CHAPTER VII.

THE FIELD OF THE BATTLE OF TEWKESBURY. {131a}

“Then came wandering by A shadow like an angel, with bright hair Dabbled in blood; and he shriek’d out aloud, ‘Clarence is come; false fleeting perjured Clarence, That stabb’d me in the field by Tewkesbury.’”

SHAKESPEARE’S _King Richard III._ act i. scene 4.

OF the numerous battles which have been fought in England in the middle ages, few have been more decisive, or have excited more interest, than that of Tewkesbury. {131b} In order that the positions of the hostile armies, and the reason why the battle happened to be fought close to the town of Tewkesbury, may be correctly understood, it is necessary, in giving a description of the field of battle, to notice concisely, some of the events which immediately preceded it. {131c}

On the 18th or 14th of April, 1471, {132a} Margaret, {132b} the Queen of Henry VI., and their son, Edward Prince of Wales, {132c} accompanied by John Longstrother, Prior of the Order of St. John of Jerusalem, {132d} and several persons of consideration, arrived from France, and landed at the port of Weymouth, in Dorsetshire, with a small body of French and other troops; and she proceeded from thence to the Abbey of Cerne, {132e} not far from that port. The Countess of Warwick had accompanied her from France, but in a different ship, which outsailed that of the Queen. {133a}

Margaret was at first almost broken-hearted and overwhelmed, by the dismal tidings of the loss of the battle of Barnet, the defeat and destruction of her friends, and the captivity of her husband; but in consequence of being encouraged by Edmund Duke of Somerset; {133b} Lord John Beaufort; {133c} Thomas Courtenay, Earl of Devonshire; {133d} Lord Wenlock, {133e} and other persons of rank, and gentlemen, who promised her their support, she determined once more to try the chances of a battle.

The noblemen and gentlemen of her party, immediately adopted measures for mustering their retainers and followers, and with that view repaired to Exeter, sent for Sir John Arundel, and Sir Hugh Courtenay, and raised forces in Somersetshire, Dorsetshire, Wiltshire, and afterwards in Cornwall and Devonshire; and proceeded from Exeter by Taunton, Glastonbury, and Wells, to Bath, and from thence to Bristol: their forces being continually increased on their march. Their intention was to have marched through Gloucestershire into Wales, where Jasper Earl of Pembroke, {133f} a powerful and staunch Lancastrian, was in arms, and raising forces for that party; and they also expected to receive assistance from their partisans in Cheshire and Lancashire.

Edward, in the mean time, after receiving intelligence of the landing of Queen Margaret, being uncertain towards what quarter the Lancastrians would bend their course, departed on the 19th of April, with some of his forces, furnished with artillery and other things requisite, from London for Windsor, where he remained a short time, for the double purpose of celebrating the feast of St. George, and of awaiting the arrival of other troops, whom he had appointed to assemble there. He commenced his march from Windsor, against the enemy, on the morrow after St. George’s day, the 24th of April. He reached Abingdon on Saturday the 27th, remained there all Sunday, and on Monday the 29th, proceeded to Cirencester, {134a} where he received information, that on the next day (Tuesday), his enemies intended to be at Bath, and that on the Wednesday they would come forward, and give him battle; and Edward, desirous to see his men in order of battle, led them out of the town, and encamped in the field three miles from it.

On the next day, Edward, still seeking to encounter his enemies, marched to Malmesbury, when he learned that they had turned aside and gone to Bristol. On Thursday {134b} Edward arrived at Sodbury, and shortly before the arrival of the main body of his army there, a skirmish took place; a few of his men, riding into the town to secure quarters and accommodations, encountered and were attacked by some of the enemy, who had been sent forward from the Lancastrian army, and five or six of the Yorkists were made prisoners. Edward having some reason to think that the Lancastrians were near at hand, sent out scouts to endeavour to obtain intelligence of their movements; but not hearing any certain tidings of them, he lodged his vanguard in a valley, beyond the hill, towards the town of Sodbury, and lay himself with the residue of his forces at Sodbury Hill. About three o’clock after midnight, he received information, that the Lancastrians had taken their way by Berkeley towards Gloucester; and he in consequence, after taking the advice of his council, sent with all speed to Sir Richard Beauchamp, the son of William Lord Beauchamp of Powick, {135} to whom he had committed the government of the city and castle of Gloucester, with orders not to admit Margaret’s forces into them, but to defend them to the utmost.

At Bristol the Lancastrians received assistance, both in men, victuals, money, and artillery, and on Thursday proceeded to Berkeley, and marched from thence towards Gloucester, travelling all night, and arrived before Gloucester at ten o’clock on Friday, and hoped to be admitted into that city, and to pass the Severn there, in order to effect a junction with the Earl of Pembroke.

But as King Edward IV. had previously sent orders to the Governor of Gloucester, to refuse admittance to Margaret and her adherents, and had promised that, if the city were assailed, he would advance immediately to its relief, his orders were obeyed, and Margaret was unable to obtain admittance. To the circumstance of her being baffled in the design of passing the Severn at Gloucester, may be ascribed, the utter ruin, which so soon after befell her and her army; in fact the issue of the campaign might very probably have been completely different, if she had succeeded in getting possession of Gloucester, and of securing a safe passage for her forces over the Severn, and, consequently, of effecting a junction with the troops raised by the Earl of Pembroke.

She proceeded from Gloucester towards Tewkesbury, having then no alternative, with reference to her design of passing the river, but to march to the latter town; and on the way thither, some of her artillery were captured from her rearguard. {136a} She arrived at Tewkesbury on Friday the 3rd of May, about four in the afternoon, having travelled on that day and the preceding night, thirty-six long miles, through bad roads, between woods, and without proper refreshment, so that both men and horses were greatly fatigued. It became absolutely necessary, to give some rest to her exhausted troops, most part of which consisted of infantry; and it was determined by the leaders of her forces, to await at Tewkesbury the coming up of Edward’s army, and to take the chances of a battle.

The Lancastrians, as we learn from one of our old historians, encamped “in a close even hard at the Townes end having the Towne and Abbeie at their backes, and directlie before them, and upon each side of them they were defended with cumbersome lanes, deepe ditches, and manie hedges, beside hils and dales, so as the place seemed as noisome as might be to approach unto.” {136b} Whether the position was or was not as strong and difficult to be assailed, as is here represented, it is at all events certain, that the Lancastrians fortified it, at least to some extent, and prepared to act on the defensive; with the hope of holding out against Edward, until the arrival of the Earl of Pembroke, who was supposed to be rapidly approaching. There can scarcely be a reasonable doubt, that during the evening and night previous to the battle, the Lancastrians exerted themselves assiduously to intrench and fortify their position. It is worthy of notice, that we do not hear of any attempt by the Lancastrians, to pass the Severn at Tewkesbury; and as they prepared to act on the defensive, and not to be the attacking party at the approaching battle, it may at first sight perhaps appear remarkable, that they do not seem to have endeavoured to have had the river Severn interposed between themselves and their enemies, especially as it flows close to Tewkesbury. But the reason for their not attempting it, may easily be found, in the exhausted state of their troops, and the near approach of Edward’s army, which rendered it a very dangerous attempt to cross the river with the enemy so close upon them. {137a} Besides which, there was not a bridge over the Severn at Tewkesbury, before the present iron bridge was completed in 1826, at the place where there was an old ferry called the Upper Lode; and Leland expressly states, that even as late as when he wrote (in the reign of Henry VIII.), there was not any bridge there:—“There is noe Bridge on Severne beneath Gloucester—neither is there any bridge on Severne above Gloucester, till the Townlett of Upton a 11 or 12 miles from Gloucester.” {137b}

If Margaret and her army had attempted to cross the Severn at Tewkesbury, in hopes of joining the Earl of Pembroke, the want of a bridge would naturally have compelled them, to have crossed it by fords and ferries, as they best could: a perilous attempt, and one which would almost certainly have exposed the rear of the army to destruction. That would of course be an additional and powerful reason, for their being compelled to take the chances of a battle. {137c}

King Edward, having received tidings that the Queen’s forces were proceeding towards Tewkesbury, commenced his march from Sodbury, with his army in good order of battle in three bodies, very early in the morning of Friday, the 3rd of May, and passed over Cotswold. The day was very hot, and the King marched with his forces more than thirty miles; during which, they could neither find food for man or horse, and his troops were much distressed for want of water, having met with only one small brook, which soon became so disturbed and foul, by so large a number of men, carriages, and horses passing through it, as to be unfit for use. During a considerable part of that day, the King’s army and that of his enemies were within five or six miles of each other: his in a plain country, and theirs amongst woods. He had constantly useful scouts, to inform him of the movements of his enemies. At length he came with his army to Cheltenham, “unto a village called Chiltenham,” {138a} where he had certain intelligence, that the Queen’s forces were already come to Tewkesbury, and were encamped, and intended to remain and give him battle there.

Edward did not remain long at Cheltenham; but after his troops, which consisted of 3000 infantry and a large body of cavalry, had had some refreshment, they marched forward towards Tewkesbury, and passed the night of the 3rd of May encamped in the field, near {138b} the Lancastrian position.

On the next morning, Saturday the 4th of May, {138c} Edward advanced to attack his enemies in three bodies: his brother Richard Duke of Gloucester {139a} commanded the van; Edward in person, with his brother the Duke of Clarence, {139b} commanded the centre; and the rear was commanded by the Marquis of Dorset {139c} and Lord Hastings. {139d}

Edward, prior to the commencement of the battle, had observed that there was a park {140a} and much wood growing in it, on the right hand of his enemies’ camp; and in order to guard against an ambuscade from that quarter, he ordered two hundred spearmen to proceed to it, about a quarter of a mile from the field; and if there were no ambuscade, then to act and assist the army, in such a manner, as circumstances might seem to render advisable.

The Lancastrian army was arranged also in three bodies, behind the natural defences of the position, and such intrenchments, as had been assiduously formed in so short a time; the Duke of Somerset and his brother Lord John Beaufort commanded the first line; Prince Edward, Lord Wenlock, and the Prior of St. John, commanded the second; and the Earl of Devonshire the third.

We learn from one of the old historians, that the Queen’s position was, “right hard to be assailed, by reason of the deep ditches, hedges, trees, bushes, and cumbersome lanes wherewith the same was fenced both a front and on the sides.” {140b}

Some openings were left by the Lancastrians in their intrenchments, in order to enable them, if it should be considered expedient, to sally forth upon the Yorkists: a circumstance which seems not to have been known at first to the leaders of the latter.

Before the battle commenced, the Queen and Prince Edward rode about the field, encouraging the men, and promising them rewards and booty, if they acquitted themselves well.

Both of the armies used cannons. The King’s army was well furnished with great artillery, which was well placed to annoy his enemies, and the Duke of Gloucester galled them severely with discharges of arrows; and the Lancastrians repaid them in the same manner with shot of artillery, and arrows, although they had not as many guns as the King had.

The Duke of Gloucester with his forces made a fierce attack upon the Lancastrians, but was unable to force their lines; in fact it was scarcely practicable for them to come to hand blows with their enemies, from the peculiarities and difficult nature of their position; and after a short time he purposely retired from before their intrenchments with his men, and with an appearance of being repulsed, in order to tempt the Duke of Somerset from his stronghold. Somerset rashly quitted the intrenchments through the openings already mentioned, and with his men pursued the Duke of Gloucester into the open field, when the latter suddenly ordered his forces to halt, and recover their ranks, and face their enemies, which was accordingly done; and the Duke of Gloucester with the Yorkists immediately attacked the troops of the Duke of Somerset, repulsed them, put them to flight, and pursued them towards their camp.

The two hundred spearmen were of great use on this occasion, as they advanced to the assistance of Gloucester, and suddenly charged Somerset and his Lancastrian troops in their flank, when they had already enough to do, from being engaged with the others; and, dismayed at this new charge upon them, they gave way, and attempted to regain their camp, and were pursued by the King and Gloucester with the Yorkist forces. {141a}

Some of the fugitives “fled into the parke, other into the meadow there at hand, some into the lanes, and some hid them in ditches, each one making what shift he could, by the which he hoped best to escape; but manie neverthelesse were beaten downe, slaine, and taken prisoners.” {141b}

Lord Wenlock not having advanced to the support of the first line, but remaining stationary, contrary to the expectations of Somerset, the latter, in a rage, rode up to him, reviled him, and beat his brains out with his axe.

Gloucester and his troops, pursuing those that fled with Somerset, forced their way into the intrenchments, and were supported by the King, who conducted himself very valiantly; the Lancastrians soon gave way, the second and third lines making little resistance; the rout became general, and was attended with great slaughter; and upon the camp being forced, almost all such of the defenders as stood their ground were killed.

The Lancastrians fled towards the town, and were hotly pursued by the victors, the King and others joining in the pursuit, and many of the fugitives were slain, and “at a mill in a meadow fast by the town, a great sort were drowned. Manie ran towards the towne, some to the church, and diverse to the abbeie, and other to other places, where they thought best to save themselves.” {142a}

In this decisive battle, and in the pursuit, about 3000 Lancastrians were slain, with the following leaders:—The Earl of Devonshire, Lord John Beaufort, Lord Wenlock, Sir Edmund Hamden, Sir William Wittingham, Sir William Vaux, Sir Nicholas Hartry, Sir John Delves, {142b} Sir William Fielding, Sir John Lewkener, Sir William Lermouth, Sir John Urnan, Sir Thomas Seymour, Sir William Rouse, and Sir Thomas Fitzhenry. {142c} The Duke of Somerset, the Prior of St. John, and other individuals of distinction, escaped from the field, and sought refuge in the neighbouring Abbey Church. They were pursued thither by King Edward, who attempted to enter the church with his sword drawn, but was stopped at the porch by a priest, with the Host, {142d} who prohibited his defiling the sacred edifice with blood.

Prince Edward was taken prisoner by Sir Richard Crofts, and in consequence of a proclamation, made by the King’s orders, that whosoever should produce the Prince, should receive an annuity of one hundred pounds, and that the Prince’s life should be spared if he were brought forward unhurt, he was conducted by Sir Richard Crofts into the King’s presence. Here an act of wickedness and cruelty took place, similar to and equally detestable, with that which was perpetrated by Lord Clifford, a leader of the other party, against the young Earl of Rutland, after the battle of Wakefield. The King having asked, in a haughty manner, how Prince Edward had dared to invade his dominions, and being irritated by an imprudent and hasty reply from the youthful captive, struck him on the face with his gauntlet. This seems to have been considered a sufficient encouragement to others, to proceed to a deed of savage violence against the unhappy Prince, and the Marquis of Dorset, Lord Hastings, the Dukes of Clarence {143a} and Gloucester, and some others, dragged the Prince away, and murdered him with their daggers. {144} His corpse was buried in a common grave, in the Abbey Church, with some of the soldiers who had been slain in the battle. The King pardoned a number of the fugitives, who had taken refuge in the Abbey Church, although it did not possess any privilege to protect rebels; and he might have taken them out of it without breach of any liberty of that church; and he allowed the bodies of the noblemen and others slain in the battle, to be buried in the church, or wherever their friends or servants pleased; nor was there any quartering or setting up in public places, of the heads, or quarters, either of those who had been slain, or of those who had been executed: a disgusting exhibition, which had too often been witnessed during the wars of the Roses.

Near the centre of the choir, under the tower, is a brass plate, let into a stone slab in the floor, with the following inscription, commemorating the murder of the young Prince:—

NE TOTA PEREAT MEMORIA EDVARDI PRINCIPIS WALLLÆ POST PRÆLIUM MEMORABILE IN VICINIS ARVIS DEPUGNATUM CRUDELITER OCCISI HANC TABULAM HONORARIAM DEPONI CURABAT PIETAS TEWKESBURIENSIS ANNO DOMINI MDCCXCVI

The inscription was written by the late Rev. Robert Knight, vicar of Tewkesbury, and was placed there in 1796, in accordance with a tradition that the body of the Prince had been interred there. It was ascertained, by an examination some years ago, that the slab upon which the brass plate is affixed, was over a stone coffin. The latter was examined, but it did not exhibit any appearances to denote its having been the place of the deposit of the young Prince’s remains. {145a}

In the addition to Camden’s _Britannia_, by Gough, it is stated, that there was a monument in the chancel of the church, to the memory of George Duke of Clarence and Isabel his wife; and that near the entrance of the choir, under a large grey marble flag, stripped of its brasses, Prince Edward was interred after his murder. “This deed is supposed to have been done in a house since rebuilt, now Mr. Webb’s, an ironmonger, on the north side of the High Street, near the Tolsey. His bones and coffin were discovered by the breaking of the stone.” {145b}

Two days after the battle, Edward caused Somerset and other fugitives to be taken from the sanctuary of the Abbey Church. They were brought before the Duke of Gloucester, who officiated as high constable, and the Duke of Norfolk the marshal, by whom they were condemned to death; and accordingly, on Monday, the 6th of May, {146a} the Duke of Somerset, John Longstrother the Prior of St. John of Jerusalem, Sir Humphrey Audley, Sir Gervase Clifton, {146b} Sir William Grimsby, Sir William Cary, Sir Henry Rose, Sir Thomas Tresham, {146c} Sir William Newborough, Knights; Henry Tresham, Walter Courtenay, John Flory, Lewis Miles, Robert Jackson, James Gower, John Delves, {146d} son and heir to Sir John Delves, {146d} and other gentlemen of rank, were executed in the market-place of Tewkesbury, a small triangular space, where the three principal streets meet. {146e} The corpses of the Duke of Somerset, Lord John Beaufort, and the Earl of Devonshire, were interred in the Abbey Church.

On the same day on which those executions took place, Margaret was discovered in a poor religious house, and was conveyed, by Edward’s orders, to London, and confined in the Tower, until she was ransomed, for 50,000 crowns, by her father, René Duke of Anjou and Lorraine, who also used the empty and unsubstantial titles of King of Jerusalem, Naples, and Sicily.

The following are the names of the persons of distinction who, according to Leland, lost their lives, on the part of the Lancastrians, at or immediately after, the battle of Tewkesbury:—

Prince Edward, buried in the Monastery of Tewkesbury.

Edmund Duke of Somerset, taken, beheaded, and buried there.

Lord John Somerset, brother of the Duke Edmund, buried there.

Thomas Courtenay, Earl of Devonshire, buried there.

Lord Wenlock, whose body was removed to be buried elsewhere.

Humphrey Handeley, beheaded with Thomas Courtenay, and buried together.

Sir Edmund Havarde.

Sir William Wichingham.

John Delves the elder, slain in the field, and

John Delves his son, beheaded there, buried together, afterwards removed elsewhere. {147a}

Sir John Lukenor, slain in the field, and buried near the Delves.

Sir William Vaux, slain in the field, and buried there.

Sir Gervase Clifton, taken, beheaded, and buried there.

Sir William Car, and Sir Henry Ros, taken, and beheaded, buried in the Cemetery of Tewkesbury.

Sir Thomas Tresham, taken, beheaded, and buried there.

Sir William Lirmouthe, Sir John Urman, Sir Thomas Semar [_Quære_—Seymour?], Sir William Rowys, slain in the field, and buried in the cemetery there.

Sir William Newborrow, taken and beheaded, and buried there.

Henry Wateley, Esquire, slain and buried there.

Henry Barrow, Esquire, slain and buried there.

— Fielding, Esquire, slain and buried there.

John Gower, sword-bearer of Prince Edward.

John Flore, standard-bearer of the Duke of Somerset, Henry Tresham, Walter Courtenay, and Robert Acton, taken and beheaded.

The Prior of St. John’s, taken and beheaded; whose body was removed to his own friends at London.

Hugh Courtenay, taken, and afterwards beheaded. {148a}

Life spared by King Edward, to each of the under-mentioned personages:—

Queen Margaret.

Anne, wife of the slain Prince Edward.

Foster, Chief Justice of England.

Doctor Mackerell, John Throgmorton, Baynton, and Wroughton. {148a}

Tewkesbury is a small town, situated ten miles from Gloucester, and eight from Cheltenham, close to the confluence of the Severn and one of the Avons. “It standeth in _lævâ ripâ Avonæ_, a good flite shot above the confluence of Avon and Severne.”

“Ther is a greate bridge of stone at the northe ende of the towne, and ther a little above the bridge, Avon brekith into 2 armes. Yet the bridge is so large that both cum under it. The right arme cummith into Severne withyn a flite shot of the bridge, and at the point of this arme is the towne key for shippes callid Pickardes.”

“The other arme commith downe by the side of the towne, and the Abbay, leving it on the este, and so passing harde ther by Holme Castelle goith into Severne.” {149a}

The field of the battle of Tewkesbury is close to the first mile-post {149b} on the turnpike road, leading from Tewkesbury, through Tredington to Cheltenham and Gloucester. For the information of persons desirous of visiting it, it may be well to observe, that on the westward side of the town of Tewkesbury, there is a range of elevated ground, called the Holme Ground, or Holme Hill, where a castle once stood, {149c} the rise of which commences very near the town, upon part of which, contiguous to the turnpike road, the union workhouse stands, and close behind the latter there is a field called the Gastons; and immediately beyond the union workhouse, are two fields which were purchased in 1855, for the purpose of, and are now laid out as, a cemetery for Tewkesbury, and are called in the title-deeds, part of “the Gastons,” a name which I shall afterwards have again to refer to. This high ground extends on the side of the turnpike road, as far as the first mile-post; just opposite to which, and on the eastward side of the road, is a field which has immemorially been called “Margaret’s Camp,” and which is situated upon a part of the elevated ground which is called Gupshill.

The battle appears to have been fought at that place, and in the adjacent fields to the southward, and also in those a little to the eastward of it, {150a} and on the spot where Gupshill Farm houses and gardens now stand.

The high road from Cheltenham did not formerly pass as close to Margaret’s Camp as at present. Within the memory of persons now living, it turned out of the present turnpike road from Cheltenham, in the descent of the hill, two or three fields’ breadth before arriving at the first mile-post from Tewkesbury, and wound with a considerable curve round the westward side of Gupshill Farm houses and buildings, at which place, part of the old road still remains, and joins the turnpike road at a spot sixty or eighty yards nearer Tewkesbury than the first mile-post. {150b}

In the field called “Margaret’s Camp,” are some slight inequalities in the ground; but they are not sufficiently decided to enable any person to state that they are the remains of intrenchments; and in the centre of the field there is a small circular enclosure, which measures as nearly as I could judge, by stepping over it, about twenty-eight or twenty-nine yards across. It is surrounded by a small and shallow ditch, {150c} which was dry when I visited it; and is without any hedge or bank; it has, however, a number of large elm-trees growing round its inner edge. It is too insignificant to have formed part of the military intrenchments; but it may possibly have been a place of interment of some of the slain; or, as seems probable, it may have been formed in comparatively modern times, by some owner of the land, to commemorate the spot where the Lancastrian army was posted.

It may readily be admitted, that the Lancastrians might have formed their encampment, in some place possessing greater natural strength, on the north instead of the south side of the town; but in that case, they must most unwisely have abandoned to their enemies, the advantages of the possession of the town, and the command of the river, and would have enabled them to intercept the reinforcements which were expected.

It seems impossible to find any place near the town, where an army intending to await and give battle to the Yorkists, when they advanced by the road from Cheltenham, could have been so advantageously posted, as at the spot before mentioned. Although perhaps not naturally very strong, the position was, of course, strengthened by artificial defences, which we may conclude, were then adopted, as has frequently occurred on similar occasions, as for example by baggage waggons, fallen trees, and intrenchments; and it had the additional defences of hedges, ditches, brushwood, &c. It was approached on three sides by ascents, which, though not steep, were at least disadvantageous to the assailants; and it was situated at the end of the tract of elevated ground before noticed. {151} The field before mentioned belongs to Mr. Haywood, and is tenanted by Mr. John Phillips; and I was informed by elderly people, when I visited it, that human bones had formerly been discovered in the immediate neighbourhood of it; but I was not able to learn that any other _indicia_ of the battle had been found there. It is not possible for any intelligent person to mistake the spot, if he is desirous to find it, when he has walked a mile from Tewkesbury on the turnpike road. The place is called “Gupshill,” and is in the parish of Tewkesbury. {152}

The old annalists and chronicles have left us much in the dark, as to the exact place near the camp of the Lancastrians, where Edward’s forces passed the night prior to the battle; but on the morning of the battle, and immediately before it commenced, his army, according both to tradition and probability, took up a position upon some elevated ground, adjoining the turnpike road, and to the southward of, and scarcely half a mile from, the Lancastrian army. From that position, a small tract of ground (now inclosed fields) slopes downwards so as to form a depression between it and the spot occupied by the Lancastrians. This tract of ground was formerly called the Red Piece; and is intersected by the turnpike road, leading towards Cheltenham and Gloucester, and at present forms two fields, one of which, on the right side of the road, is called the Near Red Close, and the other, on the left side of the road, is called the Further Red Close, belonging to Mr. Naish, of Bristol, of which the tenant is Mr. William Brown, a farmer and cattle-dealer. The portion of it on the left side of the road extends to the field called Margaret’s Camp; and it was on the southward side of the latter, that Edward’s forces appear to have made their attack.

A meadow rather in the rear of the Lancastrian position, but lying on the westward side of the turnpike road, half a mile from Tewkesbury, and within a few hundred yards of the Tewkesbury union workhouse, is called the Bloody Meadow; it belongs to Miss Shapland, and is tenanted by Mr. William Trotman, innkeeper and farmer; and an idea is generally entertained, that it derived its name from the slaughter of many of the fugitives, who fled from the battle towards the meadow, probably in hopes of getting over the Severn, as there is a ford and ferry called Lower Lode, near it. On the 27th of May, 1856, when I last visited the field of battle, a husbandman who was at work in the garden of Gupshill Farm, informed me, that when he was working a few years ago in a field near Lower Lode Ferry, in the immediate neighbourhood of the Bloody Meadow, he found a quantity of horses bones, and a considerable number of horseshoes in the ground there. Mr. William Trotman informed me, that fourteen or fifteen years ago, he found in the Bloody Meadow a long piece of iron, which from its appearance, he believed had been part of a sword-blade. He also showed me a cannon ball of small size, weighing one pound six ounces, which had been dug up in the same meadow. {153a}

Besides the importance which we may fairly attach to tradition, and to the name “Margaret’s Camp,” it is very remarkable how many strong proofs are afforded, by the works of the ancient annalists and chroniclers, that the before-mentioned spot, contiguous to the high road from Tewkesbury to Cheltenham and Gloucester, was the place where the battle was fought.

We know from one of the old writers, {153b} that Edward advanced by the road from Cheltenham towards Tewkesbury. The spot above mentioned, is on that road, on a slight eminence, which was the best position near Tewkesbury, that could have been selected by an army, with a view to giving battle to Edward’s forces, on their advance from Cheltenham.

We are also told by one of our old chroniclers, with reference to the position selected by Somerset, that he “so fyxed in a fayre parke adioning to the towne he pytched hys felde;” {153c} and we learn from another of them, that the position occupied by the Lancastrians, was, “even hard at the Town’s end.” {153b} The field called Margaret’s Camp, may be very correctly said to be “adjoining to the towne,” for it is only one mile from it by the turnpike road, and is in fact “at the Town’s end,” because it is little more than half a mile in a direct line from the outskirts of the town.

We also find from the same authority, that “the Lancastrians had the town and abbey at their backs.” {154a} This also tallies precisely with the position already described, as being occupied by them, as the abbey is visible from it; and the town and abbey must of necessity, be in their rear [“at their backs”], when they faced an enemy advancing towards Tewkesbury from Cheltenham.

The field is stated in Warkworth’s _Chronicle_ to be “not ferre from the ryver of Severne.” {154b} That account is also very important, for the place is not more than about half a mile from the river Severn.

Leland, in his _Itinerary_, {154c} in adverting to the battle, uses the following remarkable expression:—“Edwardus Princeps Henric VI filius venit cum exercitu ad Theokesbury, & intravit campum nomine _Gastum_,” &c., and again, “Nomina occisorum in bello _Gastiensis_ prope Theokesbury,” &c. I have already mentioned that upon part of the elevated ground before noticed, and at the back of the union workhouse, near Tewkesbury, and very near the spot called Margaret’s Camp, there is a place called “the Gastons”; and after allowing for the difference in spelling at the time when Leland wrote, it can scarcely admit of a doubt, that the latter was the place which he meant, when, in adverting to the battle, he used the expression—“campum nomine Gastum,” and “in bello Gastiensis prope Theokesbury.” {154d}

We are also informed by one of the old historians, that many of the Lancastrians were drowned at “a mill in the meadow fast by the town.” {154e} This must certainly have been the Abbey Water-mills, which (although at present, in a great degree, rebuilt and altered) still stand in the meadow close to the town, in the rear of the Lancastrians, and in a place where it is almost certain that some of the fugitives from the battle, trying to escape towards the Avon and the Severn, would pass.

It is also a well-authenticated historical fact, which has not been disputed by any author, that the Duke of Somerset, John Longstrother the Lord Prior of St. John’s, Sir Thomas Tresham, Sir Gervase Clifton, and other knights and esquires, when the battle was lost, fled to the Abbey of Tewkesbury, and other places in the town. The distance was, as already mentioned, only about half a mile from the rear of the Lancastrian position to the Abbey Church and town; and if Margaret’s forces had not awaited the approach of, and given battle to, the Yorkists on the southward side of Tewkesbury, or, in other words, on the side of the town which the Yorkists must naturally approach on the road from Cheltenham, and with the abbey and the town in the rear of the Lancastrians, it would have been utterly impossible for the fugitives to have fled either to the abbey or town.