CHAPTER VI

SOLIDARITY

I think it was Miss Martineau who said that if her generation was better than that which preceded her, the betterment was due to the teachings of Carlyle; and much though we may differ with John Ruskin in matters of detail, no one will dispute the apostolic fervor with which he endeavored to push on the work of Thomas Carlyle. It is a significant fact, therefore, that both Thomas Carlyle and John Ruskin had nothing but abuse to give to political economy. Nevertheless, I think we all must agree that this hostile attitude was due to a misconception of the scope of political economy, a misconception due in great part to its name; for the words "political economy" seem to indicate that it deals with the economy of the state, and that it becomes the duty of its teachers to show us not only what the rules regarding the production and distribution of goods are, but what they ought to be.

In fact, however, although economists do discuss how--if at all--the system of production and distribution of goods can be improved, they have always regarded it as their principal function to describe accurately what the rules that govern production and distribution really are, rather than what they ought to be. And as existing industrial conditions are extremely complicated, those who have thrown light upon them are highly to be honored. And although they have contributed nothing to the solution of such problems as unemployment, pauperism, and the conflict of labor and capital, it may be as unreasonable to complain of this as to quarrel with the "crossing-sweeper of Piccadilly" because he is unable "to tell you the road to Highgate."

Again, political economy has encountered a great deal of unmerited abuse because critics have confounded authors with their subject, and have held economists responsible for the industrial conditions they describe; whereas, these economists have earned our sincerest thanks for demonstrating that the competitive system offers no solution for the conflict between capital and labor, or the problem of unemployment and all the other problems as those of pauperism, prostitution, and economic crime which result therefrom.

Mr. Ruskin is certainly wrong when he denounces political economy as the "science of getting rich," and when he adds that "persons who follow its precepts" do actually become rich; "all persons who disobey them become poor"; for our ablest political economists have always been and still are relatively poor men, and our richest millionaire is a past master of the rules in the game which it is his particular business to play; but he is not concerned with a science which does no more than study wealth under the competitive system and demonstrate how inevitably a few grow rich and the rest grow poor under it.

Let us then abandon hostility to a science without which to-day we could not see clearly the workings of the existing system, and on the contrary, avail ourselves of all its teachings, recognizing that a study of what industrial conditions to-day are must precede the study of what they could and should be.

The study of political economy is necessary to a study of "social economy." Political economy admittedly deals with the average sensual man, and having determined the rules that determine the actions of the average sensual man, it becomes now the problem of social economy to deal with the average moral man. And the moral man must not be regarded as opposed to the sensual. The moral man includes the sensual, but adds affection, sympathy, and all that makes happiness to the sensual man who may, through absence of affection and sympathy, fail to attain the happiness of which he is in search. Under this definition, while political economy deals with the attainment of wealth, social economy deals with the attainment of happiness; and as man must eat before he can pursue happiness, social economy must concern itself with the acquisition of wealth to satisfy physical needs before it concerns itself with the attainment of justice to satisfy moral needs. An attempt has been made in this book to present the social and economic structure which would best attain happiness. Would such a system at the same time attain justice?[223]

To arrive at a correct notion of justice, we have to refer once more to the difference between what Huxley calls the "cosmic process"--that is to say, the process of the environment of Nature before the advent of Man--and the ethical process, or the process of the artificial environment created by Man. For there is one difference, and a most essential difference, between them to which attention has not yet been directed: namely, that in communities such as those of the bee and ant, the individual is sacrificed to the community; whereas the effort of Man is or should be to so organize his community that it will serve the happiness of the individual. For example, we would not tolerate a community upon the plan we see practised by the bees, under which only one male out of a whole hive is permitted to propagate and all the rest of the males on attaining maturity are caused to die; only one female of the whole hive is allowed to be fertile and to propagate, all the rest being subject to the dreary round of keeping the fertile bee a prisoner, of feeding her, of rearing, feeding and caring for the young in the hive, and incidentally destroying any males who may return to the hive from the nuptial flight. We have to recognize that the great obstacle to happiness in community life is sexual instinct, of which Socialists of the type of Edward Bellamy have for the most part failed to take account.

Reference has been made to the various devices adopted by different races of animals and by Man at different periods and at different places to solve the problem of sexual instinct,[224] and it has been, I think, demonstrated by Professor Giddings, that of all the systems proposed none can compare with our present institution of marriage.[225] The mere fact that the marriage system has survived in the conflict with races that have adopted other systems ought to furnish an argument in favor of its superiority. In the struggle between races of Man, those races the institutions of which require most self-restraint have invariably overwhelmed those races whose institutions require less self-restraint. For example, the tribes that lived without any regulation of sexual instinct and in which children took the name of their mother because the name of their father was not and could not be known, disappeared in the conflict with tribes which insisted upon some restraint to sexual appetite, such as the patriarchal system. Again, the patriarchal system which tolerated polygamy has everywhere been destroyed when it came into conflict with monogamous races, such as our own, which involve still further restraint in the sexual relation.

It would seem, therefore, as though the monogamous marriage were the keystone of our present civilization, for upon it has been built the family, and the education and self-restraint which family life involves.[226] There is too no function of the family more important than that it serves as a model of what the state ought to be as distinguished from what the state actually is; that is to say, a government which should have equal concern for every member of the community, and not one which as at present surfeits some and starves others.

It is the growing idea that a properly constituted state must do this for the protection not only of the many, but of the few that probably give the most continuous aid to Socialism. As Mr. Edwin Bjoerkman expressed it: "We are beginning to grasp the futility of planning the welfare of any one human being apart from the rest of his kind. We are coming to think of ourselves, at last, as links in a chain so firmly bound together that when the devil grabs the hindmost the wrench is felt by the top-most--felt in the very marrow of his bones."[227]

And so while the institution of marriage has removed an obstacle to solidarity in community life, public health has proved its ally. Mr. Bjoerkman has made an estimate of the enormous cost of unnecessary sickness. But the protection of public health is furnishing us a far better argument in favor of solidarity and Socialism than the mere cost of neglecting it. In Cuba our sanitary engineers have practically got rid of yellow fever, not only for that community, but for our own. Recent discoveries tracing malaria to the mosquito are leading to the destruction of this insect. Smallpox and cholera have practically been stamped out, and efforts are now being made to do the same with typhoid and tuberculosis.

Now one feature characterizes all these efforts. They cannot be made by one man for himself; they have to be made by whole communities for whole communities and they will eventually have to be made by the whole world for the whole world. The same thing is true of vagrancy, pauperism, and crime. No individual or group of individuals can handle this problem; it must be handled by every community, and through the further extension of extradition treaties by all countries for the whole world.

Again, reference has been often made in this book to the necessity under which governments, openly professing the policy of _laissez faire_, have found themselves to enact laws totally inconsistent with this doctrine. Such, laws ought to be sufficient evidence that the days of _laissez faire_ are gone forever; and that this theory, universally proclaimed a century ago as the only sound theory of government, has to-day given way before the recognition that no wealth can compensate a man for the misery of his neighbors; and that even if, abandoning all ideals and all ethics, we confine ourselves to the problem how to make men materially happy, we can only do so by adjusting our institutions so that no man will be allowed to become or to remain a pauper or criminal.

I am not discussing here matters of theory, but matters of fact.

Theoretically, the development of man might have taken a totally different direction. The master minds of the period (such as that, for example, of Mr. W.H. Mallock) might have so organized the able as to constitute an aristocracy strong enough to keep the rest of the community in a state of ignorant servitude, so that while Mr. Mallock was enjoying the necessary leisure to discuss the "New Republic" amid the luxury of his English country home, all the work of the world would be accomplished by human automata with no desires beyond that of the immediate gratification of their appetites. Unfortunately, however, Mr. Mallock has come too late upon the scene. Some years before he was born, the die was cast. Workingmen were given a voice in public affairs and have been educated, so that they constitute a power with which government has to reckon. Here is a fact against which it is useless for millionaires to break their heads. No one can ignore the power exercised by such men as Bebel in Germany, Jaures and Guesde in France, Vandervelde in Belgium, Keir Hardie and MacDonald in England, Gompers and John Mitchell in America. These men are all engaged in organizing the workingmen's vote with extraordinary efficacy in Europe, and with extraordinary inefficacy in the United States. But the days of Gompers and Mitchell are drawing to a close, and in this country as well as in Europe, Organized Labor will grow to understand the inevitable truth that it is only by political action and with the Socialist program that it can defeat the power of capital. So that whether Mr. Mallock be right or not, the day of aristocracy is over and the day of solidarity has dawned. The question for us to decide is whether we should recognize this fact and modify our institutions to conform to the new era, or whether we should continue to ignore the fact until we break our heads against it.

The point which Mr. Mallock and his school have failed to understand is that the very greed which creates aristocracy unfits the aristocrat for the cooperation indispensable to its survival. This condemns him, as it does all the highest types of carnivora, created by the competitive system to isolation. For it is out of the jealousy and struggles of the aristocrats with one another that the people are at last getting to their own. It was because the king, the noble, and the church could not agree in the division of spoils that their perpetual altercations left room for the organization of the Communes in France at the end of the eleventh century. It was because the church, the noble and the king would not give a fair share of the honors and spoils of the state to the wealthy bourgeoisie, that the bourgeois was obliged to associate himself with the people in 1789; it was because of the conflict between the Whigs and the Tories that the franchise was gradually extended to the workingmen in England; and it is because the Republicans can put no limit to their greed that workingmen in America will find themselves eventually compelled to organize politically their at present disunited multitudes. It is, therefore, extremely improbable that, even if Mr. Mallock had lived in an earlier age, he could have prevented the inevitable progress of the great principle of solidarity which has determined the direction of human development ever since it began to differ from that of other animals.

If now we run through all the differences between the natural environment and the environment created by Man, we shall see that they practically all proceed upon the theory that men must develop no longer as individuals but as a unit. All our customs and laws proceed upon the theory of liberty and justice; and upon that theory is based the original principle of property that assures to all men the product of their toil. Now if all men are to be assured the product of their toil, there must be an end to the system which puts a few millionaires at one end of the social scale and millions of paupers at the other.

Again, for centuries the so-called struggle for life has ceased to be a struggle for life, but has become a struggle for wealth, power, and consideration. It is no longer only the fit that survive; the unfit also survive; and if the unfit are to survive, we all have a common interest in taking the necessary steps to prevent the unfit from proving too heavy a burden upon the community.

Again, all isolating vices such as lust, ferocity, craft, fear, and selfishness--vices which characterize the carnivora and condemn them to lives of isolation--are being tempered by the necessities of common life--by the fundamental fact of the solidarity of Man. Thus, lust is tempered and in part replaced by love and mercy; ferocity is tempered and in part replaced by courage and patience; fear is tempered and in part replaced by respect and reverence; selfishness is tempered and in part replaced by unselfishness.

And all this advantage which humanity has attained over the lower animals is due to its ability to mould its own environment, and deliberately undertake the task of justice; namely, to "eliminate from our social conditions the effects of the inequalities of Nature upon the happiness and advancement of Man, and particularly to create an artificial environment which shall serve the individual as well as the race, and tend to perpetuate noble types rather than those which are base."

It is true that so far our efforts to attain justice have lamentably failed; but they have failed mainly because we have not yet sufficiently limited the scope of competition. The day we limit competition as suggested in the chapter on the Economic Structure of Socialism,[228] that day we shall have removed the lion from our path. And as stated in the Preface, the development of Man will then proceed upon the theory that all are perfectible and that it is through the improvement of all that every individual will attain his best freedom, his best happiness, and the fullest opportunities for promoting the happiness of all around him.

This is the ideal to attain which the environment described in the Chapter on the Economic Construction of the Cooperative Commonwealth has been conceived. It is the ideal which furnishes the most economical method of production and distribution and, therefore, the most leisure and liberty; that creates the environment fitted to perpetuate the noble rather than the base type; to promote virtue and discourage vice and, in a word, creates conditions under which we can practise the morality preached by every religion, whether it be that of Moses, of Mohammed, or of Christ.

FOOTNOTES:

[223] In a previous attempt to define justice, I have found it necessary to devote to this subject an entire volume, and I do not believe that the subject can be sufficiently discussed in less than such a volume. The definition with which I concluded that book has been adopted by Mr. Lester F. Ward in his book on Applied Sociology. I believe that all other definitions of justice are defective mainly because other definitions such as those of Herbert Spencer in his book entitled "Justice" confound justice with liberty. In other words, his definition of justice is a definition of liberty, whereas justice is more than liberty. Or perhaps it would be more correct to say that liberty is one of the elements of justice.

[224] See "Government or Human Evolution," Vol. II, p. 181.

[225] See "Principles of Sociology," pp. 414-415.

[226] See "Justice," p. 127, by the author.

[227] The Unnecessary Curse of Sickness, _World's Work_, July, 1909.

[228] See Book III, Chapter II.

APPENDIX

I

SOCIALIST PARTY NATIONAL PLATFORM

ADOPTED AT THE NATIONAL CONVENTION ASSEMBLED AT CHICAGO, MAY, 1908

Human life depends upon food, clothing, and shelter. Only with these assured are freedom, culture and higher human development possible. To produce food, clothing and shelter, land and machinery are needed. Land alone does not satisfy human needs. Human labor creates machinery and applies it to the land for the production of raw materials and food. Whoever has the control of land and machinery controls human labor, and with it human life and liberty.

To-day the machinery and land used for industrial purposes are owned by a rapidly decreasing minority. So long as machinery is simple and easily handled by one man, its owner cannot dominate the sources of life of others. But when machinery becomes more complex and expensive, and requires for its effective operation the organized effort of many workers, its influence reaches over wide circles of life. The owners of such machinery become the dominant class.

POWER GOES WITH CONCENTRATION

In proportion as the number of such machine owners, compared to all other classes, decreases, their power in the nation and in the world increases. They bring ever larger masses of working people under their control, reducing them to the point where muscle and brain are their only productive property. Millions of formerly self-employing workers thus become the helpless wage slaves of the industrial masters.

As the economic power of the ruling class grows, it becomes less useful in the life of the nation. All the useful work of the nation falls upon the shoulders of the class whose only property is its manual and mental labor power--the wage workers--or of the class who have but little land and little effective machinery outside of their labor power--the small traders and small farmers. The ruling minority is steadily becoming useless and parasitic.

STRUGGLE BETWEEN CLASSES

A bitter struggle over the division of the products of labor is waged between the exploiting propertied classes on the one hand, and the exploited propertyless class on the other. In this struggle the wage-working class cannot expect adequate relief from any reform of the present order at the hands of the dominant class.

The wage workers are, therefore, the most determined and irreconcilable antagonists of the ruling class. They suffer most from the curse of class rule. The fact that a few capitalists are permitted to control all the country's industrial resources and social tools for their individual profit, and to make the production of the necessaries of life the object of competitive private enterprise and speculation, is at the bottom of all the social evils of our time.

ANARCHY OF CAPITALIST PRODUCTION

In spite of the organization of trusts, pools and combinations, the capitalists are powerless to regulate production for social ends. Industries are largely conducted in a planless manner. Through periods of feverish activity the strength and health of the workers are mercilessly used up, and during periods of enforced idleness the workers are frequently reduced to starvation.

The climaxes of this system of production are the regularly recurring industrial depressions and crises which paralyze the nation every fifteen or twenty years.

The capitalist class, in its mad race for profits, is bound to exploit the workers to the very limit of their endurance and to sacrifice their physical, moral and mental welfare to its own insatiable greed. Capitalism keeps the masses of workingmen in poverty, destitution, physical exhaustion and ignorance. It drags their wives from their homes to the mill and factory. It snatches their children from the playgrounds and schools and grinds their slender bodies and unformed minds into cold dollars. It disfigures, maims, and kills hundreds of thousands of workingmen annually in mines, on railroads and in factories. It drives millions of workers into the ranks of the unemployed and forces large numbers of them into beggary, vagrancy and all forms of crime and vice.

HOW THE RULING CLASS CONTROLS

To maintain their rule over their fellow men, the capitalists must keep in their pay all organs of the public powers, public mind and public conscience. They control the dominant parties and, through them, the elected public officials. They select the executives, bribe the legislatures, and corrupt the courts of justice. They own and censor the press. They dominate the educational institutions. They own the nation politically and intellectually just as they own it industrially.

SOCIALISM WILL FREE ALL CLASSES

The struggle between wage workers and capitalists grows ever fiercer, and has now become the only vital issue before the American people. The wage-working class, therefore, has the most direct interest in abolishing the capitalist system. But in abolishing the present system the workingmen will free not only their own class, but also all other classes of modern society: the small farmer who is to-day exploited by large capital more indirectly but not less effectively than is the wage laborer; the small manufacturer and trader, who is engaged in a desperate and losing struggle for economic independence in the face of the all-conquering power of concentrated capital; and even the capitalist himself, who is the slave of his wealth rather than its master. The struggle of the working class against the capitalist class, while it is a class struggle, is thus at the same time a struggle for the abolition of all classes and class privileges.

PRIVATE OWNERSHIP THE BASIS OF CLASS RULE

The private ownership of the land and means of production used for exploitation is the rock upon which class rule is built; political government is its indispensable instrument. The wage workers cannot be freed from exploitation without conquering the political power and substituting collective for private ownership of the land and means of production used for exploitation.

The basis for such transformation is rapidly developing within present capitalist society. The factory system, with its complex machinery and minute division of labor, is rapidly destroying all vestiges of individual production in manufacture. Modern production is already very largely a collective and social process. The great trusts and monopolies which have sprung up in recent years have organized the work and management of the principal industries on a national scale, and have fitted them for collective use and operation.

The Socialist Party is primarily an economic and political movement. It is not concerned with matters of religious belief.

FREEDOM THROUGH SOLIDARITY

In the struggle for freedom the interests of all modern workers are identical. The struggle is not only national, but international. It embraces the world and will be carried to ultimate victory by the united workers of the world.

To unite the workers of the nation and their allies and sympathizers of all other classes to this end, is the mission of the Socialist Party. In this battle for freedom the Socialist Party does not strive to substitute working-class rule for capitalist-class rule, but by working-class victory to free all humanity from class rule and to realize the international brotherhood of man.

THE SOCIALIST PLATFORM

The Socialist Party, in national convention assembled, again declares itself as the party of the working class, and appeals for the support of all workers of the United States and of all citizens who sympathize with the great and just cause of labor.

We are at this moment in the midst of one of those industrial breakdowns that periodically paralyze the life of the nation. The much-boasted era of our national prosperity has been followed by one of general misery. Factories, mills and mines are closed. Millions of men, ready, willing and able to provide the nation with all the necessaries and comforts of life are forced into idleness and starvation. Within recent times the trusts and monopolies have attained an enormous and menacing development. They have acquired the power to dictate the terms upon which we shall be allowed to live. The trusts fix the prices of our bread, meat and sugar, of our coal, oil and clothing, of our raw material and machinery, of all the necessities of life.

CAPITALISM TAKES THE OFFENSIVE

The present desperate condition of the workers has been made the opportunity for a renewed onslaught on organized labor. The highest courts of the country have within the last year rendered decision after decision depriving the workers of rights which they had won by generations of struggle.

The attempt to destroy the Western Federation of Miners, although defeated by the solidarity of organized labor and the Socialist movement, revealed the existence of a far-reaching and unscrupulous conspiracy by the ruling class against the organizations of labor.

In their efforts to take the lives of the leaders of the miners the conspirators violated State laws and the federal constitution in a manner seldom equalled even in a country so completely dominated by the profit-seeking class as is the United States.

CAPITALIST REFORM FUTILE

The Congress of the United States has shown its contempt for the interests of labor as plainly and unmistakably as have the other branches of government. The laws for which the labor organizations have continually petitioned have failed to pass. Laws ostensibly enacted for the benefit of labor have been distorted against labor.

The working class of the United States cannot expect any remedy for its wrongs from the present ruling class or from the dominant parties. So long as a small number of individuals are permitted to control the sources of the nation's wealth for their private profit in competition with each other and for the exploitation of their fellow men, industrial depressions are bound to occur at certain intervals. No currency reforms or other legislative measures proposed by capitalist reformers can avail against these fatal results of utter anarchy in production.

Individual competition leads inevitably to combinations and trusts. No amount of government regulation, or of publicity, or of restrictive legislation will arrest the natural course of modern industrial development.

While our courts, legislatures and executive offices remain in the hands of the ruling classes and their agents, the government will be used in the interest of these classes as against the toilers.

OLD PARTIES REPRESENT CLASS RULE

Political parties are but the expression of economic class interests. The Republican, the Democratic, and the so-called 'Independence' parties and all parties other than the Socialist Party, are financed, directed and controlled by the representatives of different groups of the ruling class.

In the maintenance of class government both the Democratic and Republican parties have been equally guilty. The Republican party has had control of the national government and has been directly and actively responsible for these wrongs. The Democratic party, while saved from direct responsibility by its political impotence, has shown itself equally subservient to the aims of the capitalist class whenever and wherever it has been in power. The old chattel-slave-owning aristocracy of the South, which was the backbone of the Democratic party, has been supplanted by a child-slave plutocracy. In the great cities of our country the Democratic party is allied with the criminal element of the slums as the Republican party is allied with the predatory criminals of the palace in maintaining the interests of the possessing class.

TEMPORARY MEASURES DEMANDED

The various "reform" movements and parties which have sprung up within recent years are but the clumsy expression of widespread popular discontent. They are not based on an intelligent understanding of the historical development of civilization and of the economic and political needs of our time. They are bound to perish, as the numerous middle-class reform movements of the past have perished.

As measures calculated to strengthen the working class in its fight for the realization of this ultimate aim, and to increase its power of resistance against capitalist oppression, we advocate and pledge ourselves and our elected officers to the following program:

GENERAL DEMANDS

1. The immediate government relief for the unemployed workers, by building schools, by reforesting of cut-over and waste lands, by reclamation of arid tracts, and the building of canals, and by extending all other useful public works. All persons employed on such works shall be employed directly by the government under an eight-hour workday and at the prevailing union wages. The government shall also loan money to States and municipalities without interest for the purpose of carrying on public works. It shall contribute to the funds of labor organizations for the purpose of assisting their unemployed members, and shall take such other measures within its power as will lessen the widespread misery of the workers caused by the misrule of the capitalist class.

2. The collective ownership of railroads, telegraphs, telephones, steamship lines and all other means of social transportation and communication and all land.[229]

3. The collective ownership of all industries which are organized on a national scale and in which competition has virtually ceased to exist.

4. The extension of the public domain to include mines, quarries, oil wells, forests and water power.

5. That occupancy and use of land be the sole title to possession. The scientific reforestation of timber lands and the reclamation of swamp lands. The land so reforested or reclaimed to be permanently retained as a part of the public domain.

6. The absolute freedom of press, speech and assemblage.

INDUSTRIAL DEMANDS

7. The improvement of the industrial conditions of the workers:

(_a_) By shortening the workday in keeping with the increased productiveness of machinery.

(_b_) By securing to every worker a rest period of not less than a day and a half in each week.

(_c_) By securing a more effective inspection of workshops and factories.

(_d_) By forbidding the employment of children under sixteen years of age.

(_e_) By forbidding the interstate transportation of the products of child labor, of convict labor and of all uninspected factories.

(_f_) By abolishing official charity and substituting in its place compulsory insurance against unemployment, illness, accidents, invalidism, old age, and death.

POLITICAL DEMANDS

8. The extension of inheritance taxes, graduated in proportion to the amount of the bequests and to nearness of kin.

9. A graduated income tax.

10. Unrestricted and equal suffrage for men and women, and we pledge ourselves to engage in an active campaign in that direction.

11. The initiative and referendum, proportional representation and the right of recall.

12. The abolition of the Senate.

13. The abolition of the power usurped by the Supreme Court of the United States to pass upon the constitutionality of legislation enacted by Congress. National laws to be repealed or abrogated only by act of Congress or by a referendum of the whole people.

14. That the constitution be made amendable by majority vote.

15. The enactment of further measures for general education and for the conservation of health. The Bureau of Education to be made a department. The creation of a Department of Public Health.

16. The separation of the present Bureau of Labor from the Department of Commerce and Labor, and the establishment of a Department of Labor.

17. That all judges be elected by the people for short terms, and that the power to issue injunctions shall be curbed by immediate legislation.

18. The free administration of justice.

Such measures of relief as we may be able to force from capitalism are but a preparation of the workers to seize the whole powers of government, in order that they may thereby lay hold of the whole system of industry, and thus come to their rightful inheritance.

FOOTNOTES:

[229] By a referendum vote of the entire membership of the Socialist party in 1909 these three words, "and all land," were stricken out of the Socialist platform.

II

DR. L. EMMETT HOLT

All who practice medicine among children and who study the question of infant mortality statistically are struck with the marked contrast between the death rate of the children of the poor and those of the rich. Clay estimates that in England in the aristocratic families the mortality of the first year is 10 per cent; in the middle class, 21 per cent; in the laboring classes, 32 per cent. This difference in the infant mortality of the various classes is most striking in the case of acute intestinal disease. Halle states that of 170 deaths from this cause investigated in Graz in 1903 and 1904 there were 161 among the poor, 9 among the well-to-do, and none among the rich. It may not be true in adult life, but _in infancy money may purchase not only health, it may purchase life_, since it puts at the disposal of the infant the utmost resources of science, the best advice, the best food and the best surroundings for the individual child. To relieve, or even greatly to diminish, infant mortality these basal conditions of modern city life--poverty and ignorance--must be attacked.

_Journal American Medical Association_, Feb. 26, 1910.

III

EXTRACTS FROM EDICT OF LOUIS XVI, 1776, ABOLISHING THE GUILDS[230]

Louis, etc. We owe it to our subjects to assure them the full and complete enjoyment of their rights; we owe that protection especially to that class of men who, possessing nothing but their labor and industry, above all others have the need and right of employing to the limit of their capacity their sole resources for subsistence.

We have viewed with pain the multiplied blows which have been struck at this natural and common right of ancient institutions, blows which neither time, nor opinion, nor even the acts emanating from the authority, which seems to have sanctioned them, have been able to make legitimate.

[After describing the vicious effects of the guild monopoly, it continues:]

... Some persons ... contend that the right of labor is a royal right, one that the Prince could sell and that the subjects ought to purchase. We hasten to place beside this another maxim:

God, by giving to men needs and making them dependent upon the resources of labor, has made the right of labor the property of all men, and that property is primary, the most sacred and most imprescriptable of all.

We regard it as one of the first obligations of our justice, and as an act in every way worthy of our beneficence, to emancipate our subjects from all their restraints which have been laid upon that inalienable right of humanity. Wherefore, we will to abolish the arbitrary institutions which do not permit the indigent to live by their labor; which exclude the sex whose weakness implies greatest needs and fewest resources ... which stifle emulation and industry and make useless the talents of those whom circumstances exclude from admission into the guild; which deprive the state and art of all the advantages which foreigners might furnish....

FOOTNOTES:

[230] Translation taken from "Turgot and the Six Edicts," by R.P. Shepherd, 1903, pp. 182, 186-7.

IV

POLICE COMMISSIONER BINGHAM

Declaring that "law-breaking is the easiest and the most lucrative business in New York for the work involved," Police Commissioner Bingham yesterday forwarded his annual report to Mayor McClellan.

After stating that law-breaking in the city is an easy and lucrative business, the Commissioner continued:

"Its profits for slight effort are enormous and law-breaking has been able to intrench itself behind such a rampart of legislation and highly paid lawyers that the forces of law and order are placed in the astonishing position of being actually on the defensive against the law-breakers. Law-breakers and their highly paid lawyers frequently fool even the courts into giving them protection against the police on the grounds of illegal interference, or oppression.

"The howl of innocence is never so loud as when raised by crooks, and this includes not only the actual criminals, but their friends and protectors, crooked politicians. How otherwise is it possible for prizefights to be held in New York city, in spite of the earnest efforts of the police to prevent them? How otherwise is it possible for places positively known by the police to be gambling resorts to be conducted, and to obtain injunctions restraining the police from interfering with them?

"The foregoing is far from saying that the police force of New York is incompetent, or not able to cope with the situation. The police force is competent, short-handed though it is. Its activity and efficiency are proved by the very resistance given it by law-breakers, for the better the work done by the police, the more stubborn is the resistance they meet with from law-breakers."

As an example of what the police have to cope with the Commissioner mentions the recent Sunday-closing incident, where a court decision was handed down, and enforced, and the Aldermen straightway amended the law. He then asks: "How then can the police execute the law, when there seems to be so much doubt as to what the law really is?"

Gen. Bingham continues:

"These points are necessary in order that scheming politicians may be deprived of any possibility of summarily getting rid of an honest commissioner and in order that the honest men of the police force may be encouraged. The men of the force to-day are not quite sure who is their real boss--the 'machine' or the police commissioner. If once satisfied that it is the commissioner, with a long term and only removable on publication of charges, they will obey him."

Legislation requiring persons who sell any sort of dangerous weapons to record the date and hour of the sale, and report it, with the name and address of the buyer, to the police, is suggested, as well as a daily report from pawnbrokers, giving the date, hour, and other particulars of their transactions. This, the Commissioner says, is the custom in other large cities.

The following figures of arrests, etc., in the last year are given in the report:

ARRESTS MADE

By uniformed force 192,680 Detective Bureau 11,416 ------- Total 204,096

These figures refer to the Boroughs of Manhattan, The Bronx, and Richmond.

N.Y. _Times_, Jan. 5, 1908.

V

PETTIBONE v. NICHOLS

_Dissenting opinion_ of Mr. Justice MCKENNA:

I am constrained to dissent from the opinion and judgment of the court. The principle announced, as I understand it, is that "a Circuit Court of the United States, when asked upon _habeas corpus_ to discharge a person held in actual custody by a State for trial in one of its courts under an indictment charging a crime against its laws, cannot properly take into account the methods whereby the State obtained such custody." In other words, and to illuminate the principle by the light of the facts in this case (facts, I mean, as alleged, and which we must assume to be true for the purpose of our discussion), that the officers of one State may falsely represent that a person was personally present in the State and committed a crime there, and had fled from its justice, may arrest such person and take him from another State, the officers of the latter knowing of false accusation and conniving in and aiding its purpose, thereby depriving him of an opportunity to appeal to the courts, and that such person cannot invoke the rights guaranteed to him by the Constitution and statutes of the United States in the State to which he is taken. And this, it is said, is supported by the cases of _Ker_ v. _Illinois_, 119 U.S. 436, and _Mahon_ v. _Justice_, 127 U.S. 700. These cases, extreme as they are, do not justify, in my judgment, the conclusion deduced from them. In neither case was the State the actor in the wrongs that brought within its confines the accused person. In the case at bar, the States, through their officers, are the offenders. They, by an illegal exertion of power, deprived the accused of a constitutional right. The distinction is important to be observed. It finds expression in _Mahon_ v. _Justice_. But it does not need emphasizing. Kidnapping is a crime, pure and simple. It is difficult to accomplish; hazardous at every step. All of the officers of the law are supposed to be on guard against it. All of the officers of the law may be invoked against it. But how is it when the law becomes the kidnapper, when the officers of the law, using its forms and exerting its power, become abductors? This is not a distinction without a difference--another form of the crime of kidnapping, distinguished only from that committed by an individual by circumstances. If a State may say to one within her borders and upon whom her process is served, I will not inquire how you came here; I must execute my laws and remit you to proceedings against those who have wronged you, may she so plead against her own offences? May she claim that by mere physical presence within her borders, an accused person is within her jurisdiction denuded of his constitutional rights, though he has been brought there by her violence? And constitutional rights the accused in this case certainly did have, and valuable ones. The foundation of extradition between the States is that the accused should be a fugitive from justice from the demanding State, and he may challenge the fact by _habeas corpus_ immediately upon his arrest. If he refute the fact he cannot be removed. _Hyatt_ v. _Corkran_, 188 U.S. 691. And the right to resist removal is not a right of asylum. To call it so in the State where the accused is is misleading. It is the right to be free from molestation. It is the right of personal liberty in its most complete sense. And this right was vindicated in _Hyatt_ v. _Corkran_, and the fiction of a constructive presence in a State and a constructive flight from a constructive presence rejected. This decision illustrates at once the value of the right and the value of the means to enforce the right. It is to be hoped that our criminal jurisprudence will not need for its efficient administration the destruction of either the right or the means to enforce it. The decision in the case at bar, as I view it, brings us perilously near both results. Is this exaggeration? What are the facts in the case at bar as alleged in the petition, and which it is conceded must be assumed to be true? The complaint, which was the foundation of the extradition proceedings, charged against the accused the crime of murder on the thirtieth of December, 1905, at Caldwell, in the county of Canyon, State of Idaho, by killing one Frank Steunenberg, by throwing an explosive bomb at and against his person. The accused avers in his petition that he had not been "in the State of Idaho, in any way, shape or form, for a period of more than ten years" prior to the acts of which he complained, and that the Governor of Idaho knew accused had not been in the State the day the murder was committed, "nor at any time near that day." A conspiracy is alleged between the Governor of the State of Idaho and his advisers, and that the Governor of the State of Colorado took part in the conspiracy, the purpose of which was "to avoid the Constitution of the United States and the act of Congress made in pursuance thereof, and to prevent the accused from asserting his constitutional right under cl. 2, sec. 2, of art. IV, of the Constitution of the United States and the act made pursuant thereof." The manner in which the alleged conspiracy had been executed was set out in detail. It was in effect that the agent of the State of Idaho arrived in Denver, Thursday, February 15, 1906, but it was agreed between him and the officers of Colorado that the arrest of the accused should not be made until some time in the night of Saturday, after business hours--after the courts had closed and judges and lawyers had departed to their homes; that the arrest should be kept a secret and the body of the accused should be clandestinely hurried out of the State of Colorado with all possible speed, without the knowledge of his friends or his counsel; that he was at the usual place of business during Thursday, Friday, and Saturday, but no attempt was made to arrest him until 11.30 o'clock P.M. Saturday, when his house was surrounded and he was arrested. Moyer was arrested under the same circumstances at 8.45, and he and accused "thrown into the county jail of the city and county of Denver." It is further alleged that, in pursuance of the conspiracy, between the hours of five and six o'clock on Sunday morning, February 18, the officers of the State and "certain armed guards, being a part of the forces of the militia of the State of Colorado," provided a special train for the purpose of forcibly removing him from the State of Colorado, and between said hours he was forcibly placed on said train and removed with all possible speed to the State of Idaho; that prior to his removal and at all times after his incarceration in the jail at Denver he requested to be allowed to communicate with his friends and his counsel and his family, and the privilege was absolutely denied him. The train, it is alleged, made no stop at any considerable station, but proceeded at great and unusual speed; and that he was accompanied by and surrounded with armed guards, members of the State militia of Colorado, under the orders and directions of the adjutant general of the State.

I submit that the facts in this case are different in kind and transcend in consequences those in the cases of _Ker_ v. _Illinois_ and _Mahon_ v. _Justice_, and differ from and transcend them as the power of a State transcends the power of an individual. No individual or individuals could have accomplished what the the power of the two States accomplished; no individual or individuals could have commanded the means and success; could have made two arrests of prominent citizens by invading their homes; could have commanded the resources of jails, armed guards and special trains; could have successfully timed all acts to prevent inquiry and judicial interference.

The accused, as soon as he could have done so, submitted his rights to the consideration of the courts. He could not have done so in Colorado, he could not have done so on the way from Colorado. At the first instant that the State of Idaho relaxed its restraining power he invoked the aid of _habeas corpus_ successively of the Supreme Court of the State and of the Circuit Court of the United States. He should not have been dismissed from the court, and the action of the Circuit Court in so doing should be reversed.

VI

EUGENE v. DEBS

"Yes," said Debs. "The trusts are wiping out the competitive system. They are a stage in the process of evolution: the individual; the firm; the corporation; the trust; and so, finally, the commonwealth. By killing competition and training men to work together, trusts are preparing for the cooperative stage of industry: Socialism."

"Then you would keep the trusts we have and welcome others?" I asked.

"Of course," he answered, and Berger nodded approval.

"They do harm now," I suggested.

"Yes," said Debs, but Berger boomed: "No; not the trusts. Private owners of the trusts do harm, yes; but not the trusts."

"Well, but how would you deal with the harm?"

"Remove 'em," snapped Berger, and Debs explained: "We would have the government take the trusts and remove the men who own or control them: the Morgans and Rockefellers, who exploit; and the stockholders who draw unearned dividends from them."

"Would you pay for or just take them?"

Berger seemed to have anticipated this question. He was on his feet, and he uttered a warning for Debs--in vain.

"Take them," Debs answered.

"No," cried Berger, and, running around to Debs, he stood menacingly over him. "No, you wouldn't," he declared. "Not if I was there. And you shall not say it for the party. It is my party as much as it is your party, and I answer that we would offer to pay."

It was a tense but an illuminating moment. The difference is typical and temperamental; and not only as between these two opposite individualities, but among Socialists generally. Debs, the revolutionist, argued gently that, since the system under which private monopolies had grown up was unjust, there should be no compromise with it. Berger, the evolutionist, replied angrily that it was not alone a matter of justice, but of "tactic"; and that tactics were settled by authority of the party.

"We (Socialists) are the inheritors of a civilization," he proclaimed, "and all that is good in it--art, music, institutions, buildings, public works, character, the sense of right and wrong--not one of these shall be lost. And violence, like that, would lose us much." Berger cited the Civil War: "All men can see now that it was coming years before 1861. Some tried to avert it then by proposing to pay for the slaves. The fanatics on both sides refused. We all know the result: slavery was abolished. But how? Instead of a peaceful evolution and an outlay of, say, a billion, it was abolished by a war which cost us nearly ten billion dollars and a million lives. We ought to learn from history, so I say we will offer compensation; because it seems just to present-day thought and will prove the easiest, cheapest way in the end. And anyhow," he concluded, "and besites, the party, it has decited that we shall offer to pay."

From the article by Mr. Steffens, _Eugene V. Debs_, in _Everybody's Magazine_, Oct., 1908.

VII

TRAMPS AND VAGRANTS

Tramps, professional and amateur, and trespassers of both sexes and all ages, are simply swarming over the railroads east of the Mississippi River, forming a very serious problem for both railroads and State Governments, according to reports which O.F. Lewis has received from most of the great roads of the East, and recently published in _Charities_ and _The Commons_. Mr. Lewis finds from these reports that the railroad tramp and trespasser evil is on the increase, with roads and States through which they pass unable to check it, and one road, the New York Central, declares that half of the loss and damage claims currently paid by railroads may be ascribed to robberies committed by tramps and trespassers. Much of this increase in trampdom is ascribed to the effects of the panic and the hard times, which threw thousands of men out of employment.

"Most of the railroads," says Mr. Lewis, in summing up the replies received to the questions he sent out, "report a very noticeable increase in vagrancy on their lines. The Central Vermont says 75 per cent, the Chicago & Eastern Illinois 50 per cent, the Great Northern 200 per cent. Great increases are reported by the Delaware, Lackawanna & Western, the New York Central, Pennsylvania, Philadelphia & Reading, and many others. The Northern Pacific reports more vagrants travelling than ever before.

"A decrease is reported on the Central of New Jersey, the Cumberland Valley, Chicago, Indiana & Southern, and on the Missouri Pacific. Emphasizing the increase on the Pennsylvania, President McCrea states that four times as many arrests were made for illegal train riding in June, 1908, as in June, 1907.

"Stealing foodstuffs, stealing rides, stealing handcars, threatening and injuring trainmen, placing obstructions on tracks, stoning freight crews, setting air brakes, and robbing ticket offices, are typical offences."

As bearing on the question of, literally, "Who pays the freight?" the following is from the New York Central's report:

"We are required by law to charge all of the costs arising out of the operation of the railroad to operating expenses, which constitute the loss of the services rendered. Among these expenses are loss and damage due to the effects of trespassing and the acts of trespassers. Inasmuch as the definition of a reasonable rate has been stated to include the cost of the service and a reasonable return upon the value of the property employed, it inevitably follows that our charge to the public includes these elements of cost. It may, therefore, be said that in the end the public pays, but we would prefer to eliminate this source of cost as far as practicable."

Many railroads ascribe the increased number of vagrants to "hard times," resulting in the reduction in the number of men employed throughout the country.

The report is frequent that more "honest out-of-works" are stealing rides and trespassing. President McCrea reports that "not many of the illegal train riders are vagrants, but men out of employment." The Southern Pacific reports that "the type of trespasser is as a whole better."

With striking frequency the railroads report the majority of illegal train riders to be young men and boys. The ages "18 to 25" are often mentioned. The Central Railroad of New Jersey says they can be considered as the coming generation of tramps.

Answering the question, "Do you believe in a State constabulary to cooperate with the railway police in prosecuting vagrants?" twenty-three railroads replied "yes," five replied "no," and sixteen either had not considered the matter thoroughly or made no reply. The State constabulary is favored mainly by trunk lines that are troubled by vagrants.

N.Y. _Times_, Feb. 14, 1909.

VIII

PUBLIC STORE NOTES

The last report of the Director of the Mint (as quoted in _Statistical Abstract of the United States_, 1908, p. 714) gives the stock of gold in the United States as nearly $1,600,000,000 and amount of silver as almost $700,000,000--in all, $2,300,000,000. Of course, all this coin will never be at the disposal of the State; some of it will remain as now in private hands. But all the coin now held by the Government as reserves to secure greenbacks issued will be gradually released by the substitution of store notes for greenbacks. This substitution cannot be honestly effected except in proportion to the amount of produce which goes into the public stores. There are at the present moment a little over $1,000,000,000 of greenbacks issued by the United States Government redeemable in coin. If in any given year the produce acquired by the state amounts to--say, $100,000,000, the state can withdraw greenbacks to the amount of $100,000,000 and substitute therefor public store notes for $100,000,000, and so on, until there have been substituted public store notes for all the greenbacks in circulation.

As regards the remaining $1,300,000,000, some of this, of course, will remain in private hands; and if it were the policy of the government to increase its supply of gold for the purchase of foreign goods, it could levy taxes paid by those engaged in private industry in gold instead of in produce. If, on the other hand, the private banking system operated satisfactorily, the state could leave the whole of $1,300,000,000 in the hands of private bankers and through its ownership of mines, would still have the whole gold and silver production in the United States for the purchase of foreign goods.

As the amount of gold and silver produced in the United States amounted in 1907 to over $90,000,000 of gold and over $37,000,000 of silver, it will be seen that the state would have at its disposal some $127,000,000 in gold and silver which it could use in the purchase of foreign goods against which it could issue public store notes. In other words, gold and silver will be confined to the amount used in the competitive system and that required for the settlement of foreign exchanges.

INDEX

A

Accidents, 165, 166, 326, 420 adulteration, 66, 88-93 advertising, cost of, 5, 95, 207-208, 233

Africa, 121, 309, 391

Agriculture, 29, 218 Year Book of the Department of, 230

Albany, 261, 265

alcoholism, 272

America, 16, 137, 140 business men in, 58 land in, 123 municipal ownership in, 20 prosperity of, 24 Republic of, 138 Socialism in, 149 sweating in, 156 trade unionism in, 149 workingman in, 409

American-- ---- cities, 286 ---- export of wheat, 55 ---- Farmer, 48 ---- Federation of Labor, 171 ---- Medical Association, 421 ---- nationality, 118, 284 ---- Smelting and Refining Company, 87, 170 ---- Socialist press, 40 ---- Steel District, 164 ---- Steel and Wire Company, 62 ---- Sugar Refining Company, 106 ---- view of Socialism, 1 ---- workingmen's families, 229

Anarchism, 7, 31, 33-34, 43, 51, 127, 174

anarchists, 21, 31-34 Communistic, 33

anarchy, 108, 110, 300 ---- of distribution, 99, 102-110 ---- of production, 102-110, 414-415 ---- of the Middle Ages, 107

apprenticeship, 150 ---- rules, 151

Archbold, 99

art, 31, 45, 128, 328, 429 adulteration an, 88, 93

Asia, 105

Astor, John Jacob, 117 William Waldorf, 118, 123

B

Babbage, Economy of Manufacture, 219

Bankers, Institute of, 193

Barrel, Dictionnaire d'Agriculture, 268

Bebel, August, 408

Belgian view of Socialism, 1

Belgium, 392 cooperative stores in, 200 farm colonies in, 78 universal franchise in, 242

Bell, Alexander Graham, 221

Bellamy, Edward, 405

Berger, Victor, 255-256

Berger, Victor, views on compensation, 428-429

Berne, Canton of, 263

Beveridge, W.H., 66, 71-73, 75-76, 78

Bingham, Theodore, Police Commissioner of New York city, 158, 423, 424

Birmingham, 285 ---- converted its slum into Corporation Street, 283 municipal ownership of gas in, 20

Bismarck, 241

Bjoerkman, Edwin, 406-407

Boer War, 309

Booth, Charles, 356

Boston, Chamber of Commerce of, 60, 218 ---- Milk Contractors' Association, 288

bourgeois, 4, 11, 23, 25-26, 29, 32, 37, 39, 44, 46, 58, 66, 111 ---- needs concrete statement, 4 characterization of, 11 ---- controls schools, colleges, and press, 24, 42-43, 68

Bradley, Edson, 206

British-- ---- Empire, 63 ---- employers, 148 ---- government, 171 ---- opium war in China, 63 ---- Parliament, 142 ---- trade unionists, 148

Brookmire, James H., 182, 191

Bryan, Wm. J., 6, 42, 57, 132

Bureau of Labor, 5, 227-228, 230, 293, 421

business men slaves of their own creations, 49

C

California, 280

Canal, 419

Canal, Panama, 220 Suez, 220

Cannon, Joseph, 309

capital, 58-61, 102-105, 109, 132, 144, 165, 167, 172, 226, 409 ---- by Karl Marx, 1, 34 fluidity of, 64-65, 103 waste of, 99

capitalist, 4, 10-11, 33, 36, 60, 102, 107, 109, 200, 219, 308, 414-415 ---- class, 418 ---- society, 414

Carlyle, Thomas, 388, 402

Carnegie, Andrew, 148, 199, 201, 325 Problems of the Day, by, 199

Carnegie Steel Company, 168

Carter, James C., 7

Census (U.S.), 41, 48, 73, 77, 204

Central Railroad of Vermont, 430 ---- of New Jersey, 430

Chamber of Commerce (Boston), 60, 218

Chapin, Robert Coit, 229

Charities, 164, 229 ---- and the Commons, 266, 429 Commissioner of, 266

charity, 72, 77, 78, 420

Chicago, 209-210, 413, 430

children, 34-35, 65, 68 109, 117, 120, 143, 154, 321, 325, 328, 415, 421 death rate of, 38 exploitation of, 42 employment of, 42, 154, 157-158, 420 property in, 133

China, 63

Chinese, 64, 354

cholera, 18, 19, 143

Christian Socialism, 12

Christian Socialist, 40, 207

churches, 328-330

circulating medium, 307-313

citizens, 25, 42, 218, 320, 327

citizens' union, 322-324

City Club, 90, 323

civil war, 168, 175, 429

civilization, 31, 85, 88, 113, 119, 126, 134, 138, 140-141 property the basis of every conceivable, 43 unemployment a peculiar product of our, 68

Clare, George, 193

class, 118, 144, 152, 416, 422 bourgeois, 24, 26, 137 capitalist, 143 criminal, 322 ---- consciousness, 16 dominant, 412 exploited, 26 ---- interest, 29, 418 laboring, 33, 109 propertied, 24, 68, 120, 122, 414 ---- rule, 45, 416 ruling, 414-418 ---- struggle, 25, 414 wage-earning, 147, 415

Clearing House, 177 ---- Association, 183

coal, 417 ---- trust, 164, 238

Collectivism and Revolution, 1

colleges, controlled by propertied class, 68

colony, farm, 263-277, 380 agricultural, 273 penal, 274, 276

Colorado, 426-427 ---- Midland railroad, 210 ---- miners' strike, 168 ---- State Board of Health, 90

Columbia University, 92

combination, 96, 99, 104, 143, 149-150, 160, 163-164, 319, 414, 419

commerce, 329 ---- chamber of, 60, 218

Commerce and Labor, U.S. Department of, 421

Commercial Travelers' National League, 208 ---- crises, 178, 414

Commonwealth, 5, 10, 30-31, 36, 80, 137, 143, 145, 252, 256, 300, 305, 317, 325-329, 426

Communism, 33, 36, 51, 302 ---- of Apostolic times, 34 Socialism is not, 7

Communist, 7, 302 Sir Thomas More a, 33

community, 25, 29, 116, 123, 131, 144, 147, 218, 319, 323, 326, 329, 410

compensation, 19-20, 29, 123, 251-253, 255-256, 285, 429

competition, 7, 9, 18-19, 34-38, 51, 58, 61, 63, 71, 94, 99-103, 106-107, 151-152, 155, 157, 158, 262, 409, 419 foreign, 149 ---- primary cause of unemployment, 66-67

competitive system, 8, 37-39, 51, 53, 56-57, 60-66, 72-74, 79, 82, 86, 88, 99, 101-102, 105, 110, 134, 140-142, 144-147, 153, 160, 323, 426, 432

Comptroller of the City of New York, 190

compulsory education, 3, 120

Conant, Charles A., 177, 179

conflict, 115, 121, 140, 144 ---- between capital and labor, 5, 86 ---- between economics and religion, 389 ---- between races, 115 ---- between science and religion, 378-395 ---- between tribes, 133

conflict between trusts and trade unions, 176 international, 354

congested districts, 19, 42, 283

Congress (U.S.) 168, 197, 308-309, 318, 329-332, 417, 420, 426

Constitution, 329, 365, 417, 421 federal, 15 ---- of the United States, 365, 425-426 State, 15

Constructive Program of Socialism, 7

consumer, 92-93, 96-97, 105-107

Consumers' parliament, 330

contract, freedom of, 94, 107, 109-110, 144

cooperation, 9, 34-35, 50-51, 54, 58, 94, 102, 104, 108, 199-201, 409

cooperative system, 39, 51, 128, 342-347 ---- stores in Belgium, 200

corporations, 72, 320-321, 323-324, 426

Cortelyou, George, 187-189

cost, 62, 87, 155 ---- of advertising, 5, 95 ---- of crime, 5 ---- of crude oil, 63 ---- of distribution, 5 ---- of getting the market, 99 ---- of letter distribution, 96 ---- of living, 156, 228-229 ---- of revolutions, 30

cotton, 55, 92, 155 ---- industries of Lancashire, 153 proposal to burn, 60 ---- weavers of India, 218

country, 29, 35, 43, 65, 77, 112, 118, 120, 121, 131-132, 156, 330, 417

County Council (London), 320

courts, 15, 92, 110, 119, 155, 415-428

credit, 178

crime, 9, 22, 26, 35, 39, 42, 44, 52, 63, 66, 83, 99, 128, 130, 158, 415, 424-426

crises, 178, 414

cross freights, 96, 99-100

Cuba, 407

Cumberland, 430

custom, 13, 112, 113, 366

cyclical fluctuations, 67, 73

D

Dairy and Food Commission of Ohio, 90 ---- products, 275

Damien, Father, 39

Darwin, Charles, 8, 85

Dearles, N.B., 72

death, 37-38, 99, 136, 212, 421

Debs, Eugene V., 255, 428-429

Declaration of Independence, 137

defectives and delinquents, 5

degeneracy, 36

Delaware, 430

democracy, 28, 129, 143, 158, 175

Denver, 210, 426-427

depression, 66, 76, 87, 414 industrial, 73, 153, 418

Detrich, J., 281

disease, 39, 54, 58, 69-70, 99

distribution, 23, 28-29, 36-37, 54-55, 59, 66, 87, 93-94, 97 anarchy of, 99, 102 cost of, 5, 10, 288, 318, 411

divorce, 40, 81

Dowe, President Commercial Travelers' League, 95

drunkenness, 70, 79, 99

Dutch farm colonies, 271

E

economic conditions, 23-30, 64, 322, 329 points of view created by, 22

economic interpretation of history, 10 ---- liberty, 51-52 ---- socialism, 1, 13, 14 ---- tyranny, 138

Economists, 61, 66, 73, 103, 403 orthodox, 68

economy, 48, 50 ---- of Manufacture, 219 ---- of Socialism, 5

education, 144, 154, 158, 325-328 Board of, 321 ---- of workingmen, 48, 144 U.S. Department of, 27, 421

Elimination of the Tramp, 264, 271-272

Eliot, Charles W., 109

Ely, Richard T., 42, 60, 209, 210, 217, 225

employers-- loss to, from strikes, 86

Employers' Association in Colorado, 168

Encyclopedia Americana, 88, 148 ---- Britannica, 93

Engels, Friedrich, 1, 387

engineer's lockout, 148-149

England, 40, 63, 78, 132, 147-148, 176, 193, 210, 220, 236-237, 264, 309, 409, 421 Labor party in, 171 municipal ownership in, 20 Public House Trust in, 295

English-- manufacturers, 63 ministry, 154 ---- Poor Law Guardians, 273 ---- Socialism of To-day, 155 ---- unions, 171

Ensor, R.C.K., Modern Socialism, 387

Ethical argument for Socialism, 12, 13, 29 ---- Aspect of Socialism, 378-410

Ethical standards, 81

Europe, 76, 105, 132, 135-136, 166, 173, 181, 188, 196, 210, 223, 263, 289, 309, 408-409

Evolution, 3, 5 ---- and Effort, 267 ---- and Ethics, 336, 379-385 Socialist, 22

evolutionist, 23-24, 27-30, 429

exploitation, 4, 35, 45, 416 ---- of women and children, 32

export of wheat, 55 ---- of oil, 63, 104

F

Fabian Tracts, 2

factory, 29, 32, 48, 80, 103-104, 123-124, 132, 138, 156, 220, 327, 415-417 ---- hand 16, 25, 47, 50, 73 independent, 159 ---- inspection, 420 ---- owners, 25, 29, 47-48, 69-70

fallacies regarding Socialism, 6

family, 28, 35, 42, 44, 109, 118, 122, 131, 134, 137, 153, 157, 421, 427

Faraday, 222

farm, 29 colony, 78-80, 263-277 deserted, 68 ---- hands, 28 ownership of, 16

farmer, 15, 28-29, 48, 55, 177-178, 415

Farmers' Bulletin, 269, 281

farming population, 48

Federal Steel Company, 62

Federation of Labor, 171

Fesca, Dr. M., Beitraege zur Kenntniss der japanesischen Landwirthschaft, 267

Fields, Factories and Workshops (Kropotkin), 267

Filene Store, 199-200

financial crises, 178, 299

fines (for adulteration), 88-93

food, 98 ---- adulteration, 89-93

Food and Drugs Act, 91

forests, 27

Forster, Rt. Hon. H.O. Arnold, 154

Fourier, 317

France, 40, 78, 132, 137, 243, 264, 266, 308-309, 318, 392, 409

franchise, 135, 145

free trade, 69

freedom, 109, 116, 121, 124 law an abridgment of, 113-114 ---- of contract, 11, 140-141 ---- of industry, 111 economic, 50, 125

French Parliament, 18-19 ---- peasant, 278 ---- penal code, 142 ---- Revolution, 32, 138, 140, 243

Frick, Henry, 27, 188, 191

funds, 172, benefit, 136 Mansion House Relief, 76 savings bank, 78 trade union, 78

G

Galvani, 222

gambling, 38, 68, 72, 423

gardeners (Paris), 268 ---- Hammersmith, 18-20

Gary, Elbert H., 57-62, 188, 191

gas, 123, 324 ---- in Birmingham, 20 ---- in Manchester, 20 ---- in New York, 21

General Electric Company, 184, 221

Genevilliers, 268

George, Henry, 123, 364

German (the), 321 ---- competition, 148

Germany, 236, 242, 308-309, 408 cabinet minister in, 132 palliative measures in, 78 workingmen in, 16

Ghent, W.J., 89

Giddings, Professor Franklin H., 405

Gladstone, 334, 384

Gompers, Samuel, 408

Gothenburg system, 295

government, 32-33, 43, 102, 121, 128-129, 135-136, 150, 218, 315, 317-320, 336, 416-418, 431 ---- control, 12, 72 good, 321-324 ---- postoffice, 97 ---- printing office, 228 publications of U.S., 12, 228 the Prussian, 25

Grandeau, L., Etudes agronomiques, 268

Guesde, Jules, 408

Guggenheim, Senator, 74 Daniel, 87

guilds, 135, 140 tyranny of, 135-140

H

Hague Tribunal, 355

Hallet, Major, 267

Hammersmith, 18-20

Hardie, Keir, 408

Harriman, 304

Havemeyer, H.O., 57, 105, 107, 159, 161

Haywood, 169, 240

health, 414, 421 Colorado State Board of, 90 conservation of, 27, 38, 72 Department of, 27

Hebberd, Mr., Commissioner of Charities of New York city, 266

Henri IV, 142

Hill, James J., 238, 304

Hillquit, Morris, 2, 7, 248, 305, 307

Hindustan, 64, 355

history, 28, 387

Holland, 222 farm colonies in, 262, 265

Hollesley Bay, 78

Holt, Dr. L. Emmett, 38, 421

home, 7, 40-42, 51, 83, 105, 156, 157, 415 common, 317 ---- Economics, Conference on, 92 ---- industry, 138

horde, 34, 35, 107

hours of labor, 62, 69, 128, 145, 152, 153, 220, 318, 326, 328, 419 excessive, 70 four hours' workday, 50 ---- of farmer, 15

House of Commons, 18

House report, 52d Congress, 2d session, 197

Hudson river, 261

Hughes, Charles F., 244-245

Hunter, Robert, 42

Huxley, Thomas, 13, 315-316, 379-380, 382-386, 388, 395, 404

I

Ice Trust, 262

Idaho, 426-427

Illinois, 425, 427, 430

immediate demands, 26, 27, 246

immobilization of capital, 65

imprisonment for adulteration, 89-93

India, 218 starvation in, 55, 60 tiger developed in, 4

Indian opium forced upon China, 63

Indiana, 430

individualism, 10, 23, 32

Industrial Commission, 57, 62-63, 76, 95, 99, 104-107, 146, 150-151, 159, 161-164, 170, 206-208, 288

industrial conditions, 42, 64, 76, 93 ---- depression, 153, 414 ---- Parliament, 318 ---- population, 48 ---- schools, 151 ---- system, 26, 46, 52, 73

industrialism, 88

industries, 118, 318, 326-327, 414, 416 captain of, 87 collective ownership of, 419 seasonal, 71 socialized, 319

industry, 65, 102-105, 107, 123, 134, 138-140, 148, 155, 159, 317, 421-422

insurance, 5, 78, 179, 303, 420 German national, 241 ---- Year Book, 179

International, the, 155 ---- complications, 63 ---- conflict, 354 ---- crime, 63

interest, 59, 69 personal, 29-30 private, 26 vested, 15, 17, 19, 20, 22-30

intranational conflict, 354

invention, 44, 219, 222-224

inventor, 219, 220-224

investor, 94

Ireland, 241

Italy, 22, 267

J

James I of England, 21

Japan, 62-63, 239, 267

Jaures, 132, 408

Jersey, Island of, 280

justice, 27, 34, 64, 411-429

K

Kautsky, Karl, 239, 243, 307-308

Kentucky, 60

Knickerbocker Trust Company, 182-184, 189, 191

Kropotkin, 34, 135, 267-268

L

labor, 36, 50-51, 75, 80, 86, 104, 113-114, 116-117, 119, 123, 131, 135, 144, 147, 154, 157, 414-422 ---- Bulletin, 120 Bureau of, 421 child, 109 Commerce and, 421 Department of, 421 fluidity of, 103 ---- market, 109 ---- members of Parliament, 173 ---- not so fluid as capital, 64 ---- of women, 109 young, 69

laborers, 72, 74

_Laissez-faire_, 11, 32, 139, 407

Lancashire, 154

land, 15, 24, 27, 29, 42, 48, 59, 112, 116, 118, 122-124, 148, 269, 278, 317, 412-414, 416, 420

law, 43, 91-92, 108, 112-113, 119, 121, 126, 137, 159, 322, 324, 410, 417, 420, 423, 425, 430 ---- of 1799 of British Parliament, 142 relation of custom to, 13

Lebovitz, J., 5

legislation, 26, 424

leisure, 48-49, 52, 65, 125-130, 325, 411

Lesseps de, 220

Lewis, Orlando F., 429-430

liberty, 7, 32, 46-47, 50, 52, 110, 130, 139, 317, 325, 409, 412, 426 A Plea for, 50, 94

life, 28, 33, 37-38, 50, 67-72

Lincoln, 175

lockout, 5, 86-88, 110, 148

London, 18, 21, 71, 219, 284, 286, 320, 394

Louis XIV, 137, 422

Lowell, James Russell, 223

lumber, 53 camps, 42

lunacy, 49, 278

Lyell, Sir Charles, 349

M

McCrea, President, 430

MacDonald, J. Ramsay, 408

McKenna, Judge, 169, 424

machine, political, 129

machinery, 69, 218, 414-420

Maine, 280

Mallock, 408-409

Malthus, 172, 316

Manchester, 20 ---- school, 32, 60, 139

Manhattan, 97-98, 282, 424

Mansion House Relief Fund, 76

Manufacture, Economy of, 219

market, 16, 18, 64, 93, 103-105, 109-110, 141, 146, 148, 158 foreign, 62, 63, 76, 319 getting the, 95-96 ---- price, 154, 159 the London, 18 tyranny of the, 102-103

marriage, 40, 85, 134, 351-353, 358-359

Marshall, Alfred, 391

Martineau, Harriet, 402

Marx, Karl, 1, 8, 25, 33-34, 147, 155-156, 226, 386

Marxian school, 25, 201, 239 ---- doctrine of value, 33 ---- socialism, 1 ---- socialist, 242

Mass and Class, 89

Maxim, 220

meat, 137, 417 ---- distribution, 97 ---- Trust, 262

Metropolitan Life Insurance Company, 212

Metz, Hermann, Comptroller of New York city, 190

Middle Ages, 107, 110, 135, 138

militia, 27, 427

milk, 96-97, 324 ---- adulteration, 90 ---- Contractors' Association, 288 trust, 211

Mill, John Stuart, 32, 325

Miner, Maud E., probation officer, 83

mineowners, 27

miners, 65 131, 415, 417 ---- union, 164 Western Federation of, 417

misrepresentation, 6, 15-16

Mississippi, 429

Mitchell, Dr. W.C., 90-91

Mitchell, John, 146, 151-152, 408

Modern Socialism, R.C.K. Ensor, 387

Monde Economique, 63

Monetary and Banking system, by Maurice L. Muhleman, 181

money, 37, 53-55, 66-68, 77-79, 81, 86, 176-198, 323, 419 ---- market, 74 ---- Market Primer, by George Clare, 193

monopoly, 260, 416, 422, 428 ---- of guilds, 256

monopolies, 123, 137, 146, 150

morality, 40, 45, 81-84

More, Sir Thomas, 33

Morgan, J. Pierpont, 169, 185, 195-196, 237-239, 254, 257, 428 elimination of waste by, 58 organization of steel and coal trusts by, 238 share of, in New York city finances, Oct., 1908, 190

Morris, William, 2

mortality, 38 infant, 419

Moyer, 169

Muhleman, Maurice L., 181

municipalities, 74

municipal ownership, 20-21

Municipal Year Book, 20

N

nation, 63, 65, 105, 107, 114, 131, 133, 412-418

National Association of State Food and Dairy Departments, 91

National Executive Committee, 248, 256

necessaries of life, 128, 417

Negro slavery, 46

New England, 42

New York Central railroad, 74, 429-430

New York city, 19-22, 177, 179, 190, 209, 214, 283-284, 320-322 Aldermen in, 247 butcher shops in, 97 reform in, 128 Trow's directory of, 97

New York State, 245, 265, 269, 272 ---- Department of Labor, 73,74

Newton, Isaac, 219, 222

Nightingale, Florence, 39

Northern Pacific, 191, 430

Northern Securities Case, 238

O

occupations, 71-72, 75, 114-115, 278

Oersted, 222

Ohio Dairy and Food Department, 90

Ohm, 219, 222

oil, 63, 94, 96, 105, 417 Pratts' Astral, 207 Standard, 99, 104, 207

opium, 63-64 ---- war in China, 63

organization, 115, 147-148, 157 industrial, 107 international, 156 ---- of labor, 127, 145 ---- of trade unions, 159 political, 122, 128

Organized Labor, by John Mitchell, 73-75, 115, 145-146, 151-153, 409, 417

Outlook the, 6, 40, 82, 109, 259

overinvestment, 65-66

overproduction, 57-66, 218

overwork, 48, 69-70, 72, 122, 164

ownership, 20-21, 416 collective, 419 ---- of land, 24, 121, 280 State, 317 State, not Socialism, 25

P

pacemakers, 69

Palissy, Bernard, 223

palliative measures, 78

Panama bonds, 188 ---- canal, 220

Pangborn, Col., 266

panic, 63, 65, 73-75, 87, 181-194, 299

Paris, 7, 18, 98, 137, 138, 286

Parliament, 173 Industrial, 319

parlor Socialists, 28

Parnell, 241

party, 416-419 capitalistic, 16 Democratic, 122, 134, 308 dominant, 415 Labor, in England, 171 Republican, 122, 134, 309, 418 Socialist, 2, 21, 26-27, 34-36, 45, 134, 200, 248, 414, 418, 428-429

pauper, 80

pauperism, 9, 22, 26, 35-36, 44, 52, 66, 99, 128, 130

penal colonies, 274

Pennsylvania, 74-75, 91, 280, 430

Pettibone vs. Collins, 424

Philadelphia, 430

philanthropists, 87

philosophy of Socialism, 6, 54

Pinkerton, Robert A., 168

pipe-line, 63, 105

Pittsburg, 15, 164-165, 167, 173, 201 Survey, 164, 167, 173-174, 201

platform, Socialist, 6, 26-27, 45, 134, 413, 421

Plato, 33, 44, 388

Platonic school of Socialism, 199

Plea for Liberty, 50, 94

political-- ---- action, 26, 110, 409 ---- contributions, 32 ---- control, 135 ---- issue, 140 ---- liberty, 47, 52, 121 ---- parties, 140 ---- power, 26-27 ---- Science Quarterly, 169 ---- students, 23

politics, 48, 110, 129

Ponce, La Culture Maraiche, 268

Poor Law guardians, 273

popular government, 107, 142

population, 65, 131, 134, 142, 153, 156-158, 323

Populism, 174

Portland Proceedings, 90-91

postoffice, 262 ---- economies, 96-97

Poverty, by Robert Hunter, 42

press, 66, 415, 420 propertied class in control of, 42-43

price, 42, 50, 58-63, 65-66, 69, 76, 87, 94, 98, 103-104, 106, 134-135, 147-148, 158-160, 228, 324, 417

Principles of Sociology, 335-405

Problems of the Day, by Andrew Carnegie, 199

problems, solution of, 151 economic, 128

Problems of Unemployment, 72

production, 12, 23, 25, 28, 33, 35-38, 45, 49, 52-54, 59, 66, 86, 93-94, 104, 110, 123, 131-132, 139 anarchy of, 318, 413, 414, 416, 418

products, 33, 36, 46, 51, 55, 99, 105, 113, 116-117, 119, 121, 123-124, 126, 128, 135, 137, 139, 314-319

profit, 5, 10, 16, 25, 37, 58-60, 65, 94, 102, 104-106, 108, 148, 155, 414, 423

proletariat, 25-26, 45, 119, 122

property, 7, 15-16, 24-25, 28-29, 32-33, 42-46, 112, 131-175, 414, 422 ---- and Liberty, 54, 112-130

prostitution, 4, 9, 26, 35-36, 44, 66, 79, 86, 88, 99, 128, 130

Proudhon, 7, 33-34, 124, 131

Prussia, 317

Prussian Government, 25

public domain, 27

Public House Trust, 295

public ownership, 20-21, 27, 106

Pullman, 168

Q

de Quesnay, 54

Quintessence of Socialism, 235

R

race, 32, 65-66, 91, 115, 128, 327, 411 for profits, 415

rags sold as woollen cloth, 93 ---- pickers of Paris, 18-20

railroads, 53, 65, 73-95, 123, 131, 215, 303, 329, 415, 419, 429-431

reclamation, 27, 101

reforestation, 27

reform, 26-28, 71, 127, 129, 243, 414, 418-419

relief, 26, 76

remedies, 31, 78

remuneration, 303-306

republic, 243

revolution, 25-28, 243

revolutionary period, 108 ---- Socialists, 27, 29

revolutionist, 23-26, 30, 228

Rhode Island, 306

Ritchie, Professor, 385

Rockefeller, 57-58, 104, 159, 237-239, 253-255, 288, 325

Rocky mountains, 96, 276

Rodbertus, 307

Rogers, Thorold, 233

Roosevelt, Theodore, 6, 25, 33-34, 40-42, 50, 82, 132, 134, 237-239, 255, 259-260, 320, 398

Rousseau, 138

royalty, 21

Ruskin, John, 402-403

Russia, 121, 239

S

salaries, 82, 303-306

San Francisco, 96

savings Banks, 42, 65, 78

Schaeffle, 235

Schenectady, 261

school, 153, 165, 321, 326, 328, 409, 415, 419 divinity, 329 industrial, 151 Manchester, 20, 32, 60, 139 Marxian, 25 trade, 151

Science, 1, 88, 115, 128, 421 ---- and Morals, 336

Scientific aspect of Socialism, 335-377

Seligman, J. & W., 196

semi-skilled workers, 75

Semler, Tropische Agrikultur, 267

Shaw, Bernard, 2

sickness, 5, 136, 153, 172, 326, 406-407

Simon, A.M., The American Farmer, 48

Simon Eugene, La Cite Chinoise, 267

single tax, 123, 278, 285

slave, 15, 45, 47, 49, 51, 104, 115, 125, 140, 415, 429

slaveowner, 69

slavery, 15, 109, 120, 125, 127, 128-130

Smith, Adam, 32, 54, 139

Social Revolution (Kautsky), 239

Socialism and Social Reform, 42, 60, 209, 211, 217-218

Socialism in Theory and Practice, 248, 305, 307-308

socialization of industries, 34

South, farmers of the, 217

South Australia, 290

South Carolina, 267

Southern Pacific, 430

Spargo, John, 2, 248-250

Spencer, Herbert, 3, 13, 32, 54, 94, 101, 137, 336, 365, 388, 404

standard of living, 165, 229

standard of wages, 157

Standard Oil, 99, 104-105, 152, 159, 207, 251, 253-256

starvation, 103, 120, 139, 156, 158, 414, 417

State, 45-46, 80, 91, 134, 325, 409, 424-431 agricultural, 77 ---- commissions, 89 ---- constabulary, 431 ---- Government, 329 ---- laws, 417 mining, 77 New York, 75, 280 ---- ownership not Socialism, 25 Prussian, 25 ---- Socialism, 235, 317-318 ---- Socialist, 27 ---- viands, 50

Statistical Abstract of the United States, 148, 181, 431

statistics, 5, 38, 73

steel, 94, 327-328 ---- industry, 148 ---- rails, 63 ---- trust, 55, 149, 164, 185-186, 201, 238, 257, 303 U.S.,--Corporation, 185

Steffens, Lincoln, 255, 429

step by step socialist, 28

stockholders, 21, 252, 324

stocks, 85, 160

store, 11, 29, 82, 156, 431

strike, 62, 71, 86-88, 145, 148, 168

struggle, 147, 153, 415 class, 25 ---- for Existence in Human Society, 336 ---- for life, 337, 410

study of Sociology, 365

Suez canal, 220

sugar trust, 61, 95

Survey, 164, 167, 173-174, 201

swamplands, 27, 101, 180, 420

sweated trades, 158

sweating system, 154, 156

Switzerland, 263, 266, 272 farm colonies in, 78, 269

system, 28, 34, 44, 409, 421 apprenticeship, 151 ---- of production, 35, 414 capitalist, 45 competitive, 37, 39, 54, 66, 86, 98, 99, 145, 323, 325 cooperative, 128 factory, 416 Fourier's, 317

T

Taft, President, 1, 6, 42, 132

taxes, 323, 326, 420 personal, 118 single, 123 ---- rate, 320

teachers, 49 ---- college, 92

tenements, 19, 41, 247, 321

Tennessee Coal and Iron Company, 185-186, 188, 191

textiles, 92 ---- schools, 92

Thompson, Carl D., 7

tobacco, 156 adulteration of, 91 ---- crop in Kentucky, 60

Tolstoi, 388

Toubeau, La repartition metrique des impots, 267

trade, 63, 88, 92, 93, 95 export, 105-106, 111, 137, 145, 149, 151-155, 321, 328

trade unions, 16, 72-77, 86, 110, 136, 140-159, 167-174 organization of, 159-160

tramps, 24, 264, 271-272, 273-274, 430

Troy, 261

trust companies, 182

Trust Company of America, 185

trusts, 15, 16, 76, 86, 104, 107, 110, 140, 142, 159, 175, 418 expropriation of, 15 development of, 58 Standard Oil, 99 steel, 149, 303

Turgot, 422

Tweed, 320

Tyranny, 142 economic, 138 ---- of the guilds, 138 ---- of the market, 102-104, 107, 109 ---- of the trade union, 108-110 ---- of the trusts, 104, 109

U

underconsumption, 66, 67

underemployment, 66, 67, 72

underpayment, 67, 72

unemployable, 70-72, 78, 87

unemployed, 24, 42, 66-79, 103, 107, 148, 157, 245, 415

unemployment, 4, 39, 60, 65, 79, 81, 86, 88-89, 140, 144, 153, 164, 245

unions, 108, 159-160, 169-175

United States, 7, 61, 64, 144, 147, 151, 177, 179, 187-188, 193, 204, 206, 209, 215, 266, 272, 416-417 ---- Bureau of Labor, 228, 293 ---- Census, 41, 48, 73, 77, 204 ---- Congress, 168, 197, 308-309, 318, 329-330, 417, 420, 426 ---- Constitution, 15, 365, 417, 426 ---- Department of Agriculture, 230 ---- Department, of Labor, 148, 230 divorce in, 40-41 ---- postoffice, 96-97, 262

United States, Secretary of the Treasury of, 187, 189 statistical abstract of, 148, 181, 431 statutes of, 424-425 ---- Treasury, 181, 187-188

unorganized labor, 73, 75, 77, 109, 145

unskilled labor, 75-77

V

value, 125-126 Marx' theory of, 33 surplus, 10

Vandervelde, Emil, 1, 7, 408

Vermont, 430

vested interests, 15, 18-22, 30

vice, 40, 362, 410-411, 415

Vienna, 286

violence, 27, 67, 117-118, 124, 168-169, 425, 429

Volta, 222

W

wages, 69-70, 103-104, 109, 118, 124, 142, 145,147,151-158, 165 miners', 82-83 ---- earners', 16 ---- servants', 122 ---- slave, 68 ---- slavery, 68-69 union, 419

Wall Street, 179-192, 212

war, 168, 175, 429

Ward, Lester F., 404

Washington, 5, 260, 309

waste, 96, 102, 139, 301 ---- lands, 419 ---- of capital, 99

waste of life and property in revolution, 28

water, 20, 21, 101, 123, 419

wealth, 42-43, 45-46, 50, 52, 65, 67, 115, 117, 130-131, 134-135, 137, 410, 415, 418

Webb, Sidney, 2

Western Federation of Miners, 417

Western Union, 210

Westinghouse Company, 184, 187, 221

wheat, 55, 293

whiskey, adulteration of, 91 Trust, 61, 161-162

Why Socialism is Impossible, 235

Winslow, Lanier & Company, 196

Wisconsin, 256

women, 35, 46, 65, 68, 80-86, 120, 142-143, 154, 157-158, 165, 245, 265, 275 exploitation of, 32 suffrage for, 420

Woodbridge, Alice, 82

working class, 42-45, 414-416, 419

workingmen, 15, 47-48, 51, 62, 64, 68, 70, 75, 77, 86, 103, 108, 109, 116, 137-138, 142, 144, 149, 151-154 standard of living of, 229

Y

Year Book of the Department of Agriculture, 230 Insurance, 179 Municipal, 20

Yorkshire, 154

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End of Project Gutenberg's Twentieth Century Socialism, by Edmond Kelly