Part 34

_Fra that tyme furth, quhilk mouit_ hyr fer mar.

The following line, as printed in the text, which is the concluding one of the stanza, is totally omitted. Most probably it had been wanting in the MS. from which Ramsay copied; as he seems to have altered the three last words of ver. 79, so as apparently to complete the sense, by transferring the language, which obviously regards Wallace, to his wife. I have given the reading of Edit. 1594. It is the same in Hart’s, with a slight change of the orthography.

_He salust thaim, as it war bot in scorn;_ “Dewgar, _gud day, bone Senyhour, and gud morn!_”--V. 131.

It is thus given in Edit. 1594 and 1620;

_Dew gaird_, gude day bon Senyour, and gude morne.

Fr. _Dieu garde_, a salutation, God save you.

_Gud deyn, dawch Lard, bach lowch banyoch a de._--V. 140.

_Gud euin daucht Lord, Ballanch, Banyenochade._--Edit. 1594. _Good euin daucht Lord, Ballanch, Banyenochadie._--Edit. 1620.

As the former salutation consists of a ridiculous mixture of French and Scottish, this seems to be composed of Scottish and Gaelic. _Gud deyn_ is evidently for “Good evening.” _Dawch Lard_ may signify lazy laird. The latter words have been viewed as Gaelic, _l’ail, luibh, beannach a De_, “if you please, God bless you!” V. Etym. Dict. vo. DAWCH.

_Off gret statur, and sum part gray wes he;_ _The Inglissmen cald him bot_ Grymmysbé.--V. 311.

Bot Grymmysbé, i.e. by no other name; and this, it appears, was a nickname, from his gray or grim complexion.

_The awfull ost, with Eduuard off Ingland,_ _To_ Beggar _come, with sexté thousand men._--V. 342.

This is the mode in which Ramsay gives the name of _Biggar_, a village in Lanarkshire. “There is a tradition of a battle having been fought at the east end of the town, between the Scots, under the command of Sir William Wallace, and the English army, who were said to be 60,000 strong, wherein a great slaughter was made on both sides, especially among the latter.” Stat. Acc. P. Biggar, I. 336.

_A yong squier was brothir to Fehew._--V. 363.

It is _Schir Hew_, Edit. 1594 and 1620; the same in that of 1714. But in Edit. 1648, it is, as here, _Fehew_. In MS. _Schyr hew_ seems to have been first written, and afterwards deleted, the letter _s_ or _f_ being left singly, with a blank before _hew_. But in ver. 397, it is clearly _Fehew_; as also in B. VIII. 1010, 1067, 1081, where the fate of this squire is referred to. Whether such a person ever existed, I can find no trace in the Fœdera, or in any history of that period. For the honour of Wallace, it may well be supposed that the whole story is fabulous.

_Off_ Anadderdaill _he had thaim led that nycht._--V. 536.

This denotes Annandale. But it seems to be an error of the copier, for Ananderdaill, the more ancient designation of this district, watered by the river Annan.

_--Haistit thaim nocht, bot sobyrly couth fair_ _Till Towrnbery_; thar _captane was at Ayr_ _With lord Persie, to tak his consaill haill._--V. 835.

In Edit. 1594, 1620, 1714, and Perth 1790;

To Turneburie _that_ captaine was _of_ Air.

This passage does not seem to have been hitherto given intelligibly, in any one edition. _Towrnbery_ has still been viewed as the name of the person who was “captain of Ayr.” But this deprives the passage of any reasonable meaning. How could this supposed person be “captain of Ayr” _with_ Lord Percy, who had the charge of the whole district? Thus, also, these words, “to tak his consaill haill,” according to the construction, apply equally well to Wallace and his troops, as to the supposed “captain of Ayr.” But Turnbery is the name of a place, particularly mentioned in The Bruce, V. Note, III. 829. The line must have been written as given in this edition. _At Aire_ is the reading, Edit. 1648 and 1673; and what has been rendered _that_, in MS. may be read _thar_, i.e., their. This shews the reason why the Scots did not hurry on, but went _sobyrly_ to Turnbery. They had learned that _their_ captain, the captain of those who had the defence of “Turnbery castle,” as it is denominated by Barbour, was _at_ Ayr with Lord Percy, to take his advice about the state of public matters.

_Apon the morn in_ Cumno _sone thai socht._--V. 846.

This is Cumnock, in Ayrshire, whence two parishes now take their name.

_He will nocht bow to na_ part _off your kyn._ Sufferyt _ye ar, I trow yhe may spek weill._--V. 884.

In Edit. 1594 and 1648;--to na _prince_ of your kin.

Instead of _Sufferyt_, it is _Assouerit_, i.e. assured, having security, Edit. 1594 and 1620; and ridiculously, _All ordered_, Edit. 1648 and 1673. _Soueryt_ is adopted, Edit. 1714. This term is more adapted to the sense than that of MS., as illustrated by the words that follow, expressive of Wallace’s strict adherence to any safe conduct given by him.

_Wallace said_; “_Schyr, we jangill_ bot _in wayne._”--V. 920.

In MS. it is “_nocht_ in wayne;” which contradicts the obvious design of the language of Wallace. In Edit. 1594 and 1620;

---- we jangill _all_ in vaine.

It seems most probable, that in the more ancient MS. whence Ramsay took his copy, _bot_ had been written indistinctly, and read by Ramsay as _not_, the contraction for _nocht_.

NOTES TO THE SEVENTH BOOK.

_Than demyt he, the fals Sotheroun amang,_ _How thai best mycht the Scottis barownis hang._ _For gret_ bernys _that tyme stud in till Ayr,_ _Wrocht for the king, quhen his lugyng wes thar;_ _Byggyt about, that no man entir mycht,_ _Bot ane at anys, nor haiff off othir sicht._ _Thar ordand thai thir lordis suld be slayne._--V. 23.

Here the Minstrel introduces his account of the savage transaction ascribed to Edward I., in causing the greatest part of the barons of the west of Scotland to be hanged, without trial, under the semblance of peace; and of the vengeance taken by Wallace, in what has been usually called “the burning of the BARNS OF AYR.”

Before examining this account, I may observe, that instead of _For gret bernys_, as in MS., Edit. 1594 reads, _Four_ greit barnis; and that of 1620, to the same purpose, _Foure greit barnes_. Perhaps I ought to have adopted this reading, especially as the conjunction _for_, with which ver. 25 commences, does not seem necessary as marking the connection with the words preceding.

The story of the destruction of these buildings, and of the immediate reason of it, is supported by the universal tradition of the country to this day; and local tradition is often entitled to more regard than is given to it by the fastidiousness of the learned. Whatever allowances it may be necessary to make for subsequent exaggeration, it is not easily conceivable that an event should be connected with a particular spot, during a succession of ages, without some foundation.

Sir D. Dalrymple deems this story “inconsistent with probability.” He objects to it, because it is said “that Wallace, accompanied by Sir John Graham, Sir John Menteth, and Alexander Scrymgeour, constable of Dundee, went into the west of Scotland to chastise the men of Galloway, who had espoused the part of the Comyns and of the English;” and that, “_on the 28th August 1298_, they set fire to some granaries in the neighbourhood of Ayr, and burned the English cantoned in them.” Annals, I. 255, N. Here he refers to the relations of Arnold Blair, and to Major, and produces three objections to the narrative. One of these is, that “Comyn, the younger of Badenoch was the only man of the name of Comyn who had any interest in Galloway, and he was at that time of Wallace’s party.” The other two are; that “Sir John Graham could have no share in the enterprize, for he was killed at Falkirk, 22d July, 1298;” and that “it is not probable that Wallace would have undertaken such an enterprize immediately after the discomfiture at Falkirk.” Although it had been said by mistake that Graham and Comyn were present, this could not invalidate the whole relation; for we often find that leading facts are faithfully narrated in a history, when there are considerable mistakes as to the persons said to have been engaged.

But although our annalist refers both to Major and Blair, it is the latter only who mentions either the design of the visit paid to the west of Scotland, or the persons who are said to have been associates in it. The whole of Sir David’s reasoning rests on the correctness of a date, and of one given _only_ in the meagre remains ascribed to Arnold Blair. If his date be accurate, the transaction at Ayr, whatever it was, must have taken place thirty-seven days afterwards. Had the learned writer exercised his usual acumen here, had he not been resolved to throw discredit on this part of the history of Wallace; it would have been most natural for him to have supposed that this event was post-dated by Blair. It seems, indeed, to have been long before the battle of Falkirk. Blind Harry narrates the former in his Seventh, the latter in his Eleventh Book. Sir David himself, after pushing the argument from the date given by Blair as far as possible, virtually gives it up, and makes the acknowledgment which he ought to have made before. “I believe,” he says, “that this story _took its rise_ from the pillaging of the English quarters, about the time of the treaty of Irvine, in 1297, which, as being an incident of little consequence, I omitted in the course of this history.” Here he refers to Hemingford, T. I. p. 123.

Hemingford says, that “many of the Scots and men of Galloway had in a hostile manner made prey of their stores, having slain more than five hundred men, with women and children.” Whether he means to say that this took place at Ayr, or at Irvine, seems doubtful. But here, I think, we have the nucleus of the story. The _barns_, according to the diction of Blind Harry, seem to have been merely “the English quarters,” erected by order of Edward for the accommodation of his troops. Although denominated _barns_ by the Minstrel, and _horreas_ by Arnold Blair, both writers seem to have used these terms with great latitude, as equivalent to what are now called _barracks_. It is rather surprising, that our learned annalist should view the loss of upwards of five hundred men, besides women and children, with that of their property, “as an incident of little consequence,” in a great national struggle.

Major gives nearly the same account with that of Blair. Speaking of Wallace, he says: “Anglorum insignes viros apud _horrea_ Aerie residentes de nocte incendit, et qui a voraci, flamma euaserunt ejus mucrone occubuerunt.” Fol. LXX.

There is also far more unquestionable evidence as to the cause of this severe retaliation than is generally supposed. Lord Hailes has still quoted Barbour as an historian of undoubted veracity. Speaking of Crystal of Seton, he says:--

It wes gret sorow sekyrly, That so worthy persoune as he Suld on sic maner hangyt be. Thusgate endyt his worthynes. And off Cranford als Schyr Ranald wes, And Schyr Bryce als the Blar, _Hangyt in till a berne in Ar_.

_The Bruce_, III. 260. V. Note.

This tallies very well with the account given by the Minstrel.

_Four thousand haill that nycht was in till Ayr._ _In gret_ bernyss, _biggyt with out the toun,_ _The justice lay, with many bald barroun._

_Wallace_, VII. 334.

The testimony of the _Complaynt of Scotland_, a well known national work, written A. 1548, concurs. Speaking of the king of England, the writer says:

“Ony of you that consentis til his fals conques of your cuntre, ye sal be recompenssit as your forbears var at the blac perliament at _the bernis of Ayre_, quhen kyng Eduard maid ane conuocatione of al the nobillis of Scotland at the toune of Ayre, vndir culour of faitht and concord, quha comperit at his instance, nocht heffand suspitione of his tresonabil consait. Than thai beand in his subiectione vndir culour of familiarite, he gart hang, cruelly and dishonestly, to the nummer of sexten scoir of the maist nobillis of the cuntre, tua and tua ouer ane balk, the quhilk sextene scoir var cause that the Inglismen conquest sa far vithtin your cuntre.” Compl. Scotl. p. 144.

The author refers to this as a fact universally acknowledged among his countrymen, although, it must be recollected, no edition of the Life of Wallace was printed for more than twenty years after this work was written. He introduces it again, as a proof of treachery and cruelty, which still continued to excite national feeling.

“Doubtles thai that ar participant of the cruel inuasione of Inglis men contrar thar natyue cuntreye, ther craggis sal be put in ane mair strait yoik nor the Samnetes did to the Romans, as kyng Eduard did til Scottis men at the blac parlament at _the bernis of Ayr_, quhen he gart put the craggis of sexten scoir in faldomis of cordis, tua and tua, ouer ane balk, of the maist principal of them,” &c. Ibid. p. 159, 160.

Schir Ranald _fyrst, to mak fewté for his land,_ _The knycht, went in, and wald na langar stand._-- Schyr Bryss _the_ Blayr _next with his eyme in past;_ _On to the ded thai haistyt him full fast._--V. 205.

_Schir Ranald_ is Sir Reginald Craufurd of Loudoun, maternal uncle to Wallace. He was heritable sheriff of the county of Ayr. The granddaughter, the heiress of the property, was married to Sir Duncan Campbell, the son of Sir Donald of Redcastle, from whom the noble family of Loudoun is descended. Reginaldus de Craveford is one of the persons chosen on the part of Robert Bruce to judge between him and John Baliol, as to their respective claims, A. 1292. V. Fœdera, II. 555. But whether this was the _Ranald_ here mentioned, or his father, who was then alive, is doubtful; because our author gives the name of _Ranald_ to his father, while others call him _Hugh_. _John_ and _Hugh_ de Craufurd are mentioned in two rescripts of Edward I., as barons received under his protection, A. 1255. Ibid. I. 559. 567.

_Schyr Bryss the Blayr_ was the ancestor of the Blairs of that ilk in Ayrshire. There was a _Bryce_ Blair of Blair in the seventeenth century; whence it appears that this ancient christian name was retained in the family. V. Crawfurd’s Renfrew, p. 203. Nisbet, I. 211.

It deserves observation, that these are the two persons particularly named by Barbour, among those who suffered that cruel martyrdom for liberty which was inflicted by the English tyrant. _Syr Brice_ is the reading of Edit. 1594 and 1620: and I am now convinced that the name ought to have stood _Bryce_ in the Bruce, B. III. ver. 265; as it is corrected in the extract made in the preceding Note. But I was misled by the appearance of the letter _y_ in the MS., which differs so much from its usual form, as at first view to resemble _u_.

Sir D. Dalrymple remarks; “Barbour says that Sir Brice Blair was executed in company with Sir Reginald Crawfurd; but he erroneously supposes this to have happened in Scotland.” Ann. II. 19, N. Kerr follows him in this assertion. Hist. Bruce, I. 284.

But our worthy senator is so averse to give credit to anything that tends to confirm what he calls “the famous story of _the Barns of Air_,” that he prefers the single testimony of Matthew of Westminster to that of Barbour; not to mention the later but concurrent one of the Minstrel. The English historian says that Reginald de Crawfurd, with Thomas and Alexander _de Brus_, “brothers of the pseudo-king,” having been defeated and taken prisoners, were presented to Edward at Carlisle, “wounded and half-dead, and that he immediately ordered their execution;” and that “to this their heads bare witness, being placed on the castle and gates” of that city. Hist. p. 458.

It is surprising, however, that the difference of the dates did not make Sir David hesitate to oppose the united testimony of our oldest Scottish writers on this point; especially as the account given by Matthew of Westminster is, by his own confession, at variance with that of Robert of Langtoft. The butchery at Ayr is said to have taken place, A. 1298; this at Carlisle in the year 1306–7, about nine years after. The fact seems to be, that the Reginald he refers to was the son of the other Reginald who had suffered in “the blac parlament” at Ayr. It was he who left a daughter, his only child and heir, who, as is mentioned above, was married to Sir Duncan Campbell. V. Nisbet’s Ragm. Roll. p. 18.

_The third entrit, that peté was for thy,_ _A gentill knycht, Schyr_ Neill _off_ Mungumry.--V. 213.

_Worthi_ occurs in the line; but this word being under-doted, _gentill_ appears on the margent. The latter is the reading of Edit. 1594, and of 1620. This person seems to have been one of the family now represented by the Earl of Eglinton. One of this family had the same christian name in the reign of James IV. V. Nisbet, I. 375.

_Kerlé turnyt with his mastir agayne,_ _Kneland and_ Byrd, _that mekill war off mayne._--V. 249.

All the editions have _Boyd_. It appears, however, from ver. 287, that Boyd was left in the town:

_‘Der wicht,’ he said, ‘der God, sen at thou knew_ _‘Gud Robert_ Boid, _quhar at thou can him se.’_

Besides, the name _Byrd_ occurs B. VIII. 233, where the person thus denominated is conjoined with Boyde:

Boyde, _Bercla_, Byrd, _and Lauder, that was wycht._

In Edit. 1594, 1620, and 1648, this is _Baird_, apparently the ancestor of the Bairds of Newbyth, descended from Baird of Auchmedden, a very ancient family. To this family, as proprietors in Lanarkshire, Fergus, John, and Robert _Bard_, mentioned in Ragman Roll, are supposed to have belonged. V. Nisbet’s Rem. p. 42. 46. Robert de _Boyd_ was ancestor of the family of Kilmarnock.

_At the_ Roddis _thai mak full mony ane,_ _Quhilk worthy ar, thocht landis haiff thai nane._--V. 403.

This refers to the knights of St. John then made at Rhodes.

_In all the warld na grettar payne mycht be,_ _Than thai with in,_ insufferit _sor to duell_, &c.--V. 442.

This, if not from O. Fr. _ensuairé_, wound up, lapt in, may be equivalent to _ensured_; as the Minstrel uses _sufferance_ for _souerance_ or _assurance_.

_Till_ Crage Vuyn _with thre hundir he yeid._--V. 649.

To _Craghumyre_, Edit. 1594, 1620, 1648, and 1673. _Cragunyn_, 1714; _Crage Vyum_, Edit. Perth. As this is connected with Lochow, it may be _Crage Ewan_ in Lochdochart, as laid down in Bleau’s Atlas.

_Fast vpon_ Aviss _that was bathe depe and braid._--V. 654.

This is obviously the word in MS. But I suspect that it is an error for _Awfe_, which occurs in Edit. 1594, 1620, 1648, and 1673. It is undoubtedly the river _Awe_ that is meant, whence the name of _Lochawe_ or Lochow.

_Dunkan off Lorn his_ leyff _at Wallace ast;_ _On Makfadyane with worthi men he past._--V. 861.

In MS. it is _lyff_, apparently denoting _life_, which would render the passage self-contradictory. In Edit. 1594 and 1620, _leiue_; 1648, _leave_. The meaning is; “Duncan asked permission of Wallace to pursue Macfadyane.”

_Of nobill blud, and alss haill_ ancestré.--V. 893.

The term is not _ancestré_ in MS. but may be read _imcrasé_, _imtrasé_, _uncrasé_, or _untrasé_. But as neither of these give any known sense, I have retained the word which occurs in all the editions. The only word that seems to have any resemblance is O. Fr. _entraisser_ (_s’_,) s’animer, s’exciter; Gl. Roquefort.

_Tharfor I will bot lychtly ryn that_ cace.--V. 918.

Edit. 1594, _rais_; i.e. as in Edit. 1648, _race_; which is a more natural mode of expression.

_A trew squier, quhilk_ Rwan _hecht be nayme._--V. 1009.

_Ruthuen_, Edit. 1594, i. e. Ruthven, the ancestor of the unfortunate family of Gowrie. As it is said that Wallace made him captain and hereditary sheriff of Perth, it deserves observation that his descendants for several generations seem almost exclusively to have possessed authority in that town. V. Cant’s Hist. Perth, vol. II.

_At_ Crummadé _feill Inglissmen thai slew._--V. 1085.

This is _Cromartie_, Edit. 1594, &c.

Hew Kertyngayme _the wantgard ledis he,_ _With twenty thousand off likly men to se._--V. 1171.

This refers to the battle of Stirling-bridge. He is called _Kirkinghame_ in editions. But the person meant was _Cressingham_, an ecclesiastic, who was the king’s treasurer, “a pompous and haughty man,” says Hemingford, who hurried on the battle in opposition to the counsel of Lundie and others. Hist. p. 118. 127. 129.

_In_ Jedwort _wod for saiffgard he had beyne._-- Jedwort _thai tuk; and Ruwan lewit he,_ _At Wallace will captane off it to be._--V. 1277. 1289.

It is _Iedbrugh_ in Edit. 1594 and 1620. The name of this place assumes a great variety of forms; Gedword, Geddeworde, Gedewrde, Geddewerde, Gedworth, Gedeworth, Gedewurth, Gedewrze; Jedworth, Jedwurth, Jedword, Jedwort, Jedewrth, Jedwod, Jeddeburch. V. Macpherson’s Geogr. Illustr. The latter is merely the modern name. The vulgar, and indeed almost universal, pronunciation, q. _Jethart_, points out what was the original designation. Here were two monasteries, one of them founded so late as A. 1513; the other was established in the year 1147. Another place, not far distant, retains the name of _Auld Jedworth_. According to Simeon of Durham, these two Jedworths were built by Ecgred, bishop of Lindisfarn, about the year 840. Dec. Script. 13. 28. 119. 121. Simeon writes it _Geddeword_.

The name, it has been conjectured, might be traced to the _Gadeni_, a tribe who anciently inhabited the whole tract of country that lies between Northumberland and the river Tiviot. Stat. Acc. I. 1. But the Gadeni have been placed, with far more probability, in Dunbartonshire. V. Pinkerton’s Enquiry, I. p. 35. 224. 320. It is obvious, that the name of the place is formed from that of the stream, which probably claims a British origin. _Gwyth_ signifies a channel or drain. But whatever might be the origin of _Ged_, or _Jed_, Ecgred having chosen this river as the seat of his mansion, had given it a name by adding the Saxon term _weorth_, or _worth_, denoting a possession, or hamlet; Fundus, praedium; vicus; Lye. In the same manner the names of many places in England have been formed; as _Worth_am, _Worth_ington, Wandes_worth_, Kenel_worth_, &c. Old German _wart_, and Alemannic _werts_, signify locus.

NOTES ON THE EIGHTH BOOK.

--“_He had sic message seyldyn seyne,_ “_That Wallace now as gouernowr sall ryng:_ “_Her is gret faute off a gud prince or kyng._ “_That_ kyng off Kyll _I can nocht wndirstand;_ “_Off him I held neuir a fur off land._”--V. 18.

That Corspatrick, Earl of Dunbar, used this provoking language, appears highly probable; as it is certain from other documents that, “when summoned by the guardian of Scotland, to attend a convention at Perth,” he “contemptuously refused. Blind Harrie is supported by the Tower Records.” Caledonia, II. 246.

I need scarcely say, that the earl had given Wallace this contemptuous designation, as being a native of the district of Kyle in Ayrshire.

“_In lyff or dede, in faith, him sall we haiff,_ “_Or ger him grant quhom he haldis for his lord;_ “_Or ellis war_ schaym _in story to racord._”--V. 44.

In MS. _schapin_; but undoubtedly from inadvertency. It had perhaps been written _schaym_.

_In till_ Gorkhelm _erll Patrik leiffit at rest._ _For mar power Wallace past in the west._--V. 129.

Edit. 1594,--_Cokholme_; followed by 1620, and other editions. But Macpherson says that Gorkhelm, here mentioned, is “in Etrik forest.” Geogr. Illustr.

_Was nayne sa strang, that gat off him a strak,_ _Eftir agayne maid neuir a Scot to_ waik.--V. 285.

In Edit. 1594, _wraik_, i. e. wreck. Perhaps this is the true reading. As in MS., it may signify, “to be deficient,” or “wanting,” as used for _vaik_. Here we have the double negative, common in Scottish.

_This ryall ost, but restyng, furth thai rid,_ _Till_ Browis feild, _&c._--V. 493.

In Edit. 1594, _Brokis feild_; Edit. 1648, _Browes_. D. Macpherson refers to _Browis-feld_ as in Teviotdale. Geogr. Illustr.