Part 8

[36] The Hopi report that the Zuñi believe that the dead are changed into Katcinas and go to a Sípapû, which they descend and tell the “chiefs” to send the rain. The Hopi believe that the dead become divinized (Katcinas in a loose meaning) and intercede for rain. (See discussion of Mrs Stevenson’s statement that the dead send rain.) It seems to me that students of primitive myth and ritual have hardly begun to realize the important part which orientation plays in early religions. As research progresses it will be found to be of primary importance. The idea of world-quarter deities sprang from astronomical conceptions and was derived from a primitive sun worship in which the lesser deities naturally came to be associated with the four horizon points of solstitial sunrise and sunset.

[37] I have elsewhere pointed out that the típoni is called the mother, and this usage seems to hold among the other Pueblos. As a badge of chieftaincy it is carried by the chiefs on certain occasions of initiation and public exhibitions, as can be seen by consulting my memoir of the Snake Ceremonials at Walpi. Címo, the old Flute chief (obit 1893), once made the following remark about his típoni: “This is my mother; the outer wrapping is her garment; the string of shells is her necklace; the feathers typify the birds, and within it are all the desirable seeds. When I go to sleep she watches over me, and when I die one of the feathers will be placed upon my heart, and I hope the típoni will take care of me.” From these words we learn how much the típoni is venerated, and it is not remarkable, considering the benefits which are thought to come from it, that it is designated “the mother.”

[38] I mention this fact since, following Bandolier’s studios among the Rio Grande Pueblos, we have something different. The Koshare, which appear to correspond with a group of the Tcukúwympkiya, the Paiakyamû, are regarded by him as the summer and autumn men, while the Cuirana are the spring men. During the late summer and autumn the Tcukúwympkiya take no part in the ceremonials at the East mesa of Tusayan. No Tcukúwympkiyas appear in the Snake, Flute, Lálakoñti, Mamzraúti, Wüwütcímti, or in certain minor festivals. They appear to be almost universal accompaniments of the Katcina observances.

[39] The elaboration is of course along different lines of growth, and its characteristics are treated in the several already published articles devoted to these subjects. In none of the abbreviated Katcinas described was there an altar or complicated kiva performance, but on the other hand, in the elaborate Katcinas such secret observances always existed. Síocalako, described in this article, affords an interesting abbreviated ceremonial with kiva rites.

[40] This might better be called a composite, abbreviated Katcina.

[41] The late Mr Stephen made extended studies of this presentation in 1892, but his fatal illness prevented his being in the kiva the following winter. It is necessary that a continued study of this dramatization be made before a complete account of the ceremonial calendar can be attempted.

The following men are distinctly called chiefs: Moñ′mowitû of Soyáluña, Kwátcakwa, Sakwístiwa Anawíta, Nasímoki, Kwáa, Sikyáustiwa, and Súpela.

[42] See figures of this effigy in my account of the Pálülükoñti, Journal of American Folk-lore, Oct.-Dec., 1893.

[43] Here evidently we have a prayer to the deity symbolized by the effigy and not an invocation to the effigy itself.

[44] The dance with the sun-shield remotely resembles certain so-called “sun dances,” which have been described among the nomads, in which physical exhaustion and suffering are common features. This dance, it must be borne in mind, took place when the sun was at the winter solstice, and the dramatization of attack and defense may have some meaning in connection with this fact.

[45] On the authority of Cyrus Thomas, “Are the Maya hieroglyphs phonetic?” American Anthropologist, Washington, July, 1893, p. 266. His reasoning that the scribe of the codex intended to represent this astronomical event is plausible but not conclusive.

[46] There are members of the American race living where the sun disappears at the winter solstice or succumbs to evil powers. Have the Pueblos inherited this rite from people who once lived far to the north?

[47] The fact that the Snake dance follows the Nimán may be explained as follows: The sun begins to be affected by the Plumed Snake at the Farewell dance, and the growing influence of this divinity is recognized, hence his children (reptiles) are gathered from the fields and intrusted with the prayers of men to cease his malign influence.

[48] At the Nimán in the preceding July.

[49] With Tatcü′kti (Mud-heads).

[50] Journal of American Ethnology and Archæology, vol. IV.

[51] Numbers 1, 2, 7, 9 and 10 of this list have been described as abbreviated Katcinas. The symbolism of 3 and 8 is shown in my figures of dolls; of the remainder my information is as yet very limited.

[52] Comparable with the Nahuatl Ochpanitzli. The points of similarity between the two are the predominance of the Earth goddess and the ceremonial renovation of the sacred gathering places.

[53] American Anthropologist, Washington, January, 1894.

[54] The accompanying observations on the Powámû were made by the late A. M. Stephen in his work for the Hemenway Expedition.

[55] These men were from the Álkiva. They wore the knob-head helmets and their bodies were stained red. Each carried a rattle in the right and an eagle feather in the left hand, and had a pouch of skin or other material slung over the right shoulder. This held corn, beans, and other seeds, which they gave to the women and elders.

[56] With the coiled stone, which resembles the cast of some large fossil shell. I venture to suggest that the reason we find petrified wood in some shrines can be explained in the following manner: In times long past trees were believed by the Hopi to have souls and these breath bodies were powerful agents in obtaining blessings or answering prayers. The fossilized logs now put in shrines date back to the times of which I speak, consequently they are efficacious in the prayers of the present people. This is but the expression of an animistic belief in the souls of trees.

[57] She has the Bear típoni and other fetiches.

[58] The name given for this marking by Ahü′l is ómowûh moñwitûpeadta. It is an appeal to all the gods of the six regions to bless these Kivas and houses.

[59] The performances with the clowns were not unlike others in which they appear.

[60] The mound from which it was obtained is close to the base of the foothills eastward from Walpi, and all the sand for all the kivas was obtained from this particular mound.

[61] During the festival the women clip the hair of their children. The hair is cut over the entire cranium of the little boys, but in the case of the girls a fringe is left around the base of the head, especially on each side, for the characteristic whorls worn by maidens.

[62] The gap in the East mesa, known as Wala, whence the name of the pueblo of Walpi at the western end of the same height.

[63] Woman’s blanket without decoration.

[64] At the tip of the lowest tail feather on each side a nakwákwoci stained with cúta was hung.

[65] Natácka carried a handsaw in the left hand.

[66] Bandoleer.

[67] Hahaíwüqti did not enter any of the houses, but merely went up the ladder two or three rungs and stood there just high enough to bring her helmet on a level with the first terrace. She then gave her shrill hoot, and when the women had brought out their children spoke to them in high falsetto.

[68] A figure of Tuñwúpkachina with his pet (pókema) appears on the reredos of the altar of the Nimánkatcina. (See Journal of American Ethnology and Archæology, vol. II, No. 1.) The sprig which he is depicted as bearing in the hand was supposed to represent a cornstalk, but from the new observations of the personification of Tuñwup there is no doubt that a yucca whip was intended.

[69] As I have already pointed out, the youth who dons the mask of a Katcina is believed to be for the time transformed into a deity (soul).

[70] Moñ, chief; kohu, wood—a chieftain’s badge.

[71] Eótoto (“Aiwótoto”), has been described in my account of the daybreak ceremonials of the Farewell Katcina (Journal of American Ethnology and Archæology, vol. II, No. 1). Hahaíwüqti has been figured and described in my article on Certain Personages who Appear in a Tusayan Ceremony (American Anthropologist, January, 1894).

[72] A society comparable with the “Priesthood of the Bow” at Zuñi. This society is a priesthood apparently with much less power than that of the neighboring Cibolan pueblo, but its chief Pauwatíwa is powerful, and, it may be said, en passant, a most genial and highly valuable friend to have in ethnologic work at Walpi.

[73] His fiddle was a notched stick which he scraped with a sheep scapula.

[74] Kawaíkakatcinas. Kawaíka is a Hopi name for the Laguna people of Keresan stock.

[75] See figure in Naácnaiya, Journal of American Folk-lore, July–September, 1892.

[76] The signification of the bundle of straw may be that here we have the symbolic broom of the purification ceremony, if I am right in my interpretation that the Powámú is a lustral ceremony. In Nubuatl ceremonial, Ochpanitzli, the mother, Toci, carries the broom, which is her symbol in this celebration, as shown in Seler's interpretation of the Humboldt manuscripts. In this connection the reader is referred to the facts mentioned elsewhere in this article that all the kivas are replastered in the course of the Powámú.

[77] Elision of the syllable ka in this and similar compounds is common.

[78] The symbolism of their masks and their dance is described in the Journal of American Ethnology and Archæology, vol. II, No. 1.

[79] See Nimánkatcina altar, called nananivo poñya, six-directions altar. The whole ceremony is an invocation to the six world-quarter deities.

[80] It is generally the custom to anoint the feet, hands, etc, with honey when a person is sent out with offerings to shrines. (See “Snake dance,” Journal of American Ethnology and Archæology, vol. IV.)

[81] See cloud-charm altar in other ceremonials. It is redundant in this place to repeat these accounts, as the variations are not important. (See Journal of American Ethnology and Archæology, vol. II, No. 1.) The Powámú altars are the same as the Niman, q. v.

[82] As the number of these personages was large in this presentation, this summary mention of their names may be of interest.

[83] Journal of American Folk-lore, October-December, 1893.

[84] It will thus be seen that the details of this ceremony vary in different years, but the variation depends simply on the kiva presenting it. It is commonly said that the original wími of the Pálülükoñti (Great Plumed Snake) were brought to Tusayan by the Water people from the far south. Other observations support that statement.

[85] To these must be added the constant accompanying priests in all ceremonials, who are unmasked and do not personate supernatural beings.

[86] Journal of American Ethnology and Archæology, vol. II, No. 1.

[87] Ibid. The following abbreviated Katcinas have been described and figured: (1) Humískatcina, Corn Flower; (2) Áñakatcina, Long Beard; (3) Coyóhimkatcina, All; (4) Hehéakatcina; (5) Siokatcina, Zuñi; (6) Málokatcina. The symbolic characters of the different Katcinas are best shown in my article on “Dolls of the Tusayan Indians.” The Nimánkatcina is likewise outlined in the Journal of American Ethnology and Archæology, op. cit., and some of these abbreviated Katcinas are accompaniments of the Nimán.

[88] The participants of course frequent the kiva to prepare their masks and costume for one or more days previous to the public dance, and certain simple ceremonial objects, as páhos and nakwákwocis are made there, but in none of those Katcinas which are included in this group have I as yet observed any altar or the like. The very name “abbreviated” eliminates naturally these complex proceedings and paraphernalia.

[89] Op. cit. The spruce tree of the Katcinas is commonly set up in the plaza.

[90] Dolls of the Tusayan Indians, op. cit.

[91] The food is brought to each by wives, daughters, or other women of his household. This feast takes place in the open air, not as at Zuñi in the kivas.

[92] This is the only plaza large enough for a long line of dancers, and hence is ordinarily used.

[93] To these prayers he alone responds “Antcai,” right.

[94] The configuration of the mesa and the fact that the house walls rise almost continuously with the side of the cliff prevent the Katcinas dancing on the different sides of the pueblo, but in Zuñi the open spaces outside the village, in addition to the plaza in the heart of the pueblo, are used for dances as I have elsewhere described.

[95] See also Journal of American Ethnology and Archæology, vol. IV, p. 66.

[96] “Adventures in Zuñi,” Century Magazine, vol. XXV, p. 507 et seq.

[97] Several ceremonials are derived from Zuñi, while others are peculiar to Tusayan. The symbolism of the Síocálako and the Hopi Cálako is different. No girls (mánas) were represented in the Síocálako.

[98] All the women and children of this family had been moved to the mesa a few days before.

[99] Compare the crinoline hoops of the effigies of Pálülükoñûh (Journal of American Folk-lore, October-December, 1893).

[100] Koyeamashe (see Journal of American Ethnology and Archæology, vol. I).

[101] The association of Eótoto with Íntiwa has already been described in my account of the Nimánkatcina (Journal of American Ethnology and Archæology, vol. II, No. 1).

[102] Explanation of the diagram: _a_, _b_, _c_, _d_ and _a′_, _b′_, _c′_ _d′_, successive positions of the effigy bearers on the northern and southern sides of the plaza; _e_, Eótoto; _h_, Hahaíwüqti; _i_, Íntiwa; _k_, Koyímise; _m_, accompanying celebrants. The figures _a_–_d_ and _a′_–_d′_ represent the circles of meal, with cross lines, over which the effigy bearers stand in the course of the ceremonials.

[103] The general character of the Wáwac described in my article in the Bulletin of the Essex Institute, where certain of the masks made use of in it are figured. The Racing Katcina performed at this time was, however, much more complicated, and a description of it would be a digression from the subject of this article.

[104] Journal of American Ethnology and Archæology, vol. II, No. 1.

[105] It was said that there ought to have been six (possibly one for each cardinal point) of these, who are called Ciwáata, sisters of the Pawíkkatcinas.

[106] I have not been permitted to see the unmasked dance of the Kóko in the Zuñi kivas, where it is common, and was glad to supplement my observations by the same in one of the Tusayan kivas. In the Katcinas which I saw in 1891 at Walpi there was no dance in the kivas.

[107] The pipe was passed ceremonially after having been lit with a coal (burning corncob) brought by a woman from a house in Sitcomovi. In most ceremonials it is also prescribed that the makers of páhos shall wash their heads before beginning their duties, but this takes place in their own dwellings.

[108] The first reference which I have found to the use of tobacco in the ceremonial smoke by the American Indians is by Monardes. This interesting description of tobacco and its uses, accompanied with a figure of the plant, is one of the most complete for its date (1590) which I have seen.

[109] Íntiwa is Katcina móñwi, chief of the Katcinas; Kópeli, chief of the Snakes; Hóñyi, hereditary Snake-Antelope chief; Wíki, chief of the Snake-Antelopes; Pauatíwa, chief of warriors; Lésma, Bear chief.

[110] See Journal of American Ethnology and Archæology, vol. II, No. 1.

[111] When the inhabitants of another pueblo visit that in which a sacred dance is taking place, it is customary for the hosts to entertain by setting before them food, and it is no uncommon thing to see visitors passing from house to house partaking of the píkami (mush) and other delicacies. It is not unusual for the headmen of one pueblo to send official thanks to the people of another for their sacred dances and other efforts for rain. In a memoir on the Snake dance I mention an instance where even the distant Havasupai Indians brought offerings from their home to Walpi (Journal of American Ethnology and Archæology, vol. IV).

[112] I need not describe their actions, as I have already done so for other Katcina dances (Journal of American Ethnology and Archæology, vol. II, No. 1.)

[113] One marked difference between Katcina and Kóko, or Hopi and Zuñi, dancers is that in the latter the unmasked dance occurs in the kiva and the feast is held in the same place. At Tusayan the feast is open, and generally there is no unmasked dance. The feast in the kiva at Zuñi is possibly a secondary modification for effecting secrecy.

[114] Journal of American Ethnology and Archæology, vol. II, No. 1.

[115] This is only time I have seen the Death god personified. The Paiakaíamû rushed up to me and demanded a knife, and when I refused to give it, not aware of their intention, they sought other ways to kill the poor brute. It was an exhibition of extreme savagery, but of course with no danger to any of the spectators. Later in their antics the gluttons themselves were lightly struck with a cactus branch, and the person who performed this painful act went from housetop to housetop touching the arm or neck of every spectator—man, woman, and child. During this dance these Tcukuwympkiyas performed the disgusting act of drinking human urine. Mr Cushing, in the Century Magazine, records the slaughter of a dog in a similar manner, except that he says that his life was threatened before the dog was killed, and it was by his defiant attitude that he was not seized by the performers.

[116] The direction of the ceremonial circuit of the Tewa is sinistral. In this instance it began at the east. I believe this is the prescribed circuit of all the Pueblos. Some of the Tewa have told me that in their folktales their people did not emerge from the same sípapû as the Hopi, but from a sípapû to the east. Although some of the priests say that all people came from the middle of the earth, from one sípapû, others believe that each pueblo has its own ancestral geographical opening. The idea has been localized by environment, as is so often the case with modified legends.

[117] There are certainly more evidences of white man’s influences in dance paraphernalia in Zuñi than at Tusayan, such, for instance, as the use of hats and calico shirts in dances, American chairs, rifles, etc, etc.

[118] Notwithstanding this statement, I have already pointed out similarities between both these women’s celebrations and certain Zuñi dances (see American Anthropologist, vol. V, p. 236, note).

[119] Hówina (Zuñi, Ówinahe), a kind of thanksgiving dance, is distinctly a Zuñi dance and is so recognized by the Hopi. I have seen photographs of the celebration at Zuñi which bear such a close resemblance to that called by the Hopi the Hówina that in all probability the two are identical. The elaborate war dances celebrated at Zuñi and the observances of the Priesthood of the Bow at that pueblo are very much abbreviated in Tusayan (East mesa) where the organization has not the same power as with the Cibolans.

[120] Cipaulovi, or the “Place of Peaches,” would necessarily have received its name after those who brought peaches came among the Hopi. It is known that Sitcomovi was a late colony of Asa people from the Rio Grande, united with others from Walpi, while Hano was founded about 1700. The Cipaulovi people, however celebrate the Flute ceremony, and the Flute people came to Tusayan shortly after the Snake. It would thus appear that we have a date to determine that the Flute people came to Tusayan after Vargas (1692). Morfi, in 1782, says that the people of Xipaulovi (Cipaulovi) came from Xongopabi (Cuñopavi).

[121] I do not for a moment doubt that even when nominally Christianized the succession of the chiefs in the several sacerdotal societies has not been broken up to our time.

[122] Coco in Spanish signifies a bogy. In compounds it can be detected in Cocomaricopa, where it may mean fool, possibly referring to the inferiority of this stem. The derivation of Kóko or Kâ′kâ is not known to me. The word Katcina has the advantage of Kóko or Kâ′kâ as a general designation.

[123] That is, the last Katcina before their departure in Cibola, as in Tusayan. In Walpi it is not an autumn dance, but occurs at about the same time that I witnessed it at Zuñi, near the end of July (see Journal of American Ethnology and Archæology, vol. I, No. 1).

[124] It is recommended that in illustrating Zuñi masks a full face view be given, for in that way the symbolism is much better expressed than by profile views.

[125] Pooatíwa is considered by Mrs Stevenson the “Sun Father.” I have not gone far enough in my studies to accept this relationship for Paútiwa. There are some reasons for considering Paútiwa the Mist Father, which speculation has led me to interpret the Sälämobias as Paútiwa forms of the rain-clouds of the six world-quarters, but such an opinion is highly theoretical.

[126] The terraced elevations are common on the Zuñi nákwipis and handled prayer-meal bowls, as can be seen in any large collection of Zuñi ceramics; but the semicircular rain-cloud figures are very rare, indeed wanting, in all I have seen. The frog, tadpole, snake, and similar symbols appear, however, to be present in both. The question of the characteristic symbolism of Zuñi and Hopi pottery is a complicated one, which can not be considered in this article, but the two types can readily be distinguished by a student of this subject.

[127] It would be a remarkable fact if accounts of this symbolism are not later described.

[128] Memoirs of the International Congress of Anthropology, Chicago, 1894, p. 315.

[129] On page 314 she mentions six Ahshiwanni as “rain priests.” I am not able to definitely decide from the text whether these six are the same as the fourteen mentioned above. It is not clear to me in which group Mrs Stevenson places the “Mud-heads” and “Gluttons,” well described by Ten Broeck in 1852 from Tusayan, and later by herself and Cushing from Zuñi, and by other writers from the Rio Grande pueblos.

[130] If these statements are true one sees that they tell in favor of the theory which the ritual emphasized, and that while in a general way there is a similarity between the ceremonial system of the two people, it is absurd to say that “what is written of one is true also of the other.” Long ago their systems may have been identical; at present they have more or less differentiated one from the other. In Zuñi, according to Mrs Stevenson, “at the winter and summer solstices synchronal meetings of most of these societies are held, and also at other times.” After having carefully studied the ceremonials at the time of the summer solstice at Tusayan, I have not found any synchronal meetings of the societies which correspond with those mentioned as occurring at Zuñi at that time.