra Leone, 36, 139, 149, 344 resources of, 339

Sisa, 202-205

Sleep disease, 189-193 stages of, 192-193

Small-pox, 186-188

Smaltz, 273

Snake worship, 140, 483-490, 456

Sobo, 457

Societies, Secret, 139, 170, 556-566 (_see_ Law God)

Song-net, 149-150

Soul, 199-200 Fetish view of the, 129-131 Division of the Human, 200-204 South Africa, 394

Spiders, 140

Spinoza 112-113, 120

Spirit and Matter, Native view of, 129-130

Spirits, Classes of, 130 Familiar, 161 Touch of, 133

Srahmandazi, 146, 151, 202

Srahmantin, 137

Statesmanship, 311

Statistics, 348-357

T

TCHANGA (Voudou), 139

"Them," 132

Theopompus, 226

Timber, 73-80

Timbuctoo, 277

Tom-toms, 64

Topping, 525

Tornadoes, 18-19, 47-48

Trade (_see_ Crown Colony) gold, 241-246, 257 palm oil, 354-359 rubber, 353 salt, 242-248, 339 timber, 78 tobacco, 248, 339

Tshi, 115, 137

Twins, treatment of, 148

Tylor, Professor, 115

U

UKUKIWE, 160

Umaru l'Haji, 278

V

VEGETATION, 32-33

Virtue, Native idea of, 178

Volta, 96

Voudou, 139-140

W

WANGA (Obeah), 139-140, 219

War, 371

Warri, 143, 459, 630

Wealth, 438

"Well-disposed ones," 132

West Africa, Political aspect of, 310

West Indies, 302, 324

Will Braid, 493-497

Wills, 436

Winnebah, 175

Winnaboes, 471-474

Witchcraft, 157-168 law, 430 (_see_ Fetish)

X

XYLOPHONIC instruments, 65

Y

YAM custom, 174-175, 450

Yaws, 187

Z

ZAIRE, 102

THE END

RICHARD CLAY AND SONS, LIMITED: LONDON AND BUNGAY.

Transcriber's Notes:

The following typographical errors/spelling errors have been corrected. The pages refer to the original printed text.

p. 38 The town be took by locusts!["] : added closing quote

p. 42 You remember D----?["] : added closing quote.

p. 75 regarding this affair[.] : repaired

p. 86 ar[r]ives : corrected.

p. 246 Timbucto[o], added, to match other instances.

p. 255 Bodajor --> Bojador : corrected

p. 287 The footnote is unnumbered, and [54] has been provided.

p. 289 about £6,400[)]: added missing right parenthesis]

p. 416 sink--holes --> sink-holes : corrected

p. 485 an[n]iversaries : corrected

p. 495 on the floor [fo] --> of : corrected

p. 510 number of 3,200,00[0] souls : added

p. 548n Monopolies[,] have led : removed

p. 602 I did not like their demeanour[.] : added

p. 603 our goods are in their hands.["] : added

p. 615 own way too much[.] : repaired

p. 622 perpetually on[,] their guard : removed

p. 623 to the great [m/n]umber : typo corrected

p. 625 being a 16 gallon rundlet[)] : closing parenthesis added

p. 636 Clerks, 329, 357[,] : removed

The following words appear as variants and have been left as printed:

Ogowe (3) / Ogowé (11) Filiaria perstans (1) / Filaria perstans (1) mütterrecht (1) / mutterrecht (1) Bassambri (1) / Basambri (1)

The following words appear with and without hyphens. The various spellings are left as printed. Where the printed text introduces a hyphen at end-of-line, the hyphen is retained only if that variant is otherwise predominant.

Scott-Elliott/Scott Elliot--(In the literature the name is uniformly hyphenated.) Sea-shore/seashore headquarters/headquarters ashore / a-shore (hyphenated only in a quoted passage) craw-fish / crawfish ear-rings / earrings firewood / fire-wood headman / head-man inter-marriage / intermarriage ju-ju / juju re-captured / recaptured re-organized / reorganized sand-flies / sandflies middleman / middle-man sandbanks / sand-banks Winna-boes / Winnaboes small-pox / smallpox

End of Project Gutenberg's West African studies, by Mary Henrietta Kingsley