Chapter 18

It is important, likewise, that the habits of thinking in a free country should inspire caution in those intrusted with its administrations, to confine themselves within their respective constitutional spheres, avoiding in the exercise of the powers of one department to encroach upon another. The spirit of encroachment tends to consolidate the powers of all the departments in one, and thus to create, whatever the form of Government, a real despotism. A just estimate of that love of power, and proneness to abuse it, which predominates in the human heart, is sufficient to satisfy us of the truth of the position. The necessity of reciprocal checks in the exercise of political power, by dividing and distributing it into different depositories, and constituting each the Guardian of the Public Weal against invasions by the others, has been evinced by experiments ancient and modern; some of them in our country and under our own eyes. To preserve them must be as necessary as to institute them. If, in the opinion of the people, the distribution or modification of the constitutional powers be in any particular wrong, let it be corrected by an amendment in the way which the Constitution designates. But let there be no change by usurpation; for, though this in one instance may be the instrument of good, it is the customary weapon by which free Governments are destroyed. The precedent must always greatly overbalance in permanent evil any partial or transient benefit, which the use can at any time yield.

Of all the dispositions and habits, which lead to political prosperity, Religion and Morality are indispensable supports. In vain would that man claim the tribute of Patriotism, who should labor to subvert these great pillars of human happiness, these firmest props of the duties of Men and Citizens. The mere Politician, equally with the pious men, ought to respect and to cherish them. A volume could not trace all their connections with private and public felcity. Let it simply be asked, Where is the security for property, for reputation, for life, if the sense of religious obligation _desert_ the oaths, which are the instruments of investigation in Courts of Justice? And let us with caution indulge the supposition that morality can be maintained without religion. Whatever may be conceded to the influence of refined education on minds of peculiar structure, reason and experience both forbid us to expect, that national morality can prevail in exclusion of religious principle.

It is substantially true, that virtue or morality is a necessary spring of a popular Government. The rule, indeed, extends with more or less force to every species of free Government. Who that is a sincere friend to it, can look with indifference upon attempts to shake the foundation of the fabric?

Promote, then, as an object of primary importance, institutions for the general diffusion of knowledge. In proportion as the structure of a Government gives force to public opinion, it is essential that public opinion should be enlightened.

As a very important source of strength and security, cherish public credit. One method of preserving it is to use it as sparingly as possible; avoiding occasions of expense by cultivating peace, but remembering also that timely disbursements to prepare for danger frequently prevent much greater disbursements to repel it; avoiding likewise the accumulation of debt, not only by shunning occasions of expense, but by vigorous exertions in time of peace to discharge the debts, which unavoidable wars may have occasioned, not ungenerously throwing upon posterity the burden, which we ourselves ought to bear. The execution of these maxims belongs to your representatives, but it is necessary that the public opinion should co-operate. To facilitate to them the performance of their duty, it is essential that you should practically bear in mind, that towards the payment of debts there must be Revenue; that to have Revenue there must be taxes; that no taxes can be devised, which are not more or less inconvenient and unpleasant, that the intrinsic embarrassment, inseparable from this selection of the proper objects (which is always a choice of difficulties), ought to be a decisive motive for a candid construction of the conduct of the Government in making it, and for a spirit of acquiescence in the measures for obtaining revenue, which the public exigencies may at any time dictate.

Observe good faith and justice towards all Nations; cultivate peace and harmony with all. Religion and Morality enjoin this conduct; and can it be, that good policy does not equally enjoin it? It will be worthy of a free, enlightened, and, at no distant period, a great Nation, to give to mankind the magnanimous and too novel example of a people always guided by an exalted justice and benevolence. Who can doubt, that, in the course of time and things, the fruits of such a plan would richly repay any temporary advantages which might be lost by a steady adherence to it? Can it be that Providence has not connected the permanent felicity of a Nation with its Virtue? The experiment, at least, is recommended by every sentiment which ennobles human nature. Alas! is it rendered impossible by its vices?

In the execution of such a plan, nothing is more essential than that permanent, inveterate antipathies against particular Nations, and passionate attachments for others, should be excluded; and that, in place of them, just and amicable feelings towards all should be cultivated. The Nation, which indulges towards another an habitual hatred, or an habitual fondness, is in some degree a slave to its animosity or to its affection, either of which is sufficient to lead it astray from its duty and its interest. Antipathy in one nation against another disposes each more readily to offer insult and injury, to lay hold of slight causes of umbrage, and to be haughty and intractable, when accidental or trifling occasions of dispute occur. Hence frequent collisions, obstinate, venomed, and bloody contests. The Nation prompted by ill-will and resentment, sometimes impels to war the Government, contrary to the best calculations of policy. The Government sometimes participates in the national propensity and adopts through passion what reason would reject; at other times, it makes the animosity of the nation subservient to projects of hostility instigated by pride, ambition, and other sinister and pernicious motives. The peace often, sometimes perhaps the liberty, of Nations has been the victim.

So likewise, a passionate attachment of one Nation for another produces a variety of evils. Sympathy for the favorite Nation, facilitating the illusion of an imaginary common interest, in cases where no real common interest exists, and infusing into one the enmities of the other, betrays the former into a participation in the quarrels and wars of the latter, without adequate inducement or justification. It leads also to concessions to the favorite Nation of privileges denied to others, which is apt doubly to injure the Nation making the concessions; by unnecessarily parting with what ought to have been retained; and by exciting jealousy, ill-will, and a disposition to retaliate, in the parties from whom equal privileges are withheld. And it gives to ambitious, corrupted, or deluded citizens (who devote themselves to the favorite Nation), facility to betray or sacrifice the interests of their own country, without odium, sometimes even with popularity; gilding, with the appearance of a virtuous sense of obligation, a commendable deference for public opinion, or a laudable zeal for public good, the base of foolish compliances of ambition, corruption, or infatuation.

As avenues to foreign influence in innumerable ways, such attachments are particularly alarming to the truly enlightened and independent Patriot. How many opportunities do they afford to tamper with domestic factions, to practice the arts of seduction, to mislead public opinion, to influence or awe the Public Councils! Such an attachment of a small or weak, towards a great and powerful Nation, dooms the former to be the satellite of the latter.

Against the insidious wiles of foreign influence (I conjure you to believe me, fellow-citizens), the jealousy of a free people ought to be constantly awake; since history and experience prove that foreign influence is one of the most baneful foes of Republican Government. But that jealousy to be useful, must be impartial; else it becomes the instrument of the very influence to be avoided, instead of a defense against it. Excessive partiality for one foreign Nation, and excessive dislike of another, cause those whom they actuate to see danger only on one side, and serve to veil and even second the arts of influence on the other. Real patriots, who may resist the intrigues of the favorite, are liable to become suspected and odious; while its tools and dupes usurp the applause and confidence of the people, to surrender their interests.

The great rule of conduct for us, in regard to foreign nations, is, in extending our commercial relations, to have with them as little _political_ connection as possible. So far as we have already formed engagements, let them be fulfilled with perfect good faith. Here let us stop.

Europe has a set of primary interests, which to us have none, or a very remote relation. Hence she must be engaged in frequent controversies, the causes of which are essentially foreign to our concerns. Hence, therefore, it must be unwise in us to implicate ourselves, by artificial ties, in the ordinary vicissitudes of her politics, or the ordinary combinations and collisions of her friendships or enmities.

Our detached and distant situation invites and enables us to pursue a different course. If we remain one people, under an efficient Government, the period is not far off when we may defy material injury from external annoyance; when we may take such an attitude as will cause the neutrality we may at any time resolve upon to be scrupulously respected; when belligerent nations, under the impossibility of making acquisitions upon us, will not lightly hazard the giving us provocation; when we may choose peace or war, as our interest, guided by justice, shall counsel.

Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation? Why quit our own to stand upon foreign ground? Why, by interweaving our destiny with that of any part of Europe, entangle our peace and prosperity in the toils of European ambition, rivalship, interest, humor, or caprice?

It is our true policy to steer clear of permanent alliances with any portion of the foreign world; so far, I mean, as we are now at liberty to do it; for let me not be understood as capable of patronizing infidelity to existing engagements. I hold the maxim no less applicable to public than to private affairs, that honesty is always the best policy. I repeat it, therefore, let those engagements be observed in their genuine sense. But, in my opinion, it is unnecessary and would be unwise to extend them.

Taking care always to keep ourselves, by suitable establishments, in a respectable defensive posture, we may safely trust to temporary alliances for extraordinary emergencies.

Harmony, liberal intercourse with all nations, are recommended by policy, humanity, and interest. But even our commercial policy should hold an equal and impartial hand; neither seeking nor granting exclusive favors or preferences; consulting the natural course of things; diffusing and diversifying by gentle means the streams of commerce, but forcing nothing; establishing, with powers so disposed, in order to give trade a stable course, to define the rights of our merchants, and to enable the Government to support them, conventional rules of intercourse, the best that present circumstances and mutual opinion will permit, but temporary, and liable to be from time to time abandoned or varied, as experience and circumstances shall dictate; constantly keeping in view that it is folly in one nation to look for disinterested favors from another; that it must pay with a portion of its independence for whatever it may accept under that character; that, by such acceptance, it may place itself in the condition of having given equivalents for nominal favors, and yet of being reproached with ingratitude for not giving more. There can be no greater error than to expect or calculate upon real favors from nation to nation. It is an illusion which experience must cure, which a just pride ought to discard.

In offering to you, my countrymen, these counsels of an old and affectionate friend, I dare not hope they will make the strong and lasting impression I could wish; that they will control the usual current of the passions or prevent our Nation from running the course which has hitherto marked the destiny of Nations. But, if I may even flatter myself, that they may be productive of some partial benefit, some occasional good; that they may now and then recur to moderate the fury of party spirit, to warn against the mischiefs of foreign intrigue, to guard against the impostures of pretended patriotism; this hope will be a full recompense for the solicitude for your welfare, by which they have been dictated.

How far in the discharge of my official duties I have been guided by the principles which have been delineated, the public records and other evidences of my conduct must witness to you and to the world. To myself, the assurance of my own conscience is, that I have at least believed myself to be guided by them.

In relation to the still subsisting war in Europe, my Proclamation of the 22d of April, 1793, is the index of my Plan. Sanctioned by your approving voice, and by that of your Representatives of both Houses of Congress, the spirit of that measure has continually governed me uninfluenced by any attempts to deter or divert me from it.

After deliberate examination, with the aid of the best lights I could obtain, I was well satisfied that our country, under all the circumstances of the case, had a right to take, and was bound in duty and interest to take, a neutral position. Having taken it, I determined, as far as should depend upon me, to maintain it, with moderation, perseverance, and firmness.

The considerations, which respect the right to hold this conduct, it is not necessary on this occasion to detail. I will only observe, that, according to my understanding of the matter, that right, so far from being denied by any of the Belligerent Powers, has been virtually admitted by all.

The duty of holding a neutral conduct may be inferred, without anything more, from the obligation which justice and humanity impose on every Nation, in cases in which it is free to act, to maintain inviolate the relations of peace and amity towards other Nations.

The inducements of interest for observing that conduct will best be referred to your own reflections and experience. With me, a predominant motive has been to endeavor to gain time to our country to settle and mature its yet recent institutions, and to progress without interruption to that degree of strength and consistency, which is necessary to give it, humanly speaking, the command of its own fortunes.

Though, in reviewing the incidents of my administration, I am unconscious of intentional error, I am nevertheless too sensible of my defects not to think it probable that I may have committed many errors. Whatever they may be, I fervently beseech the Almighty to avert or mitigate the evils to which they may tend. I shall also carry with me the hope, that my Country will never cease to view them with indulgence; and that, after forty-five years of my life dedicated to its service with an upright zeal, the faults of incompetent abilities will be consigned to oblivion, as myself must soon be to the mansions of rest.

Relying on its kindness in this as in other things, and actuated by that fervent love towards it, which is so natural to a man, who views in it the native soil of himself and his progenitors for several generations, I anticipate with pleasing expectation that retreat, in which I promise myself to realize, without alloy, the sweet enjoyment of partaking, in the midst of my fellow-citizens, the benign influence of good laws under a free Government, the ever favorite object of my heart, and the happy reward, as I trust, of our mutual cares, labors, and dangers.

XI

EXERCISES

DECORATIONS FOR WASHINGTON'S BIRTHDAY EXERCISES

The hall in which the exercises in celebration of Washington's Birthday are held should be decorated with all the patriotic emblems obtainable,--flags, banners, flowers, etc.; including a portrait of Washington centrally and prominently exhibited, with the motto, "First in war, etc.," and the figures 1732 and 1799, the dates of his birth and death; the former trimmed with flowers, the latter with crepe. Nothing available should be omitted to render the hall as bright and attractive as possible.

The orations should be delivered by boys, but the other portions of the exercises may be rendered by girls, or by both girls and boys, as may be found most suitable to the text and the occasion.

* * * * *

SOME YEARS IN WASHINGTON'S LIFE

BY M. LIZZIE STANLEY

An Exercise for Boys From "_The Popular Educator_"

_Let the scholars who represent the ghosts of the vanished years stand in the background and come forth as they are called. Each should bear in his hand a standard with the date of his year in large letters upon it, or wear a badge with the same. Hang a large picture of Washington on the wall; above it place the motto, "First in war, first in peace, first in the hearts of his countrymen," and beneath it the dates of his birth and death_.

SCHOLAR.

This wintry month of storm and cold Doth in its rough old heart enfold A memory bright as burnished gold, Which still lives on while years grow old. It pales not with the lapse of time, But burns with steady glow sublime-- Through all the years from age to age, A light upon our history's page-- The name and memory of one, Our country's hero--Washington.

SCHOOL.

Go, ring the bells and fire each gun In honor of George Washington.

SCHOLAR.

Come, boys, let's have some historic fun, Its theme to be grand Washington, 'Tis better far than simple play, So range yourselves in close array, While each in turn his deeds do cite, And thus we'll keep his memory bright.

SCHOLAR.

Call up the ghosts of the vanished years, And question each as he appears.

SCHOOL.

Aha! ye years that thought ye were gone, We'll call you back with your faces wan.

(SIX OR MORE VOICES IN CONCERT.)

Arise, thou ghost of seventeen thirty-two, And to our questions give us answers true. What knowest thou of Washington, the grave? What canst thou tell of Washington, the brave?

(_Arise 1732_.)

In February of my year, Unto my mind 'tis very clear, Upon the twenty-second day, In old Virginia far away, Was born a sweet and gentle child, On whom the heavens looked down and smiled.

VOICES.

Is that all thou canst tell?

(_1732 speaks again_.)

Ah! there's another thing, just one: They called the child George Washington. On all things else I am but dumb; Ask of the years that after come. [_Retire._

VOICES.

Arise, ye ghosts of his youthful days, And tell us of his acts and ways.

(_Arise 1733, 1735, 1738, 1741, 1743, and 1752. Each speaks in turn_.)

1733. In seventeen hundred thirty-three He was a baby, full of glee.

1735. In seventeen hundred thirty-five He was a child, all wide-awake, alive.

1738. I speak for seventeen thirty-eight, He told no falsehood, small or great.

1741. Thus speak the lips of seventeen forty-one: His work in copybooks was nearly done.

1743. In seventeen hundred forty-three He loved in military sports to be.

1752. My days of seventeen fifty-two No finer form could bring to view.

VOICES.

Away, ye years! No more, no more! [_They retire_. Arise, thou ghost of fifty-four.

(_Arise 1754._)

The French and Indian War this year begun, Its first gun fired by youthful Washington; The shots flew fast from hidden foe, And many a one was then laid low, Yet never a wound that grand form felt, Though shots like rain at him were dealt. Old Indian chiefs declared a charm Preserved his life from every harm. [_Retire._

VOICES.

Come forth, ye vanished seventeen seventy-five. No man methinks that knew thee is alive.

(_Arise 1775._)

I proudly rise from the vanished past, Behold a dark cloud gathering fast! At first no bigger than a hand, 'Tis spreading over all the land, And men are hurrying here and there, Their brows all grave with anxious care. Upon the green at Cambridge gaze, List to the shouts the people raise, As on his war-horse, proud and calm, Sits he, the nation's strong right arm; Beneath the spreading elm-tree's shade, Commander-in-chief he there is made Of young America's armies all. Who is it thus the people call? 'Tis Washington, the star of light, That shone through all the country's night. [_Retire._

VOICES.

Come back, ye years that now are o'er, And tell us of this man yet more.

(_Arise 1776 and 1777. In concert_.)

Together we rise to speak his fame, Who won a grand, immortal name At Trenton and at Princeton too. More brilliant deeds where can we view? On History's page they brightly gleam. Him "first in war" we rightly deem. [_Retire._

VOICES.

Behold a shadow dark and weighty! Stand forth, thou ghost of seventeen eighty.

(_Arise 1780_.)

Hunger and cold, and suffering great In my last days was the sad fate Of Washington and his soldiers brave. The name "hard winter" to me clave. But still the grand old patriot fire Within one breast did ne'er expire. In cause so grand he placed a faith sublime, That far outweighed the sorrows of the time. [_Retire._

VOICES.

What canst thou tell us, seventeen eighty-one, Of this far-famed, immortal Washington?

(_Arise 1781_.)

I see the British soldiers, one by one, Surrendering their arms to Washington. The war of revolution now is o'er, And joyful shouts from every hillside pour. As soon as war's black flag is furled, The admiration of the world, Bearing the love of countless grateful hearts, George Washington unto his home departs. The "first in war," and "first in peace," His memory shall never cease. [_Retire._

VOICES.

Once more we call. Come forth and shine, Spirit of seventeen eighty-nine.

(_Arise 1789_.)

My year beheld George Washington Above all men the ruling one, Of the United States first President, His name a glory to our country lent. [_Retire._

VOICES.

Come forth, thou ghost, the last in line; Come back, oh seventeen ninety-nine.

(_Arise 1799_.)

I rise with sorrow in my face, Which time can never quite efface. In the last month of the Last year Of the LAST century (dost thou hear?) There passed away a kingly soul, And sadly all the bells did toll; The people mourned their leader much; Their feelings in one mighty rush! Swept back o'er all the years gone by, And heartfelt was the nation's cry O'er Washington whom tongue and pen Proclaim the first in hearts of countrymen. [_Retire._

SCHOOL.

"First in war, first in peace, first in the hearts of his countrymen."

VOICES.

Who would have thought the vanished years Could come back thus with smiles and tears!

(_The years come back in procession, 1732 in advance, and recite together_.)