Part 1

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Bell's English History Source Books

General Editors: S. E. WINBOLT, M.A., and KENNETH BELL, M.A.

WALPOLE AND CHATHAM (1714-1760)

Compiled by

KATHARINE A. ESDAILE

Some Time Scholar of Lady Margaret Hall, Oxford

London G. Bell & Sons, Ltd. 1912

INTRODUCTION

This series of English History Source Books is intended for use with any ordinary textbook of English History. Experience has conclusively shown that such apparatus is a valuable--nay, an indispensable--adjunct to the history lesson. It is capable of two main uses: either by way of lively illustration at the close of a lesson, or by way of inference-drawing, before the textbook is read, at the beginning of the lesson. The kind of problems and exercises that may be based on the documents are legion, and are admirably illustrated in a _History of England for Schools_, Part I., by Keatinge and Frazer, pp. 377-381. However, we have no wish to prescribe for the teacher the manner in which he shall exercise his craft, but simply to provide him and his pupils with materials hitherto not readily accessible for school purposes. The very moderate price of the books in this series should bring them within the reach of every secondary school. Source books enable the pupil to take a more active part than hitherto in the history lesson. Here is the apparatus, the raw material: its use we leave to teacher and taught.

Our belief is that the books may profitably be used by all grades of historical students between the standards of fourth-form boys in secondary schools and undergraduates at Universities. What differentiates students at one extreme from those at the other is not so much the kind of subject-matter dealt with, as the amount they can read into or extract from it.

In regard to choice of subject-matter, while trying to satisfy the natural demand for certain "stock" documents of vital importance, we hope to introduce much fresh and novel matter. It is our intention that the majority of the extracts should be lively in style--that is, personal, or descriptive, or rhetorical, or even strongly partisan--and should not so much profess to give the truth as supply data for inference. We aim at the greatest possible variety, and lay under contribution letters, biographies, ballads and poems, diaries, debates, and newspaper accounts. Economics, London, municipal, and social life generally, and local history, are represented in these pages.

The order of the extracts is strictly chronological, each being numbered, titled, and dated, and its authority given. The text is modernised, where necessary, to the extent of leaving no difficulties in reading.

We shall be most grateful to teachers and students who may send us suggestions for improvement.

S. E. WINBOLT. KENNETH BELL.

NOTE TO THIS VOLUME

I have to thank the Editors of the _English Historical Review_ for permission to reprint the passages dealing with the War of Jenkins' Ear, published by Sir John Laughton in the fourth volume of the _Review_, and the Scottish History Society for a similar permission with regard to the Proclamation of James III. and the Landing of the Young Pretender. The Letters of Horace Walpole are quoted throughout under the dates and names of correspondents, not from any particular edition, as this enables a letter to be found without difficulty in any edition; otherwise the sources are given in full.

The lover of the eighteenth century is born, but he is also made. It is the aim of this little book to help in the making.

K. A. E.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

PAGE

STATE OF PARTIES AT THE QUEEN'S DEATH (1714) 1

PROCLAMATION OF GEORGE I. (1714) 4

CHARACTER AND PERSON OF GEORGE I. (1660-1727) 5

PUBLIC FEELING AS TO THE NEW DYNASTY (1714) 6

THE '15: I. THE PRETENDER'S DECLARATION 9 II. THE PROCLAMATION OF JAMES III. 14 III. FAILURE OF THE EXPEDITION EXPLAINED 16

THE SEPTENNIAL ACT (1716) 18

DEFEAT OF THE SPANISH FLEET OFF SICILY BY ADMIRAL SIR GEORGE BYNG, JULY 31, 1718 19

THE SOUTH SEA BUBBLE (1720): I. THE PROPOSALS: THE SECOND SCHEME OF THE SOUTH SEA COMPANY 21 II. THE BUBBLE BURST 25

SIR ROBERT WALPOLE AS PRIME MINISTER (1721-1741) 27

WOOD'S HALFPENCE: THE FIRST DRAPIER's LETTER (1724) 29

CHARACTER OF GEORGE II. (1683-1760) 36

THE CONDITION OF THE FLEET PRISON, AS REVEALED BY A PARLIAMENTARY ENQUIRY (1729): (_a_) DESCRIPTION OF THE WARDEN, THOMAS BAMBRIDGE 38 (_b_) HIS CRUELTY 39 (_c_) FINDINGS OF THE PARLIAMENTARY COMMITTEE 40

THE EXCISE BILL (1733) 42

THE PORTEOUS RIOTS (1736) 45

LORD CHESTERFIELD'S SPEECH ON THE BILL FOR THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE CENSORSHIP OF STAGE PLAYS (1737) 47

DEATH OF QUEEN CAROLINE (1737): HER CHARACTER DESCRIBED BY GEORGE II. 49

THE WAR OF JENKINS' EAR (1739) 51

THE OPPOSITION SUSPECTS WALPOLE OF DOUBLE-DEALING (1739) 53

ADMIRAL VERNON'S VICTORY AT PORTOBELLO (1740):

I. "ADMIRAL HOSIER'S GHOST" 55 II. "GREAT BRITAIN'S GLORY; OR, THE STAY-AT-HOME FLEET" 58

THE NEW MINISTERS (1742): I. HERVEY'S ACCOUNT OF THE MINISTRY 58 II. EPIGRAM ON THE MINISTRY 60 III. EPIGRAM ON PULTENEY'S ACCEPTANCE OF A PEERAGE 60

THE ORIGIN OF THE SEVEN YEARS' WAR (1741-1748) 61

THE '45: I. LANDING OF THE YOUNG PRETENDER; THE RAISING OF THE STANDARD; SURRENDER OF EDINBURGH 65 II. TREATMENT OF THE VANQUISHED-- (_a_) AFTER PRESTON PANS 74 (_b_) AFTER CULLODEN 76 III. COLLINS'S "ODE WRITTEN IN THE BEGINNING OF THE YEAR 1746" 79 IV. AN ADVENTURE OF CHARLES EDWARD 79

TRIAL OF THE REBEL LORDS (1746) 81

TREATY OF AIX-LA-CHAPELLE (1748): I. LORD BOLINGBROKE ON THE PRELIMINARIES 84 II. THE ARTICLES OF PEACE 86 III. A CONTEMPORARY VIEW OF THE PEACE 88

LORD CHESTERFIELD'S ACT FOR THE REFORM OF THE CALENDAR (1751): I. HISTORICAL ACCOUNT OF THE BILL 89 II. LORD CHESTERFIELD'S OWN ACCOUNT 93

SMOLLETT'S CHARACTER OF THE DUKE OF NEWCASTLE 94

THE TRIAL AND EXECUTION OF ADMIRAL BYNG (1759): I. HORACE WALPOLE TO SIR HORACE MANN 97 II. THOMAS POTTER TO MR. GRENVILLE 101

THE COALITION GOVERNMENT OF 1757 102

THE ENGLISH IN INDIA (1757-1759): I. THE BLACK HOLE OF CALCUTTA DESCRIBED BY A SURVIVOR 103 II. CLIVE TO PITT ON ENGLAND'S OPPORTUNITY 105

THE PLAINS OF ABRAHAM, SEPTEMBER 13, 1759: I. THE NIGHT ATTACK 109 II. THE BATTLE 110

"THE HEAVEN-BORN MINISTER": HORACE WALPOLE's HOMAGE TO PITT: I. IN THE GREAT YEAR (1759) 113 II. CHARACTER OF WILLIAM PITT DESCRIBED IN THE LIGHT OF SUBSEQUENT HISTORY 114

DEATH OF GEORGE II. (1760) 115

APPENDIX: LONDON IN 1725-1736: (_a_) DEFOE'S DESCRIPTION OF LONDON IN 1725 117 (_b_) PRESENTMENT OF THE MIDDLESEX GRAND JURY (1736) 119

WALPOLE AND CHATHAM

1714-1760

STATE OF PARTIES AT THE QUEEN'S DEATH (1714).

+Source.+--_Letter to Sir William Windham_, Bolingbroke's Works, 1754. Vol. i., pp. 28-31.

The thunder had long grumbled in the air, and yet when the bolt [the Queen's death] fell, most of our party appeared as much surprised as if they had had no reason to expect it. There was a perfect calm and universal submission throughout the whole kingdom. The Chevalier indeed set out as if his design had been to gain the coast and to embark for Great Britain, and the Court of France made a merit to themselves of stopping him and obliging him to return. But this, to my certain knowledge, was a farce acted by concert, to keep up an opinion of his character, when all opinion of his cause seemed to be at an end. He owned this concert to me at Bar, on the occasion of my telling him that he would have found no party ready to receive him, and that the enterprise would have been to the last degree extravagant. He was at this time far from having any encouragement: no party, numerous enough to make the least disturbance, was formed in his favour. On the King's arrival the storm arose. The menaces of the Whigs, backed by some very rash declarations, by little circumstances of humor which frequently offend more than real injuries, and by the entire change of all the persons in employment, blew up the coals.

At first many of the tories had been made to entertain some faint hopes that they would be permitted to live in quiet. I have been assured that the King left Hanover in that resolution. Happy had it been for him and for us if he had continued in it; if the moderation of his temper had not been overborne by the violence of party, and his and the national interest sacrificed to the passions of a few. Others there were among the tories who had flattered themselves with much greater expectations than these, and who had depended, not on such imaginary favor and dangerous advancement as was offered them afterwards, but on real credit and substantial power under the new government. Such impressions on the minds of men had rendered the two houses of parliament, which were then sitting, as good courtiers to King George, as ever they had been to queen Anne. But all these hopes being at once and with violence extinguished, despair succeeded in their room.

Our party began soon to act like men delivered over to their passions, and unguided by any other principle; not like men fired by a just resentment and a reasonable ambition to a bold undertaking. They treated the government like men who were resolved not to live under it, and yet they took no one measure to support themselves against it. They expressed, without reserve or circumspection, an eagerness to join in any attempt against the establishment which they had received and confirmed, and which many of them had courted but a few weeks before: and yet in the midst of all this bravery, when the election of the new parliament came on, some of these very men acted with the coolness of those who are much better disposed to compound than to take arms.

The body of the tories being in this temper, it is not to be wondered at, if they heated one another and began apace to turn their eyes towards the pretender: and if those few, who had already engaged with him, applied themselves to improve the conjuncture and endeavour to lift a party for him.

I went, about a month after the queen's death, as soon as the seals were taken from me, into the country, and whilst I continued there, I felt the general disposition to jacobitism encrease daily among people of all ranks; among several who had been constantly distinguished by their aversion to that cause. But at my return to London in the month of February or March one thousand seven hundred and fifteen, a few weeks before I left England, I began for the first time in my whole life to perceive these general dispositions ripen into resolutions, and to observe some regular workings among many of our principal friends, which denoted a scheme of this kind. These workings, indeed, were very faint, for the persons concerned in carrying them on did not think it safe to speak too plainly to men who were, in truth, ill disposed to the government, because they neither found their account at present under it, nor had been managed with art enough to leave them hopes of finding it hereafter: but who at the same time had not the least affection for the pretender's person, nor any principle favorable to his interest.

This was the state of things when the new parliament, which his majesty had called, assembled. A great majority of the elections had gone in favour of the Whigs, to which the want of concert among the tories had contributed as much as the vigor of that party, and the influence of the new government. The whigs came to the opening of this parliament full of as much violence as could possess men who expected to make their court, to confirm themselves in power, and to gratify their resentments by the same measures. I have heard that it was a dispute among the ministers how far this spirit should be indulged, and that the king was determined, or confirmed in determination, to consent to the prosecutions, and to give the reins to the party by the representations that were made to him, that great difficulties would arise in the conduct of the session, if the court should appear inclined to check this spirit, and by Mr. W[alpole]'s undertaking to carry all the business successfully through the house of commons if they were at liberty. Such has often been the unhappy fate of our princes; a real necessity sometimes, and sometimes a seeming one, has forced them to compound with a part of the nation at the expense of the whole; and the success of their business for one year has been purchased at the price of public disorder for many.

The conjecture I am speaking of forms a memorable instance of this truth. If milder measures had been pursued, certain it is, that the tories had never universally embraced jacobitism. The violence of the whigs forced them into the arms of the pretender. The court and the party seemed to vie with one another which should go the greatest lengths in severity: and the ministers, whose true interest it must at all times be to calm the minds of men, and who ought never to set the examples of extraordinary inquiries or extraordinary accusations, were upon this occasion the tribunes of the people.

PROCLAMATION OF GEORGE I. (1714).

+Source.+--Oldmixon's _History of England, George I._, 1735. P. 564.

Whereas it hath pleas'd Almighty God to call to his Mercy our late Soveraign Lady Queen _Anne_, of blessed Memory; by whose Decease, the Imperial Crowns of _Great Britain_, _France_, and _Ireland_, are solely, and rightfully come to the High and Mighty Prince _George_, elector of _Brunswick-Lunenburg_: We therefore, the Lords Spiritual and Temporal of the Realm, being here assisted with those of her late Majesty's Privy Council, with Numbers of other principal gentlemen of Quality, with the Lord-Mayor, Aldermen, and Citizens of _London_, do now hereby, with one full Voice and Consent of Tongue and Heart, publish and proclaim, That the high and mighty Prince _George_, Elector of _Brunswick-Lunenburg_, is now, by the Death of our late Soveraign of happy Memory, become our lawful and rightful Liege Lord, _George_, by the Grace of God, King of _Great Britain_, _France_ and _Ireland_, Defender of the Faith, _&c._ To whom we do acknowledge all Faith and constant Obedience, with all hearty and humble Affection, beseeching God, by whom Kings and Queens do reign, to bless the Royal King _George_ with long and happy years to reign over us.

Given at the Palace of St. _James's_, the First Day of _August, 1714_.

GOD SAVE THE KING.

[Then follow the signatures of 127 peers and commoners, "Lords and Gentlemen who signed the Proclamation," including Lords Buckingham, Shrewsbury, Oxford, Bolingbroke, and Sir Christopher Wren.]

CHARACTER AND PERSON OF GEORGE I. (1660-1727).

A. BY LORD CHESTERFIELD.

+Source.+--Lord Chesterfield (1694-1774), _Characters of Eminent Persons of His own Time_, 1777. P. 9.

George the First was an honest and dull German gentleman, as unfit as unwilling to act the part of a King, which is, to shine and oppress. Lazy and inactive even in his pleasures; which were therefore lowly and sensual: He was coolly intrepid, and indolently benevolent. He was diffident of his own parts, which made him speak little in public[1] and prefer in his social, which were his favourite, hours, the company of waggs and buffoons.... His views and affections were singly confined to the narrow compass of his electorate.--England was too big for him.--If he had nothing great as a King, he had nothing bad as a Man--and if he does not adorn, at least he will not stain the annals of this country. In private life, he would have been loved and esteemed as a good citizen, a good friend, and a good neighbour.--Happy were it for Europe, happy for the world, if there were not greater Kings in it!

B. BY HORACE WALPOLE.

+Source.+--_Reminiscences_, in _Works of Horace Walpole_, Earl of Oxford, 1798. Vol. iv., p. 275; _Letter to Sir Horace Mann, Feb. 25, 1782_.

"At ten years old [_i.e._, in 1727] I had set my heart on seeing George I., and being a favourite child, my mother asked leave for me to be presented to him; which to the First Minister's wife was granted, and I was carried by the late Lady Chesterfield to kiss his hand as he went to supper in the Duchess of Kendal's apartment. This was the night but one before he left England the last time."

"The person of the King is as perfect in my memory as if I saw him but yesterday. It was that of an elderly man, rather pale, and exactly like his pictures and coins, not tall, of an aspect rather good than august, with a dark tie wig, a plain coat, waistcoat and breeches of snuff-coloured cloth, with stockings of the same colour and a blue riband over all."

[1] Lord Chesterfield does not mention that George I. spoke no English.--ED.

PUBLIC FEELING AS TO THE NEW DYNASTY (1714).

A. WHIG.

+Source.+--_Letters of Lady M. W. Montagu._ Vol. 1., p. 86. Bohn's edition.

_Aug. 9, 1714._

The Archbishop of York has been come to Bishopsthorpe but three days. I went with my cousin to see the King proclaimed, which was done, the archbishop walking next the Lord Mayor, all the country gentry following, with greater crowds of people than I believed to be in York, vast acclamations, and the appearance of a general satisfaction. The Pretender afterwards dragged about the streets and burned. Ringing of bells, bonfires, and illuminations, the mob crying Liberty and Property! and Long live King George! This morning all the principal men of any figure took port for London, and we are alarmed with the fear of attempts from Scotland, though all Protestants here seem unanimous for the Hanover succession.

B. TORY.

+Source.+--Thomas Hearne [1678-1735], _Reliquiæ Hearnianæ_, 1869. Vol. i., pp. 303, 309.

_Aug. 4._--This day, at two o'clock, the said elector of Brunswick (who is in the fifty-fifth year of his age, being born May 28th, 1660) was proclaimed in Oxford. The vice-chancellor, and doctors, and masters met in the convocation house, and from thence went to St. Mary's, to attend at the solemnity. There was but a small appearance of doctors and masters that went from the convocation house. I stood in the Bodleian gallery where I observed them. Dr. Hudson was amongst them, and all the heads of houses in town. But there were a great many more doctors and masters at St. Marie's, where a scaffold was erected for them.

_Aug. 5._--The illumination and rejoicing in Oxford was very little last night. The proclamation was published at Abingdon also yesterday, but there was little appearance.

A letter having been put into the mayor of Oxford's hands before he published the proclamation, cautioning him against proclaiming King George, and advising him to proclaim the pretender by the name of King James III., the said Mayor, notwithstanding, proclaimed King George, and yesterday our vice-chancellor, and heads, and proctors, agreed to a reward of an hundred pounds to be paid to anyone that should discover the author or authors of the letter; and the order for the same being printed I have inserted a copy of it here.

"_At a general meeting of the vice-chancellor, heads of houses, and proctors of the university of Oxford, at the Apodyterium of the Convocation House, on Wednesday, Aug. 4, 1714._

"Whereas a letter directed to Mr. Mayor of the city of Oxford, containing treasonable matters, was delivered at his house on Monday night last, betwixt nine and ten of the clock, by a person in an open-sleeved gown, and in a cinnamon-coloured coat, as yet unknown: which letter has been communicated to Mr. Vice-Chancellor by the said Mayor: if any one will discover the author or authors of the said letter, or the person who delivered it, so as he or they may be brought to justice, he shall have a reward of one hundred pounds, to be paid him forthwith by Mr. Vice-Chancellor.

"BERNARD GARDINER, Vice-Chancellor."

The letter to which the vice-chancellor's programme refers:

OXON, _August 2nd, 1714_.

MR. MAYOR,

If you are so honest a man as to prefer your duty and allegiance to your lawfull sovereign before the fear of danger, you will not need this caution, which comes from your friends to warn you, if you should receive an order to proclaim Hannover, not to comply with it. For the hand of God is now at work to set things upon a right foot, and in a few days you will find wonderfull changes, which if you are wise enough to foresee, you will obtain grace and favour from the hands of his sacred majestie king James, by proclaiming him voluntarily, which otherwise you will be forced to do with disgrace. If you have not the courage to do this, at least for your own safety delay proclaiming Hannover as long as you can under pretense of sickness or some other reason. For you cannot do it without certain hazard of your life, be you ever so well guarded. I, who am but secretary to the rest, having a particular friendship for you, and an opinion of your honesty and good inclinations to his majestie's service, have prevailed with them to let me give you this warning. If you would know who the rest are, our name is

LEGION, _and we are many_.

This note shall be your sufficient warrant in times to come for proclaiming his majestie King James, and if this does not satisfie you, upon your first publick notice we will do it in person.

For Mr. Broadwater, mayor of the City of Oxford, these.