Part 3

IN visiting the Capitol building most people desire first to see the Senate Chamber, possibly from the fact that the names of the Senators are more familiar, because, as a usual thing, men have been long in public life before they have become Senators.

The Senate Chamber is 112 feet in length, 82 feet wide, and 30 feet high. The floor rises like that of an amphitheater; the walls are white, buff, and gold in color, and the ceiling consists of panels of glass, each one bearing the coat of arms of a State. Opposite the main entrance, on a platform of dark mahogany, are the desk and chair of the President of the Senate, who is the Vice-President of the United States, or, as in the present administration, a Senator elected by his colleagues to preside over them when the office of Vice-President has become vacant. Below the President is a larger desk for the use of the Secretary of the Senate and his assistants.

The heating and ventilating of the Senate Chamber is said to be very good. In winter, however, the room seems to be too warm. After an absence of fifteen years, I find men who have been in the Senate during that time have aged much more in appearance than their contemporaries outside.

The mahogany desks of the Senators stand on a moss green carpet, making a good color combination. The room is surrounded by a gallery which seats about a thousand persons. This gallery is divided. There is a private gallery for Senators' families and friends, one part of which is set apart for the family of the President. It is seldom occupied by the dwellers in the White House, but often by visiting friends. The reporters' gallery is over the Vice-President's desk. There sit those busy, bright men who keep you informed of what the Senate is doing. The gallery opposite is for the diplomats. It is always interesting to watch the faces of these distinguished foreigners as they scan this body of lawmakers. Besides these there are the gallery for ladies, or for gentlemen accompanied by ladies, and the public gallery for men.

The Senate is the citadel of American liberty. Its great debates have defined our constitutional rights and duties, and prevented many violations of fundamental law. Here Clay, Calhoun, Webster, Benton, Chase, Sumner, Seward, Harrison, Edmunds, Evarts, Ingalls, Logan, and Wade Hampton, with hundreds of others equally eloquent and equally patriotic, have stood for the right as they saw it, or sold their souls for the mess of pottage.

The Republicans sit on the Vice-President's left and the Democrats on the right. Although differing in ideas of governmental policy, we must believe both sides are actuated by a love of country.

The world is beginning to expect the United States to be the final court of appeals in behalf of the lesser nations, especially the other American republics. It is the Senate's natural destiny, because of its treaty-making power, to facilitate a better understanding between nations, to prevent wrongs, to increase commerce, to secure international peace, and thus to improve the governmental powers of the world. So will our republic be the bridge over which the nations of the earth will enter on a period of universal education and modified self-government.

In my youth, on a visit to Washington, I saw Schuyler Colfax preside over the Senate. He was a nervous, restless man, who gave no attention to the Senator speaking, and while he was in the chair the Senate became a noisy, turbulent body. At another time, for a few hours, I saw Henry Wilson, who was Vice-President under Grant's second term, preside over the Senate. Quiet, self-contained, serene, watchful, attentive, he was an ideal presiding officer. Every battle of life had left its mark on his strong, rugged face.

In December, 1885, I came to Washington and remained three years. Vice-President Hendricks had died, and the Senate, which was Republican, was presided over by John Sherman. He was in public life from 1848 to the time of his death, and his name was identified with almost every public measure from that time to the end of the century. He was a man of great wisdom and good judgment, but cold and without any of those qualities which tend to personal popularity. Later, John James Ingalls, of Kansas, was elected President _pro tempore_. Tall, stately, dignified, scholarly, thoughtful, a skilled parliamentarian, it is probable the Senate never had a better presiding officer. When Senator Ingalls occupied the chair the business of the Senate was put through with such celerity and dispatch that a visit to that usually prosy body became interesting.

Later, I saw Levi P. Morton, of New York, preside as Vice-President. He was a fine business man who had served his country with honor abroad, but had no training as a presiding officer. He was regarded as fair in his rulings.

The Senate was later presided over by Senator Frye, of Maine, who has had a long experience in legislative bodies, having served six terms as representative from Maine, and having been elected to the Senate in 1881, to fill the vacancy left by Blaine when he became Secretary of State under Garfield. He was also a member of the Peace Commission which met in Paris, September, 1898, to settle the terms of peace between the United States and Spain. The Senate is now presided over by Vice-President Sherman, who has served twenty years as Representative from New York. He presided over the Republican Convention in 1895, 1900 and 1908.

When I take friends to the Senate now I notice they ask first for Mr. Aldrich, of Rhode Island; Bailey and Culbertson, of Texas; Lodge, of Massachusetts; Nelson, of Minnesota; Tillman, of South Carolina; Root, of New York; Owen and Gore, of Oklahoma; Curtis and Bristow, of Kansas, and Dolliver, of Iowa.

When I was here from 1885 to 1888 the following were the stars: Edmunds, who for quiet strength, massive force, persistent effort, fertility of resource, and keen sagacity was never surpassed on the floor of the Senate. Like Mr. Hoar, his sentences in rhetorical and grammatical construction were fit for the Record just as they fell from his lips. William M. Evarts, of New York, famous as counsel in the Beecher trial, and attorney for the Republican party before the Electoral Commission. He seemed like a man about to do some great thing, but he originated no important national or international law. Leland Stanford, noted for his philanthropy and great wealth, and Wade Hampton and Senator Butler, both of South Carolina, were picturesque and interesting figures. General Logan, Don Cameron, Preston B. Plumb, Blackburn, and Beck, of Kentucky, stood next in interest, but most of these have given place to a younger generation.

The most interesting rooms in the north wing beside the Senate Chamber are the President's room, Vice-President's reception-rooms, and committee-room of the District of Columbia.

The walls of the President's room are in white and gold, with crimson carpet, table, and chair effects—rather high lights if one had to live in it, but very pleasing for the short visits made by the President to the Capitol. On the last day of each term of Congress the President comes to this room for an hour or two and signs any bills which yet remain. He also answers the perfunctory question as to whether he desires to present any further business to the Senate.

The Vice-President's room is much more used. When the Vice-President in the Senate chamber grows tired "of weary lawyers with endless tongues," he calls some one to the chair and slips into the Vice-President's room, to rest and attend to his correspondence.

Garrett A. Hobart was the fifth Vice-President of the United States to die during his term of office. The others were Elbridge Gerry, William Rufus King, Henry Wilson, and Thomas A. Hendricks. Gerry was one of the great statesmen of the revolutionary period and hailed from Massachusetts. He was Vice-President in 1812, and died November 23, 1814, while on the way to the capital.

Charles Warren Fairbanks, a Republican from Indianapolis, Ind., became Vice-President March 4, 1905, at the beginning of Mr. Roosevelt's second term. Mr. Fairbanks never held public office prior to his election to the Senate in 1897, which place he held until he resigned to take the oath of Vice-President.

Mr. Fairbank's influence in the City of Washington will long be remembered as one of the pleasant memories of the Capital. At church functions, at philanthropic or patriotic conventions, Vice-President Fairbanks found time in his overcrowded life to preside. In social life Mrs. Fairbanks was the idol of the D. A. R. women. Her hospitable home was ever open for receptions, fetes and parties, and not in this generation will Washington see a family so universally beloved and so universally regretted.

James Schoolcraft Sherman, Republican of Utica, N. Y., took the oath of office as Vice-President, March 4, 1909. He had been a member of Congress for twenty years, and ranked as one of the five leading members of the House of Representatives. His ability as a presiding officer is recognized in both branches of Congress. The Cabinet called together by President Taft is composed largely of new men at Washington.

Mr. Philander Chase Knox, of Pennsylvania, takes up the duties of the State Department so ably filled by John Hay, Elihu Root, and Mr. Taft, with large knowledge of state affairs.

Mr. Franklin McVeagh, of Chicago, an able business man, takes charge of the Treasury Department at a time when there is a deficiency in the Treasury, and with a new tariff law to enforce.

Mr. Jacob McGavock Dickinson, like Mr. McVeagh, is a Democrat from Chicago. As Secretary of War he will need all his great acumen in managing the affairs of the nation from the Panama Zone to the Philippine Islands.

Mr. George Woodward Wickersham, of New York, as Attorney-General is a lawyer of high personal and professional qualifications.

Mr. George von Lengerke Meyer was transferred by President Taft from the Post-office Department, whose service he greatly improved, to the Secretaryship of the Navy.

Mr. Frank Harris Hitchcock, the new Postmaster-General, has had long experience in postal affairs.

Mr. Charles Nagel, of St. Louis, Mo., has had a business experience which will fit him for his arduous duties as Secretary of Labor and Commerce.

Hon. James Wilson has been reappointed by President Taft as Secretary of Agriculture, a position he has held for twelve years.

Mr. Richard Achilles Ballinger, the new Secretary of the Interior, of Seattle, Wash., is of the New West. He has met a warm welcome at Washington.

VIII THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES

THE Hall of Representatives is in the south wing of the Capitol, and is similar in form and design to the Senate Chamber, being semicircular, with a gallery of twelve hundred seating capacity extending around the entire hall.

Like the Senate, the walls are white, buff, and gold, and the ceiling panels of glass, each showing in connection with a State coat of arms the cotton plant in some stage of development.

The Speaker of the House sits at a desk of pure white marble, and in front of him are several desks for the Secretary and his many assistants.

A silver plate on each desk bears the name of its occupant. As in the Senate, the Republicans occupy the left of the Speaker and the Democrats the right.

When the House is in session the mace is in an upright position at the table of the Sergeant-at-Arms on the right of the Speaker, and when the House is adjourned, or in committee of the whole, it is removed.

The mace is a bundle of ebony rods, bound together with silver bands, having on top a silver globe, surmounted by a silver eagle. In the British House of Commons the mace represents the royal authority, but in the United States it stands for the power of the people, which, tho not present in bodily form, yet is a force always to be reckoned with. The one now in the House has been in use since 1842. The Sergeant carries it before him as his symbol of office when enforcing order, or in conducting a member to the bar of the House by order of the Speaker.

The Speaker's room is across the lobby back of his chair, and is one of the most beautiful rooms in the building. It has velvet carpet, fine, carved furniture, large bookcases and mirrors, and its walls, as well as the walls of the lobby, are hung with the portraits of every Speaker, from our first Congress to the present one.

Most of the pictures in the House of Representatives with which I was familiar fifteen years ago have been removed. Now there remains but one— Brumidi's fresco representing General Washington declining the overtures of Lord Cornwallis for a two days' cessation of hostilities.

Washington, like Grant, was an "unconditional surrender" man.

Each State is entitled to a number of Representatives in Congress, proportioned upon the number of its population. The State is districted by its own State Legislature. Then the district selects its own man, who is supposed to understand its wants and needs, and elects him to represent his people for two years.

He must be twenty-five years of age, seven years a citizen of the United States, and a citizen of the State which he represents. There are about three hundred and fifty-six members and delegates. The latter represent the territories of Oklahoma, New Mexico, Arizona, and Hawaii.

Congress is an aggregate of selfish units, each fighting for his district. No doubt good influences prevail, but no one class of men, either the extremely good or the extremely bad, has the entire say, for law is the formulated average public opinion of the age and country in which it is made.

It can not be too strongly impressed upon the voters of this country that it is their duty to select good, strong, noble men with high convictions of public duty, and then to keep them in Congress term after term if they desire their district to be represented by anything more than a mere vote. Important places on committees are given men not alone in proportion to intellectual merit, but in proportion to Congressional experience. All men will not become leaders from remaining there a long time, but none will without it.

It is a wonderful thing to note the changes in the House since 1885. At that time John G. Carlisle was Speaker of the House. So fair in his rulings was Mr. Carlisle that one might spend hours in the gallery and be unable to decide which side he favored.

Samuel J. Randall and Roger Q. Mills, of Texas, were the leaders on the Democratic side, and the Mills bill concerning tariff the chief object of legislative interest before the country. Springer, of Illinois, and Breckenridge, of Kentucky; Crisp, of Georgia; Hooker and Allen, of Mississippi, were also among the leaders of the Democracy. Of these some are now out of politics, some are dead, and one disgraced.

Thomas B. Reed, of Maine, was the acknowledged leader of the Republican side, with McKinley, Cutcheon, Burrows, Boutelle, Holman, Butterworth, Henderson, Payne, Morrill, of Kansas, Negley, of Pennsylvania, and Cannon his backers.

It was great fun to see Reed come down the aisle ready to puncture the pet plans of the Democrats. In sharp, keen, extemporaneous, partisan debate he has never been excelled in this country, and possibly never in any other. No man ever appreciated his own power more accurately than he. He charged on few windmills; but when he placed himself in antagonism to a measure, it usually failed to pass, altho the Democrats had a working majority. When he became Speaker of the House, old members assured me, in spite of his name "Czar" Reed, he was not more arbitrary than either Blaine or Randall in the same position. As a presiding officer no man ever put the business of the House through more rapidly or more gracefully. He was a fine parliamentarian, quick in decisions and most able in his rulings.

My note on McKinley in 1885 says: "He can not be considered a leader, for a leader is one who can champion a party measure. This he can not do, as he is not keen in repartee—the opposition walk all over him; nor can he support a _new_ man. He makes two or three well-prepared, eloquent speeches each _year_; these are usually on the tariff. He is a genial, pleasant gentleman, probably with more personal friends in the entire country than any one man now before the nation."

William C. P. Breckenridge, of Kentucky, was considered the most eloquent man for a prepared speech on the Democratic side. But it was the eloquence of a musical voice, graceful gesture, and an abundant use of adjectives, not the eloquence of deep thought. While he was speaking it was hard to believe that it was not the best speech which could possibly be made on that subject. When one read it in the Record he wondered that he had been even interested.

In December, 1889, Mr. Breckenridge lectured in Clearfield, Pennsylvania, to the Teachers' Institute. His subject was "Kentucky's Place in History."

He began by saying: "I was a rebel. I am glad of it. If I had it to do again, I would do the same thing!" Now, think of that before a Northern audience, especially in a mountain county which is always noted for patriotism. If his audience had been petrified they could not more quickly have frozen in their places.

He told the thrilling story of Kentucky in words of matchless humor and pathos. He tried fun; no one smiled. I was sitting on the platform, and the stories were so amusing I was obliged to retire to the wings, as to laugh in the face of that angry audience would have been an indignity. He tried pathos. No one melted. As he came from the stage, I said: "Colonel, you gave a most eloquent address."

"What in thunder is the matter with that audience?" he said. I replied: "When you said you did not regret being a rebel, and you would do the same again, you killed that audience so far as you were concerned."

Just at that moment Mr. Matthew Savage, the County Superintendent, came up. He flung down on the table his check for one hundred dollars, and said: "Take that, but I hope never to see your face again. I am a Democrat, and the people of this county will think I hired you to come here and talk treason. You have spoiled my chances for the Legislature." The people, however, understood the case, and it did not hurt Mr. Savage politically.

IX CONCERNING REPRESENTATIVES

IT is not all "skittles and beer" to be a Senator or a Representative at Washington. The continued pressure from a man's constituents that he shall accomplish certain legislation for his district, and the iron-clad rules which prohibit his every movement, if in the House of Representatives, are enough to break an ordinary man's health.

A new member goes to the House full of enthusiasm, hoping to accomplish great things for those who have trusted him; he finds that he is scarcely permitted to open his mouth the first term. But he does his best in committee, which is little enough; he runs his feet off to get places for some hundreds of people from his district who must be taken care of. Then he keeps trying to be a good party man, and to do some favor for the leaders, who, he hopes, will reward him by giving him an opportunity to accomplish much-needed legislation for his district, till in his second or third term he becomes desperate, breaks out in meeting, and knocks things about generally. If he proves to be really an orator and succeeds in catching the ear of the House, he may then begin to be more than a mere party voter. On the other hand, he may be so squelched that he subsides into "innocuous desuetude."

In the meantime he has borne all forms of unjust and unkind criticism at home. His opponents of his own party and of the opposite party point, in scorn and malice, to how little has been done for the district, and tell in startling sentences how they would do it and how they _will_ do it when they are elected. Then a "nagger" comes to Washington, who is still worse. He _demands_ a position, tells the Representative how the latter owes his place to said nagger, and insists on being immediately made chief clerk of some department accessible only through the Civil Service, and needing four times the influence a new member can bring to bear. A man must learn to be serene under nagging, misrepresentation, and even positive lies, and rely upon time and his own best efforts to vindicate him.

There have been more caucuses held during the last term than usual. A caucus is a good thing, as it gives a man a chance to influence in a very slight degree the decisions of his party. (See Henry Loomis Nelson's excellent article in the _Century_ for June, 1902.)

The House (in 1909) is ruled by Speaker Cannon, Payne, of New York, Dalzell, of Pennsylvania, and Tawney, of Minnesota. How long will such a hierarchy, dominating nearly three hundred intelligent men, be permitted to exist? The House is run like a bank, of which the President and a few clerks do all the deciding. Any correspondent who has the ear of any of these few can tell you the fate of a measure before it comes to vote.

The chairmen of committees, and a few others who have been long in the House, are called into a committee room to decide on how much debate will be permitted, who will be heard, and whether or not the bill shall pass; and the rank and file, desiring to be good party men, obey orders, and the bill fails or goes through in exactly the form decided upon by the clique. This is most un-American. It is true, more business is thus accomplished; but the business does not represent the average public opinion of the House.

The Committee on Rules, or its majority, constitutes a stone wall against which men break their hearts and ruin their reputations. Let us have less done, but let what is done be an average result of public opinion.

The President can do but little to influence legislation. His clubs are personality and patronage. If as persistent as Mr. Roosevelt, he may eventually get an "Administration" measure (like Cuban reciprocity) through, despite opposition. Present Congressional methods make politicans out of men capable, under broader training, of becoming statesmen. But Mr. Roosevelt did not "arrive" by the good will of the machine, but in spite of it. If he attains a second term, it will be against the plans of the machine; but as in Lincoln's second term, politicians may be forced to nominate him, or themselves go down before the storm of public indignation.

In the meantime legislators in the House will go on presenting little bills which they know they can never get passed, but printed copies of which can be sent to constituents to make them believe that their representatives are really doing something.

The present method has this benefit: it shuts off much of the lobbying which formerly disgraced the anterooms of Congress.

1. Benjamin F. Shively (D.), Ind.

Photo, Clinedinst, Wash.

2. Robert M. LaFollette (R), Wis.

3. Elihu Root (R.), N. Y.

Photo, Pach Bros., New York

4. Henry Cabot Lodge (R.), Mass.

Copyright, Clinedinst, Wash.

5. Nelson W. Aldrich (R.), R. I.

Copyright, Clinedinst, Wash.

6. Eugene Hale (R.), Me.

7. Joseph W. Bailey (D.), Texas

Copyright, 1909, Harris & Ewing, Wash.

8. Francis G. Newlands (D.), Nev.

Photo, Prince, Wash.

9. Charles A. Culberson (D.), Texas