Part 23

“I am not a literary man, much less a literary critic, but I look forward each week to the appearance of _The New York Times Book Review_ with renewed interest and read the various criticisms of your readers as to the merits of “The House of Mirth,” which in almost every instance meets their approval as a literary production of unusual merit. The writer, however, an octogenarian, born and bred in New York City, member of one of its oldest families and presumably familiar with its society, can but look upon “The House of Mirth” as a gross libel upon that society, and as an insult to a class as pure, as refined, and as intellectual as may be found the world over....

“That such a condition as is therein described does exist in the lower strata of New York society, which may be termed swelldom, composed largely of “newrich” who swarm from other parts of the country to exploit their newly acquired wealth in showy equipages, wondrous wardrobes, and loud manners to the disgust of refined people, cannot be denied; but why a lady who has the entrée into the best society should elect to open the sewers of its lowest strata and allow its fœtid airs to escape through the medium of her pen is beyond the ken of your contributor.”

T. R. W.

For our part, we prefer to depend upon the octogenarian who has just spoken, and who asserts his membership in one of the oldest families in New York, for an opinion upon the accuracy of “The House of Mirth” as a Society novel. As a novel pure and simple it seems to us to be radically defective in imaginative power, slow and cumbrous in construction, and wholly ineffective to impose an illusion. We say this with regret because we have read a good many of the author’s short stories from the time the first volume of them was issued; and the impression conveyed by her work in the short story field, as contrasted by the impression of this novel, makes clearer to us than ever the conviction that to write a short story a short-story writer is required, and to write a novel a novelist, and they have always been two persons from Mr. Kipling down and across. The author’s style is clear, sharp, refined, as before; but the gross defect of “The House of Mirth” is that the characters are pushed here and there by the author like so many wooden soldiers on a cardboard field of battle. They have no more volition than marionettes. In fact they are merely described names except in the instances of the three chief characters. One could have borne with the waxlike fibre of the attendant persons if the figure of _Lily Bart_, the heroine, would stand the gaze of the naked eye during even half the book. _Lily_ is described by the author as possessing a fine sense of diplomacy in intercourse with the people of her set, yet her whole register of action from the first page reveals her as moving through the comedy without prudence, yet without conscience, with maneuver, yet without skill; with an under-appeal to the reader’s sympathy, yet exasperating the reader until in the moment of tragedy he feels that the heroine deserved all she got and ought to have got it sooner. But, when one gets away from the book, one feels that the fault is not the fault of the character, but of the author who has paltered by trying to make literary academics and psychology square with life itself and a good story.

The minor irritations of the book are the absolutely fictional flavor of the names of most of the characters, the use of English or Continental idiom, and the mummery of the illustrations. Among the English phrases which the author so much affects is the word _charwoman_ for _scrubwoman_. It may be that Society calls a scrubwoman a charwoman, but we would like to see any society man or woman do it to the lady’s face.

It is announced that Clyde Fitch is to dramatize “The House of Mirth” for production next fall and that he will adhere to the construction of the story as much as possible. The book is worthy of Mr. Fitch’s lofty talent.

R. D.

=Letters and Addresses.= By Abraham Lincoln. Unit Book Publishing Company.

Even if there were a man, at this day of awakening in the United States, who could honestly say he had no interest in politics, providing he had any intelligence at all and ambition to think, he could not pass over such a book as “Lincoln’s Letters and Addresses” for the simple reason that on account of the style alone, the reading of them is a solace and a refreshment that endures. Of course, most of us are familiar with the addresses and the letters that have been so widely quoted, repeated, and learned by heart in school, that they are become as household words; but in such a book as this, containing infinite riches in little room, one secures not only the loftiest kind of pleasure but also a strangely intimate and attractive vision and understanding of the gaunt, unshapely figure whose genius towers higher as the years are added to the history of our country.

R. D.

=Contrite Hearts.= By Herman Bernstein. A. Wessels Company, New York.

Some books are interesting because of their content alone; some only on account of the personality of their author: some for the reason that both the author and the content of his book are humanly valuable. Of the third distinction is “Contrite Hearts,” a story of Jewish life in Russia and the United States, by a writer who on occasion before has shown that he can use an alien language with simplicity and force. He has shown before also that he can present a picture of the people of his race without bias and with a due understanding of their defects and qualities. The Jew in America as presented in melodrama is a creation almost wholly of the romance spirit of the theatre. It is not to be denied that the prevalence of the very poor Jews in the lowest ranks of traffickers among men has provided an obvious type. In sharp contrast to this is the growing dominance of the Jew in the very highest ranks of commerce. Between the two must of necessity exist the Jew of the middle class; and all these varieties of the race have expanded to their utmost in the United States rather than in any other country. From a purely artistic standpoint, therefore, there is nothing more evident than that the field of Jewish manners and customs is wide and rich ground for the novelist. The transmutation in one generation of a peasant in Russia, with no rights beyond those of a street mongrel, to a man in the most advanced as well as the most vigorous civilization of the day, is material too obvious to be overlooked by the most casual scribe.

Mr. Bernstein, while not a writer of dramatic quality has that quieter and more sincere gift native to Russians, whether Jew or Gentile, of presenting life as an actuality against the artificial background of the printed page. Many who are called novelists among ourselves, and who have never talked or written any language but English, could learn a good deal of simplicity from this foreign-born author. Of course, one runs across the traces of his birth in certain peculiarities that even constant practice cannot wear out. These blemishes, however, are never vulgar as are the strainful phases of an indigenous author who uses his language as a race-track tout spreads himself with the flashy colors and fabrics that the clothier and the haberdasher of his station provide. It is rather interesting to hear what one of the characters in “Contrite Hearts” has to say of this country.

“Here in America it is different. All are equal. Everyone is free. And all roads to success are open to the able, the enterprising, the persevering. There is no difference here between Jew and Gentile. People flock hither from all lands, and within a few years the Jew, the Frenchman, the German, the Irishman, the Italian—all are proud that they have become American. You ask me about the Jews, about Jewish affairs, about Jewish institutions—well, we have various kinds of Jews here. Orthodox Jews—these are the plain Jews like ourselves. Reform Jews—Jews who imitate the ways of the Christian. There are also Jews here who try to be both Orthodox and reform at the same time—that is, neither this nor that.”

Is this all true?

R. D.

=Politics in New Zealand.= By Prof. Frank Parsons. Edited by Dr. C. F. Taylor. Dr. C. F. Taylor, Publisher, Philadelphia, Pa.

This is one of the Equity Series published quarterly by Dr. Taylor, and contains the chief portions of the political parts of a book entitled, “The Story of New Zealand,” by Prof. Frank Parsons and Dr. Taylor. The latter is a large, heavy book selling at $3.00, and is doubtless the most complete history of New Zealand and exposition of present conditions there ever published. It is a beautifully illustrated volume containing 860 pages, and includes history, description, the native people (the Maoris) and their treatment by the whites, the splendid resources of the country, and, more than all, a full and interesting account of the rise and development of the remarkable institutions and government of New Zealand which are attracting the attention of all the rest of the world.

As Dr. Taylor well says in his explanatory note in “Politics in New Zealand,” the size and cost of the “Story of New Zealand” prevent it from reaching the masses of our people, and the political facts, particularly of that progressive country should reach the mind and thought of our voters. “It is,” he says, “with a view of placing these political facts within the easy reach of the masses of our people, that I have selected the most important of these facts from the large book and arranged them as you see them in this unpretentious pamphlet.” “Politics in New Zealand” is now being used in combination with subscriptions to WATSON’S MAGAZINE. (See advertising pages.)

The great value of “Politics in New Zealand” lies in the fact that it gives the workings of many Populistic ideas put into actual practice. In this country the People’s Party has been obliged to theorize and resort to an appeal to the reasoning faculties of the people. It has been unable to point out many illustrations of the actual working of its theories, except by reference to foreign countries. For example, to sustain its contention for public ownership of railroads, it has been obliged to use the lines in Germany and other monarchies as illustrations. The United States is such a vast domain as compared with countries in Continental Europe, that considerable discrimination is necessary in order to draw a fair conclusion. Besides, the European countries are so old that the habits of the people are a great factor not to be lightly dismissed. In using New Zealand, however, as our object lesson, the conditions are more, nearly parallel. It is true that country is much smaller than the United States, but in point of age and habits of the people, there is much similarity. Accordingly, New Zealand is without doubt the best object lesson in the world for proving the soundness of Populistic theories.

Those who have either bought or sold real estate in the older portions of the United States, understand the difficulties and uncertainties surrounding land titles under the system which is in vogue generally. As Prof. Parsons points out, it is often necessary to search through many big volumes of deeds and mortgages, and carefully construe the provisions of various wills and conveyances in order to follow the title to its source, and form an opinion as to its validity. And even then the opinion of the most accomplished expert may prove fallacious, and the purchaser may lose his land through some defect of title. As early as 1860 the New Zealanders passed an act to remedy this condition of things by establishing what is known as the Torrens system of title registration. The owner of land may give the registrar his deeds and the claims of all persons interested, and the registrar investigates the title once for all. He accepts it if he finds it valid, and registers the applicant as proprietor, giving him a certificate to that effect. The certificate gives an indefeasible title in fee, subject only to such incumbrances and charges as may be entered on the register. An independent purchaser has only to consult the register to learn at once who is the owner of the land, and what burdens, if any, rest upon it. He is not obliged to trace the title back to the Government Patent. This system is now in force in some places in the United States, but its adoption is generally opposed by those who profit by examining titles—that is to say, the lawyers.

There were some telegraph lines constructed under the provincial governments of New Zealand prior to 1865, but nothing was done in a national way until that year. Then the General Assembly authorized the Governor to establish electric telegraphs and appoint a commissioner to manage them. Existing lines and offices were to be purchased, new lines built, and a national system developed. The commissioner made the regulations, fixed the rates, and employed operators to transmit all messages presented. Afterward the telegraphs became a part of the postal system. This naturally led to government ownership and operation of the telephone when the latter means of transmitting intelligence was introduced. It is also a part of the postal system, and as Prof. Parsons points out, “The Government is ‘hello-girl’ as well as postmaster, telegraph operator and banker.”

Mr. Gladstone secured the establishment of postal savings banks in England in 1861. New Zealand adopted the idea in 1865, and since that time nearly every country in the civilized world, except the United States, has followed England’s example. The object of the New Zealand Post Office Savings Bank Act (1865) was stated to be: “To give additional facilities for the deposits of small savings at interest, and with the security of the Government behind it.” Practically all the money order offices in New Zealand (470 a few years ago) were open under the Postal Banking Law for the transaction of savings bank business, while there were but five private savings banks in the Islands. In New Zealand there is a place of bank deposit for each 1,800 people. In the United States there is one for each 7,650 people. The total deposits in all sorts of banks is $110 per head of population in the United States, $125 in Great Britain, and $140 in New Zealand. Comment seems to be unnecessary. The postal banks will not receive less than a shilling at a time, but printed forms are furnished on which stamps may be pasted, one or more at a time, until the total amounts to a shilling or more, when the slip can be deposited as cash to the amount of the stamps pasted on it. The great advantage of postal banking, and in fact all government banking, is its safety. No postal bank in any country has ever closed its door for liquidation, or experienced a run on its funds.

In view of our insurance scandals and the recent investigation, the chapter on Government Insurance is especially interesting at this time. In 1870 New Zealand adopted the Australian ballot and a public works policy, together with a Government Life Insurance Department. As the author points out, “The philosophy of this new departure was very simple. The purpose of insurance is the diffusion of loss. Instead of allowing a loss to fall with crushing weight on one individual, or family, it is spread out over a large number of stockholders or premium payers. If it is a good thing to distribute loss over a few thousand people who hold stock in a given company or pay premiums to it, it is still better to distribute the loss over the whole community. It is also wise to eliminate the expenses and profits of insurance so far as may be, and put the guarantee of the Government behind it, so that it may reach as many people and afford as much security as possible.”

The insurance department was popular from the very start. The latest report when this book was written (1901) showed in force 42,570 policies covering $51,000,000 of insurance, or practically half the total business of the Colony. The Government office had beaten the private companies in fair competition, for there was no attempt to exclude private insurance companies. It had, in 1901, a much larger business than any of the companies, and almost as much as all the companies put together. This refers, of course, to the ordinary life insurance business, for there were 21,000 policies in industrial societies, which were not included in the regular life insurance statement. Two of our companies mixed up in the recent scandal, the Equitable Life and the New York Life, had, in 1901, been in the Colony 15 and 13 years respectively. The Equitable had 717 policies in force and the New York Life 139, as against 42,570 Government policies.

The people of New Zealand prefer the Government insurance because of its safety—it has the guarantee of the Government behind it. It is in no danger of vanishing through insolvency, as ordinary insurance does now and then. Because of its cheapness, the rates being lower than any ordinary private companies; and because of its freedom from all oppressive conditions. The only conditions are that the premiums must be paid, and the assured must not commit suicide within six months after the insurance is taken out. As Professor Parsons says, “The policy is world-wide. The assured may go where he will, do what he likes—get himself shot in battle, smoke cigarettes, drink ice-water and eat plum pudding, or commit suicide under the ordinary forms after six months, and the money will still be paid to his relatives.” Instead of wasting valuable time and gray matter on devising schemes to prevent scoundrels from looting private insurance companies, why not devote a little thought to inaugurating a system of government insurance?

An unique institution in New Zealand is the Public Trust office, established in 1872. Its purpose is to serve as executor, administrator, trustee, agent, or attorney, in the settlement and management of the property of decedents, or others, who for any reason are unable or unwilling to care for it themselves; to insure honest administration and safe investment; to provide for a wise discretion that may avoid the difficulties and losses incident to a strict fulfilment of wills and trusts imperfectly drawn; and to give advice and draw up papers, wills, deeds, and other instruments for the people in all parts of the Colony.

“In the earlier years,” says the author, “nominations for representatives were made and seconded vocally at an assembly of the voters of the district. But since the Act of September (1890) representatives are nominated by petition in writing, signed by two or more voters of the district, transmitted with the candidates’ assent and a $50 deposit to the returning officer, who immediately publishes the names of the candidates. Each candidate must be nominated on a separate paper which must be transmitted to the returning officer at least seven days before the polling day. If the nominee doesn’t get one tenth as many votes as the lowest successful candidate, the $50 deposit is forfeited to the public treasury. This shuts out frivolous nominations. The nominations are usually made some time before the voting day, and the candidates go about the district and meet and address the electors in all parts of it. No candidate would stand any chance of election who failed to give the people he wished to represent an opportunity to get acquainted with him and ask him questions about his attitude on issues likely to come before the next Parliament. Seamen, sheep-shearers and commercial travelers are permitted to vote by mail. Such person gets a ballot paper filled up by the Postmaster with the names of the candidates in the applicant’s district, and the postal voter then marks the ballot and mails it.”

Another Populistic economic theory put in practice in New Zealand is the Land and Income Assessment Act which abolishes the personal property tax and establishes graduated taxation on land values and incomes. The avowed objects of the law are to tax “according to ability to pay,” “to free the small man,” and, “to burst up monopolies”; and its cardinal features are the exemption of improvements and of small people and the special pressure put on the big monopolies and corporations and on absentees.

All improvements are exempt. All buildings, fencings, draining, crops, etc.—all value that has been added by labor, all live stock also and personal property; only the unimproved value of the land is taxed. Mortgages are deducted also in estimating the land taxes as they are taxed to the lender. There is a small-estate exemption of $2,500, where the net value of the estate doesn’t exceed $7,500. So that if a farmer has no more than $2,500 of land value left after deducting improvements and mortgage liabilities from the value of his real property, he pays no land tax.

Besides the three exemptions mentioned, there is another conditional exemption. If an old or infirm person owns land or mortgages returning less than $1,000 a year, and can show that he is not able to supplement his income, and that the payment of the tax would be a hardship, the commissioner may remit the tax. Here the custom is quite the other way. The millionaire swears off his tax. Out of 110,000 land owners, in New Zealand, only 16,000 pay tax.

The graded tax begins when the unimproved value reaches $25,000. It rises from ¼ of a cent on the pound of $25,000 to 16⁄4ths, or 4 cents, a pound on a million dollars, or more, of unimproved value. This graduated tax is in addition to the ordinary level-rate land tax levied each year, which is 2 cents on the pound. Absentee owners of large estates have still another tax to pay. If the owner of an estate large enough to come under the graded tax has been out of the country a year, this graded tax is increased 20%.

The income tax applies to net income from employment, and net profits from business. There is an absolute exemption of $1,500, except in the case of absentees, and companies whether absentees or not, and a further additional exemption up to $250 a year for life insurance premiums, if the citizen wishes to spend his money that way. All income derived from land or from mortgages, so far as they represent realty, is outside this tax, which affects only income from employment or business. The farmer, who derives all his income from land, pays no income tax. The same may be said of a lawyer, doctor, teacher, artisan, or any other person who makes no more than $1,500 a year. The total number of income-tax payers is only about 5,600.

United States Consul Connolly, reporting to our Government in 1894 and 1897, has considerable to say regarding taxation in New Zealand. He says that country excels in the matter of taxation. That in a very short time the system of taxation had been revolutionized and the incidence almost entirely changed, not only without disturbing to any appreciable extent existing interests, but with the most beneficial results. He says the income tax was most fiercely denounced as inquisitorial, destructive of the first principles of frugality and thrift—in fact all the forms of evil lurked in the shadows of the words “income tax,” and a united effort was made to resist this “iniquitous tax,” but all to no purpose. And that in 1897, after six years of experience, the more liberal and fair-minded of those who opposed the income tax frankly admitted that it is a fair and unembarrassing tax. “In New Zealand the land and income tax is now popular; it is accepted in lieu of the property tax; it is a success.”