Part 23

In addition to all the considerations set forth in the foregoing pages, the student of history must, if he would fully appreciate the forces which controlled their action with respect to secession and the Civil War, take into account the racial characteristics of the Virginia people. A full portrayal of these characteristics, strongly marked and persisting from generation to generation, must be the work of some other pen. Suffice it here to say that as a people they exalted honor and courage—both in the individual and in the clan; they exhibited the strength of the idealist, combined, on the part of many, with the limitations of the doctrinaire; they decided questions by the standards of abstract right rather than in their relation to the duties and interests of other peoples and other times; they were self-reliant, content to justify the integrity of their conduct to their own consciences rather than to the world; they were tenacious of their rights and regarded a threatened invasion as not only justifying but compelling resistance if the ideals and conditions which make men patriots and freemen were to find an abiding place in their state.

VIRGINIA'S STAND PREDETERMINED

"We are not contending," wrote Washington in 1774, "against paying the duty of three pence per pound on tea as burdensome, no, it is the right only that we have all along disputed."[422]

"It is the principle," wrote Lee in 1861, "I contend for, not individual or private benefit."[423]

Such were some of the predominant characteristics of the people whom President Lincoln's proclamation called to war. In the conflict thus joined between the Federal Government and the Southern Confederacy, the people of Virginia took a stand, predetermined by the beliefs and avowals of successive generations, and impelled by an unswerving idealism found their supreme incentive to action in their determination to maintain the integrity of principle.

Footnote 417:

_Memoirs of Robert E. Lee_, Long, p. 88.

Footnote 418:

See letter from Mrs. R. E. Lee to General Winfield Scott, in _Life of Robert E. Lee_, Fitzhugh Lee, p. 93.

Footnote 419:

_Journal of Virginia Convention_, 1861, pp. 9 and 187.

Footnote 420:

_Life of Matthew Fontaine Maury_, Corbin, p. 96.

Footnote 421:

_School History of the United States_, Jones, p. 239.

Footnote 422:

_History of the United States_, Bancroft, Vol. 4, p. 29.

Footnote 423:

_Memoirs of Robert E. Lee_, Long, p. 88.

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INDEX

Abolitionists, adverse influence of, upon anti-slavery sentiment in Virginia, 43, 48, 51, 59; character of assaults of, upon slavery and Virginians, 48, 49; views of Thomas Jefferson Randolph upon, 51; views of George Tucker upon, 51, 52; views of Henry Ruffner upon, 53; views of William Ellery Channing upon, 53; views of Abraham Lincoln upon, 54, 55; views of Daniel Webster upon, 55; views of Stephen A. Douglas upon, 56; views of Thomas Ewing upon, 56; views of George Lunt upon, 57; views of George Ticknor Curtis upon, 57; views of Theodore Roosevelt upon, 58; views of William Henry Smith upon, 58; attitude of, contrasted with that of Republicans, 194, 195; efforts of, to defeat fugitive slave law, 200, 201; purpose and methods of, 210, 212; disunion sentiments of, 213; contended that Union alone protected slaveholders, 219; see John Brown, Thomas Wentworth Higginson, William Lloyd Garrison, Theodore Parker, Wendell Phillips.

Abolition of Slavery in Virginia, petition for, from citizens of Staunton, 128, 129.

Adams, Charles Francis, estimate of Virginians at Gettysburg, 139, 140; estimate of racial difficulties, 181; his analysis of Virginia's grounds of secession, 249; records effects of Virginia's declaration for union, 253; on coercion as the issue, 255; views as to Virginia's unchanged allegiance to state sovereignty, 294.

Adams, John Quincy, on action of anti-slavery societies, 1835, 174; not an Abolitionist, 195; views as to right of secession, 290.

Adams, Reverend Nehemiah, on assaults upon Virginia by Abolitionists, 48, 49; on feeling in Virginia regarding slave traders, 141; on reactionary effects of Abolitionists, 176.

African Slave Trade, early opposition to, in Virginia, 16; letter of Colonel William Byrd against, 16; petition of Virginia House of Burgesses against, 1772, 18; arraignment of in original draft of Declaration of Independence, 19; Virginia Colonial Convention 1774, hostile to, 21; declaration against in Continental Congress, 1774, 21, 22; Virginia's statute abolishing, 1778, 25; George Mason's denunciation of, 30; efforts of Virginians in Congress to suppress, 33; President Jefferson's message, 1806-07 on suppression of, 34; President Madison's message, 1810, recommending more stringent laws against, 35; act of 1819 against, 36; joint resolution of Congress, 1823, against, 36; "Right of Search" in suppression of, advocated by President Monroe, 1824, 37; President Tyler's message against, 1841-42, 38; appeal of Henry A. Wise against, 1845, 38-39; President Taylor's message against, 1849, 39.

Agriculture in Virginia, injurious effects of slavery upon, 127-137.

Amalgamation of blacks and whites, Governor James McDowell on, 163; William C. Rives on, 163-164; M. de Tocqueville on, 164; Stephen A. Douglas on, 165; General William T. Sherman on, 165; William H. Seward on, 165; Abraham Lincoln on, 165-166.

American Anti-Slavery Society, its organization, 1833, 200; disunion resolutions of, May, 1844, 213.

American Civil War, character of, 1-3; parties to, 2, 3; causes of, 3-5; objects for which it was waged, 5-9.

American Colonization Society, its organization, 1816, 61; establishes colony of Liberia, 1819, 62, 63; organization of auxiliary societies to, in Virginia, 63; work of, impeded by pro-slavery men and Abolitionists, 65.

Amendment to constitution, proposed by Congress, 1861, safeguarding slavery, 192; ratified by Ohio and Maryland, 192.

Annapolis, convention assembles at, 1786, to amend Articles of Confederation, 238.

Anti-Slavery sentiments, of prominent Virginians, 82-101.

Apportionment, basis of, for representation in Virginia Legislature, 144, 172.

Arkansas, secedes because of Lincoln's call for troops, 226.

Bacon, Reverend Leonard, estimate of condition of free negroes, 1831, 160.

Baldwin, John B., a Union leader in Virginia Convention, 1861, 255; urges President Lincoln to abandon coercion, 266; on position of Union men in Virginia after her secession, 297.

Ballagh, J. H., on Virginia's primacy in prohibiting African slave trade, 25; on slavery debate in Virginia's Legislature, 1832, 46; on estimate of number of slaves freed in Virginia, 102.

Bancroft, George, on Virginia's effort to prohibit importation of slaves, 17; on Virginia's Bill of Rights, 23; on Ordinance of 1787, 27; on injurious effect of slavery on Virginia, 127; estimate of Virginia's action in calling for intercolonial committees of correspondence, 239; estimate of Virginia's action in securing Convention at Philadelphia, 1787, 239.

Banks, Governor N. P., addresses Legislature of Massachusetts, January, 1861, on "personal liberty laws," 205.

Barton, D. W., emancipates slaves, 70.

Barton, Robert T., letter to author regarding above, 70, 71.

Bates, Edwin, his reply as Attorney General to President Lincoln's request for opinions on provisioning Fort Sumter, 282 and 284.

Baylor, George, remarks in Virginia Convention, 1861, on secession and coercion, 265; on coercing Cotton States, 289.

Berry, Henry, anti-slavery sentiments, 93.

Bill of Rights, Virginia's, on inherent rights of men, 22-23.

"Black Belt" in Virginia, its white and slave population, 125.

Blackburn, Samuel, will emancipating slaves, 113.

Blaine, James G., on slavery in the territories, 185; on action of Republicans in Congress, 1861, abandoning their position on the subject, 185; on protection afforded to slavery by the Union, 222.

Blair, Montgomery, replies, as Postmaster General, to President Lincoln's request for opinions on provisioning Fort Sumter, 282 and 284.

Bland, Theodoric, efforts in first Congress, to tax importation of slaves, 33.

Bolling, Philip A., anti-slavery sentiments of, 95; on injurious effects of slavery, 130.

Bonner, Jesse, will emancipating slaves, 107.

Booth, Sherman M., convicted by Federal Court, and discharged by State Court of Wisconsin, 203.

Branch, Thomas, remarks of, in Virginia Convention, 1861, on President Lincoln's First Inaugural, 265.

Brent, George W., remarks of, in Virginia Convention, 1861, on influence of Abolitionists in North, and Free Traders in South, in precipitating the Civil War, 266.

Broadnax, William H., views expressed in slavery debate, 1832, 47; anti-slavery sentiments of, 92.

Brokenbrough, John W., delegate from Virginia to Peace Conference, 1861, 246.

Brown Co., Ohio, colonization of Samuel Gist's slaves in, 66.

Brown, John, John W. Burgess's estimate of reactionary influence of his Raid and of Northern sympathy, 178; disastrous influence of his Raid upon sentiment in the South, 178; Lincoln's estimate of his Raid, 195; captured by United States soldiers, 212; sympathy of leading Abolitionists with, 218; prominent Abolitionists, parties to his venture, 219.

Brougham, Lord, on character of Federal Government, 290.

Buchanan, James, extract from message, as President, 1860, on influence of Abolitionists, 177; message to Congress, 1860, on "personal liberty laws," 204.

Burgesses—House of, their petition, 1772, against slave trade, 18; their resolutions against Stamp Act, 1765, 238; pledging support to Massachusetts, 1768, 238; asserting resistance to Great Britain, 1769, 238; providing for intercolonial committees of correspondence, 1773, 239; fixing day for fasting and prayer, 1774, 239.

Burgess, J. W., on reactionary influence of John Brown's Raid, 178; on effect of sympathy evinced for John Brown in many parts of the North, 178.

Burke, Edmund, on England's participation in slave trade and Virginia's opposition, 17; on John Hampden's position, 229.

Byrd, Colonel William, anti-slavery sentiments of, 1736, 16, Note 3.

Caldwell, E. B., prominent in organizing American Colonization Society, 61.

Cameron, Simon, his reply, as Secretary of War, to President Lincoln's request for opinion on provisioning Fort Sumter, 281 and 289.

Carlile, John S., on protection of slavery by the Union, 223.

Carr, Dabney, author of resolutions providing for intercolonial committees of correspondence, 239.

Carroll, Charles of Carrolton, President of American Colonization Society, 62.

Carter, Robert, deeds, emancipating slaves, 105.

Cass Co., Michigan, colonization in, of Sampson Sanders' slaves, 70.

Chadwick, F. E., analysis of census showing number of Virginia's slaveholders, 124; estimate of number of Virginians living beyond the State, 1860, 128; on the prominent men, parties to John Brown's Raid, 219.

Chandler, John A., anti-slavery sentiments, 92.

Chandler, Zachariah, letter regarding Peace Conference, 1861, 249.

Channing, William Ellery, on adverse influence of Abolitionists, 53.

Chase, Salmon P., on impossibility of complete enforcement of fugitive slave law, 187 and 206; replies, as Secretary of the Treasury, to President Lincoln's request for opinion on provisioning Fort Sumter, 283, 284.

Clark, General George Rogers, Conqueror of Northwest Territory, 26 and 237.

Clay, Henry, presides at meeting to organize American Colonization Society, 1816, 61; President of American Colonization Society, 62; on emancipation and colonization of negroes, 76, 77; on condition of free negroes in 1829, 160.

Cleveland, Ohio, place of proposed Disunion Convention, October, 1857, 214.

Cocke, Eliza W., deed emancipating slaves, 122.

Coercion, controlling factor in determining Virginia's secession, 252; Robert E. Lee denies ethical right of, 288; William C. Rives denies same, 289; George Baylor denies same, 289; M. de Tocqueville denies right of by Federal Government, 289; Lord Brougham denies same, 290.