Chapter 4

If we compare him with the great men who were his contemporaries throughout the nation; in an age of extraordinary personages, Washington was unquestionably the first man of the time in ability. Review the correspondence of General Washington--that sublime monument of intelligence and integrity--scrutinize the public history and the public men of that era, and you will find that in all the wisdom that was accomplished or was attempted, Washington was before every man in his suggestions of the plan, and beyond every one in the extent to which he contributed to its adoption. In the field, all the able generals acknowledged his superiority, and looked up to him with loyalty, reliance, and reverence; the others, who doubted his ability, or conspired against his sovereignty, illustrated, in their own conduct, their incapacity to be either his judges or his rivals. In the state, Adams, Jay, Rutledge, Pinckney, Morris--these are great names; but there is not one whose wisdom does not vail to his. His superiority was felt by all these persons, and was felt by Washington himself, as a simple matter of fact, as little a subject of question, or a cause of vanity, as the eminence of his personal stature. His appointment as commander-in-chief was the result of no design on his part; and of no efforts on the part of his friends; it seemed to take place spontaneously. He moved into the position, because there was a vacuum which no other could supply: in it, he was not sustained by government, by a party, or by connections; he sustained himself; and then he sustained everything else. He sustained Congress against the army, and the army against the injustice of Congress. The brightest mind among his contemporaries was Hamilton's; a character which cannot be contemplated without frequent admiration, and constant affection. His talents took the form of genius, which Washington's did not. But active, various, and brilliant, as the faculties of Hamilton were, whether viewed in the precocity of youth, or in the all-accomplished elegance of maturer life--lightning-quick as his intelligence was to see through every subject that came before it, and vigorous as it was in constructing the argumentation by which other minds were to be led, as upon a shapely bridge, over the obscure depths across which his had flashed in a moment--fertile and sound in schemes, ready in action, splendid in display, as he was--nothing is more obvious and certain than that when Mr. Hamilton approached Washington, he came into the presence of one who surpassed him in the extent, in the comprehension, the elevation, the sagacity, the force, and the ponderousness of his mind, as much as he did in the majesty of his aspect and the grandeur of his step. The genius of Hamilton was a flower, which gratifies, surprises, and enchants; the intelligence of Washington was a stately tree, which in the rarity and true dignity of its beauty is as superior as it is in its dimensions.

* * * * *

VALLEY FORGE

BY HENRY ARMITT BROWN

_From Centennial Address delivered at Valley Forge, June 19, 1878_

The century that has gone by has changed the face of Nature, and wrought a revolution in the habits of mankind. We to-day behold the dawn of an extraordinary age. Man has advanced with such astounding speed, that, breathless, we have reached a moment when it seems as if distance had been annihilated, time made as nought, the invisible seen, the intangible felt, and the impossible accomplished. Already we knock at the door of a new century, which promises to be infinitely brighter and more enlightened and happier than this.

We know that we are more fortunate than our fathers. We believe that our children shall be happier than we. We know that this century is more enlightened than the past. We believe that the time to come will be better and more glorious than this. We think, we believe, we hope, but we do not know. Across that threshold we may not pass; behind that veil we may not penetrate. It may be vouchsafed us to behold it, wonderingly, from afar, but never to enter in. It matters not. The age in which we live is but a link in the endless and eternal chain. Our lives are like sands upon the shore; our voices, like the breath of this summer breeze that stirs the leaf for a moment, and is forgotten. The last survivor of this mighty multitude shall stay but a little while. The endless generations are advancing to take our places as we fall. For them, as for us, shall the years march by in the sublime procession of the ages.

And here, in this place of sacrifice, in this vale of humiliation, in this valley of the shadow of death, out of which the life of America rose regenerate and free, let us believe, with an abiding faith, that to them union will seem as dear, and liberty as sweet, and progress as glorious, as they were to our fathers and are to you and me, and that the institutions which have made us happy, preserved by the virtue of our children, shall bless the remotest generation of the time to come. And unto Him who holds in the hollow of His hand the fate of nations, and yet marks the sparrow's fall, let us lift up our hearts this day, and unto His eternal care commend ourselves, our children, and our country.

* * * * *

WASHINGTON AT VALLEY FORGE

BY CANON R.G. SUTHERLAND

With his lean, ragged levies, undismayed, He crouched among the vigilant hills; a show To the disdainful, heaven-blinded foe. Unlauded, unsupported, disobeyed, Thwarted, maligned, conspired against, betrayed-- Yet nothing could unheart him. Wouldst thou know His secret? There, in that thicket on the snow, Washington knelt before his God, and prayed.

Close in their lair for perilous months and days He held in leash his wolves, grim, shelterless, Gaunt, hunger-bitten, stanch to the uttermost; Then, when the hour was come for hardiness Rallied, and rushed them on the reeling host; And Monmouth planted Yorktown's happy bays!

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A FRENCHMAN'S ESTIMATE OF WASHINGTON IN 1781

BY CLAUDE C. ROBIN

From _Magazine of American History_.

_The following extract from a letter written by Abbé Robin, chaplain in the French army in America, and bearing date "Camp of Phillipsburg, August 4, 1781," a few weeks after his arrival in this country, is very suggestive. This letter was the first of a series of thirteen letters from the Abbé while in America, which were published in Paris in 1782. He writes_:

I have seen General Washington, that most singular man--the soul and support of one of the greatest revolutions that has ever happened, or can happen. I fixed my eyes upon him with that keen attention which the sight of a great man always inspires. We naturally entertain a secret hope of discovering in the features of such illustrious persons some traces of that genius which distinguishes them from, and elevates them above, their fellow mortals.

Perhaps the exterior of no man was better calculated to gratify these expectations than that of General Washington. He is of a tall and noble stature, well proportioned, a fine, cheerful, open countenance, a simple and modest carriage; and his whole mien has something in it that interests the French, the Americans, and even enemies themselves, in his favor. Placed in a military view, at the head of a nation where each individual has a share in the supreme legislative authority, and where coercive laws are yet in a degree destitute of vigor, where the climate and manners can add but little to their energy, where the spirit of party, private interest, slowness and national indolence, slacken, suspend, and overthrow the best concerted measures; although so situated he has found out a method of keeping his troops in the most absolute subordination; making them rivals in praising him; fearing him when he is silent, and retaining their full confidence in him after defeats and disgrace. His reputation has, at length, arisen to a most brilliant height; and he may now grasp at the most unbounded power, without provoking envy or exciting suspicion. He has ever shown himself superior to fortune, and in the most trying adversity has discovered resources until then unknown: and, as if his abilities only increased and dilated at the prospect of difficulty, he is never better supplied than when he seems destitute of everything, nor have his arms ever been so fatal to his enemies, as at the very instant when they thought they had crushed him forever. It is his to excite a spirit of heroism and enthusiasm in a people who are by nature very little susceptible of it; to gain over the respect and homage of those whose interest it is to refuse it, and to execute his plans and projects by means unknown even to those who are his instruments; he is intrepid in dangers, yet never seeks them but when the good of his country demands it, preferring rather to temporize and act upon the defensive, because he knows such a mode of conduct best suits the genius and circumstances of the nation, and all that he and they have to expect, depends upon time, fortitude, and patience; he is frugal and sober in regard to himself, but profuse in the public cause; like Peter the Great, he has by defeats conducted his army to victory; and like Fabius, but with fewer resources and more difficulty, he has conquered without fighting, and saved his country.

Such are the ideas that arise in the mind at the sight of this great man, in examining the events in which he had a share, or in listening to those whose duty obliges them to be near his person, and consequently best display his character. In all these extensive States they consider him in the light of a beneficent god, dispensing peace and happiness around him. Old men, women, and children press about him when he accidentally passes along, and think themselves happy, once in their lives, to have seen him--they follow him through the towns with torches, and celebrate his arrival by public illuminations. The Americans, that cool and sedate people, who in the midst of their most trying difficulties, have attended only to the directions and impulses of plain method and common sense, are roused, animated, and inflamed at the very mention of his name: and the first songs that sentiment or gratitude has dictated, have been to celebrate General Washington.

IV

THE PRESIDENT

WASHINGTON AND THE CONSTITUTION

BY JOHN M. HARLAN

It is the concurring judgment of political thinkers, that no event in all the history of the Anglo-Saxon race has been more far-reaching in its consequences than the organization of the present Government of the United States. And it is in every sense appropriate to connect the name of Washington with the Constitution which brought that government into existence. It is appropriate because his splendid leadership of the Revolutionary armies made it possible to establish upon this continent a government resting upon the consent of the governed, yet strong enough to maintain its existence and authority whenever assailed.

But it is especially appropriate for the reason that he was among the first of the great men of the Revolutionary period to discern the inherent defects in the articles of confederation; and but for his efforts to bring about a more perfect union of the people, the existing Constitution, it is believed, would not have been accepted by the requisite number of States. He was indeed the pioneer of the Union established by that Constitution. Of the accuracy of these statements there is abundant evidence.

We are only in the spring-time of our national life, and yet we have realized all that Washington could possibly have anticipated from the creation of the present Government. What more could be desired in a system of government than is secured in the existing organizations of the General and State governments with their respective powers so admirably adjusted and distributed as to draw from Gladstone the remark that the American Constitution was "the most wonderful work ever struck off at one time by the brain and purpose of man"?

Despite the fears of many patriotic statesmen at the time of the adoption of the Constitution, that that instrument would destroy the liberties of the people, every genuine American rejoices in the fullness of a grateful heart that we have a government under which the humblest person in our midst has a feeling of safety and repose not vouchsafed to the citizen or subject of any other country; with powers ample for the protection of the life of the nation and adequate for all purposes of a general nature, yet so restricted by the law of its creation in the exercise of its powers, that it cannot rightfully encroach upon those reserved to the States or to the people.

I will not allude to or discuss particular theories of constitutional construction, but I may say, and I am glad that it can be truthfully said, that the mass of the people concur in holding that only by maintaining the just powers of both the National and State governments can we preserve in their integrity the fundamental principles of American liberty.

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WASHINGTON'S ADMINISTRATION[11]--1789-1797

BY EDWARD S. ELLIS

WASHINGTON'S PATRIOTISM.--Washington would have preferred to spend the remainder of his life in his tranquil home at Mount Vernon, but his patriotism would not allow him to disregard the call of his country. He had so little money at the time, that his home was threatened by the sheriff, and he had to borrow funds with which to pay his most pressing debts.

WASHINGTON'S INAUGURATION.--The President-elect left Mount Vernon on April 16, and the entire journey to New York was a continual ovation. He received honors at almost every step of the way, and was welcomed to the nation's capital by the joyous thousands who felt that no reward could be too great for the illustrious patriot that had enshrined himself forever in the hearts of his loving countrymen. The inauguration ceremonies took place April 30, in Federal Hall, on the present site of the sub-treasury building. Chancellor Robert R. Livingston of New York administered the oath, in a balcony of the Senate chamber, in full view of the vast concourse on the outside, who cheered the great man to the echo. Other ceremonies followed, Washington showing deep emotion at the manifestation of love and loyalty on the part of all.

THE FIRST CONSTITUTIONAL CONGRESS.--The first session of the first Constitutional Congress was chiefly occupied in setting the government machinery in motion. The following nominations for the first Cabinet were made by Washington, and confirmed by the Senate: Thomas Jefferson, secretary of foreign affairs, afterward known as secretary of state; Alexander Hamilton, secretary of the treasury; Henry Knox, secretary of war; and Edmund Randolph, attorney-general. John Jay was appointed chief justice of the supreme court, with John Rutledge, James Wilson, William Cushing, Robert H. Harrison, and John Blair associates. (The Senate refused to confirm the nomination of Rutledge.)

FEDERALISTS AND REPUBLICANS.--The most urgent question was that of finance. Hamilton handled it with great skill. The debt of the confederation and States was almost eighty million dollars. Hamilton's plan, as submitted to Congress, called for the payment by the United States of every dollar due to American citizens, and also the war debt of the country. There was strong opposition to the scheme, but it prevailed. The discussions in Congress brought out the lines between the Federalists and the Republicans, or, as they were afterward called, Democrats. The Federalists favored the enlargement of the powers of the general government, while the Republicans insisted upon holding the government to the exact letter of the Constitution, and giving to the individual States all rights not expressly prohibited by the Constitution.

THE SEAT OF GOVERNMENT.--North Carolina did not adopt the Constitution until November 13, 1789. Little Rhode Island sulked until Massachusetts and Connecticut proposed to parcel her between them, when she came to terms and adopted the Constitution, May 29, 1790. It was decided to transfer the seat of government to Philadelphia until 1800, when it was to be permanently fixed upon the eastern bank of the Potomac. The third session of the first Congress, therefore, was held in Philadelphia, on the first Monday in December, 1790. Through the efforts of Hamilton, the United States Bank and a national mint were established in that city, and did much to advance the prosperity of the country.

A PROTECTIVE TARIFF.--In 1791, Hamilton made a memorable report to Congress. In it he favored a protective tariff, recommending that the materials from which goods are manufactured should not be taxed, and advising that articles which competed with those made in this country should be prohibited. These and other important features were embodied in a bill, which was passed February 9, 1792.

TROUBLE WITH THE INDIANS.--Trouble occurred with the Indians in the Northwestern Territory and in the South. Georgia was dissatisfied with the treaty, by which a considerable part of the State was relinquished to the Indians. The difficulty in the Northwest was much more serious. General Harmar was sent to punish the red men for their many outrages, but was twice defeated. Then General St. Clair took his place. Before he set out, Washington impressively warned him against being surprised, but he, too, was beaten, and his army routed with great slaughter.

"Mad Anthony" Wayne now took up the task, with nearly three thousand men, and completed it thoroughly. At Fallen Timbers, August 20, 1794, he met the combined tribes and delivered a crushing defeat, from which the Indians did not recover for years. One year later, eleven hundred chiefs and warriors met the United States commissioners at Fort Greenville and signed a treaty of peace, relinquishing at the same time a vast tract of land lying in the present States of Indiana and Michigan.

THE WHISKEY REBELLION.--Among the important laws passed by Congress was one imposing a duty on distilled spirits. This roused great opposition in western Pennsylvania, where whiskey was the principal article of manufacture and trade. The revolt there assumed such formidable proportions that it became known as the "Whiskey Rebellion," and the President was compelled to call out the militia, fifteen thousand strong, to suppress it.

WASHINGTON'S SECOND TERM.--Washington did not desire a second term, but his countrymen would not permit him to decline. He again received all the electoral votes cast, while the next highest number went to John Adams. Strong party spirit was shown, Hamilton being the leader of the Federalists, and Jefferson the foremost Republican.

"CITIZEN GENET."--During Washington's administrations, France was plunged into the bloodiest revolution known in history. Her representative in this country was Edmond Charles Genet (zheh-na), better known as "Citizen Genet." Landing at Charleston, South Carolina, in April, 1793, he did not wait to present his credentials to the government, but began enlisting soldiers and fitting out privateers for the French service. Many thoughtless citizens encouraged him, but the wise Washington, finding that Genet defied him, ended the business by compelling his country to recall him.

JAY'S TREATY.--There was much trouble also with Great Britain, but a treaty was finally arranged with her by our special envoy, John Jay. One of its provisions guaranteed payment to British citizens of debts due them before the war. This caused much opposition, but the time came when it was admitted that Jay's treaty was one of the best made by our government.

FOOTNOTES:

[11] From "Young People's History of Our Country." Thomas R. Shewell & Co., 1900.

* * * * *

WASHINGTON

BY MARY WINGATE

O noble brow, so wise in thought! O heart, so true! O soul unbought! O eye, so keen to pierce the night And guide the "ship of state" aright! O life, so simple, grand and free, The humblest still may turn to thee. O king, uncrowned! O prince of men! When shall we see thy like again? The century, just passed away, Has felt the impress of thy sway, While youthful hearts have stronger grown And made thy patriot zeal their own. In marble hall or lowly cot, Thy name hath never been forgot. The world itself is richer, far, For the clear shining of a star. And loyal hearts in years to run Shall turn to thee, O Washington.

* * * * *

WASHINGTON'S INAUGURATION[12]

BY EDWARD EVERETT HALE

On the fourth of March, 1789, Elbridge Gerry, who had been chosen to the Senate of the United States, wrote thus from New York to John Adams:

My Dear Friend: I find, on inquiry, that you are elected Vice-President, having three or four times the number of votes of any other candidate. Maryland threw away their votes on Colonel Harrison, and South Carolina on Governor Rutledge, being, with some other states which were not unanimous for you, apprehensive that this was a necessary step to prevent your election to the chair. On this point they were mistaken, for the President, as I am informed from pretty good authority, has a unanimous vote. It is the universal wish of all that I have conferred with, and indeed their expectation, that both General Washington and yourself will accept; and should either refuse, it will have a very disagreeable effect. The members present met to-day in the City Hall, there being about eleven Senators and thirteen Representatives, and not constituting a quorum in either house, they adjourned till to-morrow.

Mrs. Gerry and the ladies join me in sincere regards to yourself, your lady, Colonel and Mrs. Smith, and be assured I remain, etc.

E. GERRY.

So slow was the movement of news in those days, and so doubtful, even after the election, were all men as to its results, Adams would not start from Braintree, his home, till he knew he was elected, nor Washington from Mt. Vernon. Charles Thompson, the Secretary of the old Congress, arrived at Mt. Vernon on the fourteenth of April and communicated to Washington the news of his election. No quorum of the House of Representatives had been formed until the first of April, nor of the Senate until the sixth. These bodies then counted the electoral vote, with the result predicted by Gerry in his letter written two days before.

Washington waited a day before starting to the seat of Government. On the sixteenth of April he started for New York. He writes in his diary:

About ten o'clock I bade adieu to Mount Vernon, to private life and to domestic felicity; and with a mind oppressed with more anxious and painful sensations than I have words to express, set out for New York in company with Mr. Thompson and Colonel Humphries, with the best dispositions to render service to my country in obedience to its call, but with less hope of answering its expectations.

The journey began with a public dinner at Alexandria. Said the gentlemen of Alexandria in their address to him:

Farewell!... Go!... and make a grateful people happy, a people who will be doubly grateful when they contemplate this recent sacrifice for their interest.

And Washington in his reply said:

At my age, and in my circumstances, what prospects or advantages could I propose to myself, for embarking again on the tempestuous and uncertain ocean of public life?