Part 5

He set this tray on the floor near the fireplace, and after the chief of the kiva had sprinkled the visitors with meal a male and a female personator advanced from the western end of the kiva to the fireplace. The man picked up the basket on the butt end of his stick and presented it to the woman, who held it in both hands and danced a few moments, while all the others sang. She then laid the tray down and passed to the northern side of the chamber, the man retiring to the southern side. After the other couples had performed the same ceremony they left the kivas.

Immediately after their departure 28 personators from Hano entered. These consisted of male and female deities, the latter personated by men. The former passed to the southern, the latter to the northern side of the kiva. Each of the male personages wore a yucca fillet on his head and his legs were decorated with clay streaks; he wore white kilts and girdles, with dependent fox-skins. They also had tortoise rattles on the legs and carried a gourd rattle in the right hand. Their costume was as follows: They were without masks; the hair was loose and an imitation of a squash blossom was tied therein. The face was not colored, but on the right shoulder curving to the breast was daubed a mass of blue and green pigment. On the left shoulder and over the breast they were painted with yellow, and bright red streaks were drawn from the neck down the center of the breast and middle of the back. The upper part of the right arm was colored yellow, the left forearm green, the upper part of the left arm green. These colors were reversed on the right arm. The right leg also was yellow and the left leg was green with two contrasting bands below the knee. The hands, waist, and upper portion of the thighs were whitened. They likewise wore white kilts tied with girdles (wukokwéna and nanelkwéna). A gray fox-skin depended from the loins. Each had a tortoise shell rattle on the right leg and on the left leg generally a garter to which small sleigh-bells were attached. Their moccasins were blue or green. In his right hand each carried a blue or green painted rattle, and in the left a sprig or small branch of spruce. Those personating females neither wore fox-skins nor held anything in the left hand. The female personators carried in the left hand a bundle of straw held well up before the face. After they had been sprinkled with meal they began to sing, and the couple in the center on the west side joined hands, holding them above the head—the female with the palm turned up, the male with the palm down and fingers imbricated. They advanced close to the fireplace and then returned to their respective places. The personators executed this figure four times in sequence and then went out.

Immediately after this presentation the delegation from the Móñkiva, led by a masked person, entered. The bodily decorations of these were not uniform; one had a figure of a gourd drawn on his breast, another zigzag lines, and still another parallel bars. The males carried a gourd rattle in the right hand; they wore no fillets on the head but allowed the hair to hang loosely. The female personators held a bunch of straw[76] and a sprig of spruce in the left hand, carrying it high up before the face. They sang the same song and executed the same figure as that already mentioned in the account of the presentation by the men from the village of Hano. The groups finished their visits at about midday.

_February 5_—At earliest dawn (5 a. m.) either the chief or one of his elders roused all the sleepers in the kiva, and each spread his blanket beside his basin of growing plants. He then carefully plucked the plants, one by one, so as not to bruise either stalk or roots. He laid them on the blanket in an orderly pile, the leaves together. The sand which remained in the basin was carried to some place where children would not see it, and the vessels were dried before the kiva fire and hidden away in the houses out of sight of the prying eyes of the young ones.

Nearly all the plants were tied with a yucca shred and a sprig of spruce (symbol of a Katcina), in neat bundles, leaving loose bights of the yucca by which to hold them. Each priest also tied up the dolls which he had made. All traces of the soil in which the corn had been forced to sprout had disappeared long before dawn.

The presents (dolls) which were made in the Tcivatoki were then distributed by a man personifying Pawíkkatcina, under the instruction of those who had fashioned them. The distributing Katcinas of the Nacabki were two Nüváktcinas,[77] and the same did this duty with the dolls in the Móñkiva. For the Álkiva two Tcoshühüwûh performed this duty. These Katcinas and two persons called Kawaíka (Keres) from Sitcomovi bustled about the pueblo on their errands and the distribution was finished about sunrise. The men did not speak when they approached a house with their gifts, but hooted after the customary manner of Katcinas.

Almost half an hour before sunrise the Soyókmana passed around the kivas, holding a dialogue at the hatchways with the chiefs inside. She wore a black conical mask with red mouth and white teeth, and was costumed as an old woman. In the right hand she bore a crook 7 feet long, at the end of which were tied many shells. In the left hand she carried a knife smeared with rabbit blood. Hü′hüwûh also held a dialogue with the kiva chiefs and made gifts of watermelons and squashes to various persons.

At 11.30 a. m. Soyókmana, Hahaíwüqti, and the Natáckas (plate CVI) made a visit to all the houses. They were followed by two Hehéakatcinas[78] with bags and pouches of food recently received, and after them followed three black and two white Natáckas. These five went together and were constantly in motion, moving or beating time with their feet.

The strange company went to each house demanding food, and when it was refused or poor quality offered the Natáckas uttered a hoot like an owl, and at the same time Soyókmana whistled. They refused to leave a house until proper food had been given them, and if a child who had not been ceremonially flogged appeared with the mother its eyes were shaded by the mother’s hand while she presented food to the Natáckas.

Between 12 and 1 oclock Íntiwa, assisted by Hoñyi and Letaiyo, finished making twelve sets of cákwa (blue) páhos, most of which were composed of two sticks of uniform diameter, and only one set showed the flat face characteristic of the female. They likewise made twelve nakwákwoci hotomni, consisting of a twig about 2 feet long from which four nakwákwocis depended at intervals, and twelve simple feathered strings. When these were finished Íntiwa placed them in a tray of meal beside the sípapû and brought from the paraphernalia closet of the kiva six ears of corn of different colors, his típoni, two nákwipis and as many aspergills, two or more rattles, and other bundles containing the remaining paraphernalia of the cloud-charm altar.

At 1.30 p. m. he placed a small hillock of sand back of the sípapû and deposited his típoni upright upon it; he then made the cloud-charm altar,[79] arranging the corn at the ends of six radial lines of meal in a sinistral circuit, placing two crystals upon each ear of corn except that corresponding to the nadir. The aspergills (makwámpis) also were laid down beside each ear of corn except that which was symbolic of the nadir. The sequence of ceremonials which then took place about this altar was as follows:

1. Ceremonial smoke.

2. Prayers.

3. Liquid poured into the crenelated vessel or nákwipi.

4. Songs.

Synopsis of ceremonial events during the songs:

(_a_) Meal shaken from the six aspergills into the liquid.

(_b_) Whistling into the liquid through a turkey bone, and asperging to the cardinal points with the same, six times in all.

(_c_) Meal cast into liquid, on tray of páhos and over the típoni in ceremonial circuit.

(_d_) Pollen cast on the same objects in sequence.

5. Prayers.

6. Ceremonial smoke into the liquid with two pipes.

At the close of this observance Hahaíwüqti and the Natáckas came to the kiva hatch and a comic dialogue ensued. She demanded meat and other food, and the elders went up the ladder and refused to grant her wishes. Natácka hooted and Soyókmana whistled back, and then the Hehéakatcinas threw down the end of their lariat, and those in the kiva below hung a piece of sheepskin and horns of goats to it.

Íntiwa then called two youths, and without anointing them[80] gave them instructions where to deposit the offerings which had been consecrated on the cloud-charm altar.[81] One youth was told to deposit his at shrines in a circuit, beginning with Tawapa (Sun spring), and the other at Kokyanba (Spider spring) and Tuveskyabi. Two sets of offerings were left, and these with Katcinas were placed on the southwest point of the mesa. This closed the ceremony, for Íntiwa then replaced the plug of the sípapû and tied up his típoni and other paraphernalia.

The Natácka group went to the Wikwaliobikiva, and there Sóyoko gave each of them and the Hehéakatcina a handful of meal and a nakwákwoci. Taláhoya blew puffs of smoke over them. They then marched around the houses to the Nacabki, along the plaza to Tcivatoki, and then to Álkiva, where they begged for meat and held comic dialogues with different chiefs. At the last-mentioned place there came from the kiva six men arrayed and costumed as the Mamzraúti tcatumakaa, who, singing as they went, marched to the dance court and halted close to the edge of the cliff, facing the houses. The Natácka group accompanied them, and two men personifying Hehéakatcinas assumed erotic paroxysms and lay down on their backs on the ground close to the disguised Mamzraúti personages, endeavoring to lift up their kilts and performing obscene actions. Then they rolled on the ground in assumed fits. The Natáckas, as usual, maintained their prancing step around them, and occasionally Soyókmana thumped them with the butt end of her crook. After about five minutes of this exhibition the Hehéa seized the Mamzraúti personators and tumbled them into an indiscriminate heap, fell on top of them, and did other acts which need not be mentioned. The Natácka then retired for food, and, unmasking in the kiva, did not again appear.

_February 6_—Food was carried to all the kivas yesterday morning, but there was neither dancing nor ceremonials.

_February 7_—No ceremony took place on this day, but the kiva chief and the Hehéakatcinas played a curious game of ball called sunwuwinpa, in which the ball is attached to a looped string. The player lay on his back and, passing the loop over the great toe, projected the ball back over his head. Two groups of these players were noted.

The following Katcinas were personated in the Powámû of 1893:[82]

Hahaíwüqti, Ancient Woman, Mother of Monsters. Natácka, Monster. Soyókmana, Attendant of Natácka. Tuñwúp, Flogging Katcina. Ahü′l. Tümác, Mother of Ahü′l. Wuyókwati. Tcakwaína. Wuwíyomo. Pawík, Duck. Nüvák, Snow. Hehéa. Mamzraúti tcatumakaa. Tcavaíyo, Giant Elk. Wupámo, Great Cloud. Owanazrozro, Stone Devourer.

PÁLÜLÜKOÑTI

The screen drama of the Pálülükoñti ceremonial as performed in 1893 has already been described.[83]

The following personifications of Katcinas appeared in the Pálülükoñti in 1893:

Coyóhim, All. Pawík, Duck. Tacáb, Navaho. Hokyaña. Húhian, Barter. Cálako, Cálako.

Its presentation in other years differs very materially from the description given.

In the celebration of 1891 a wooden figure representing Cálako was introduced with two carved marionettes, which were manipulated as if grinding corn, and serpent effigies were thrust through the sun opening of the screen. These were likewise used in the presentation in 1894.[84]

The celebration of Pálülükoñti in 1894 was controlled by the Badger people, and the exhibition of the screen drama occurred March 16. A number of slabs with symbolic figures of Táwa (the sun), and Cótükinuñwa (the heart of all the sky), and two small effigies of Pálülükoñûh (plumed snake) were introduced. The two mechanical figurines, which were so manipulated as to appear to be in the act of grinding corn on metates, represented Cálakomanas, and were made by Tótci of the Badger people.

This variation from year to year, it will be observed, preserves without change the various deities introduced and recalls what I have already written about the variations in altars of the Nimán in different villages. In stage effects latitude is permissible, but there is no change in the deities represented. Something similar occurs in the Mamzraúti, where, in 1891, tablets with Palahíkomana symbols were used, while in 1893 women represented that personage.

So far as I know the essential personages[85] to be represented by symbolism or by men in disguise, are:

Táwa, Sun. Mü′iyawû, Moon. Cótokinuñwa, Heart of the Sky. Hahaíwüqti, Ancient Mother. Pálülükoñti, Plumed Snake. Cálako taka or mana, Corn Man or Maid. Various Katcinas, mentioned above, but these may vary year by year. Másauwûh, Fire God. Various Tcukúwympkiyas, Clowns.

NIMÁNKATCINA

An outline of the ceremonials attending the departure of the Katcinas from three of the Tusayan villages has already been given elsewhere.[86] From new observations it is found that much remains to complete this account, but the main events have already been described. While the dance resembles the abbreviated Katcinas, from which it should not be widely separated, the altar and kiva ceremonials place it in the group of elaborate Katcinas or those with complicated secret usages. It is only in those villages in which are preserved the wími of the Kachina móñwi that this celebration can occur, although, as we shall later see, abbreviated Katcinas are not so limited. It will probably be found that any abbreviated Katcina may be used for the public dance of the Nimán, but no abbreviated Katcina can have the secret ceremonials of the Nimán without becoming the same. When the Katcina chief, Íntiwa, sets up his altar it is but natural that any set of Katcinas may give the public dance, which, while a necessary accompaniment, is far from being prescribed as to kind.

ABBREVIATED KATCINAS

CHARACTERISTICS

This group includes a large number of simple ceremonials in which a masked dance in public is the most significant part. The general character of these observances may be seen by a consultation of my article, “A few summer ceremonials at the Tusayan pueblos.”[87] The distinctive name is determined by the characters personified as indicated by the symbolic markings of the masks or by other paraphernalia. No elaborate kiva ceremonials are performed.[88]

All the abbreviated presentations have certain common features which run through them. These characteristics may be learned from my description in the article on “The summer ceremonials,”[89] but in order to make them more prominent I have mentioned them in an appended footnote.[87]

The special Katcina celebrated is designated by the symbolism depicted on the mask, which is repainted and redecorated according to the Katcina which it is intended to represent. For the special name and the accompanying symbolism a study of the dolls will give as good an idea as can yet be obtained from published articles.[90]

The participants in the abbreviated Katcinas may be divided into two groups: (1) The Katcinas, male and female, with related masked personages, and the priests who pray to them and sprinkle meal upon them, and (2) the accompanying clowns and masked or other persons who participate in their antics and presentation. The details of the proceedings of the second or possibly subordinate group vary in different dances more than those of the first.

The participants of the first group are:

1. Masked personages (always men) called Katcinas.

2. Masked men, personifying women, called Katcinamanas.

3. One or more masked persons, who vary in symbolic characters in different Katcinas. These are often absent.

4. Priests (unmasked), directors of the dance, who sprinkle the Katcinas with sacred meal. These priests are vehicles of prayers to the Katcinas and masked participants, and are generally few in number.

The presentation is accompanied with a feast[91] (generally at noon) limited to Katcinas and Katcinamanas. The Katcinas dance in line, sing, distribute gifts, but never utter any continuous sentence or prayer. The Katcinamanas dance in line facing the Katcinas, or kneel in front of the same, accompanying their songs with a rasping noise made by rubbing a scapula over a notched stick. Ordinarily their mask is identical in all Katcinas of the abbreviated form, and they generally have their hair in two whorls on the sides of the head, and wear white blankets and other feminine apparel. The second group of personifications are the Tcukúwympkiyas (Tatcü′kti, knob-head priests; Tcü′ckütû, gluttons; or Paiakaíamû, horned clowns). Their representation consists of a series of antics and dramatizations, story telling, gluttony, obscene gestures or bawdy remarks, and flogging and other indignities heaped upon each other or upon accompanying masked persons. These representations and the personifications who carry on their portion of the observance vary in different reproductions of the same drama.

The Tcukúwympkiya do not dance or sing with the Katcinas, but sprinkle them with meal and pray to them. While an essential feature in certain abbreviated Katcinas, they are not always present, and their exhibition has many secular or temporal characteristics or innovations more or less dependent on the invention of the participants. The masked persons who assist them are representatives of semimythologic beings, called Píptuka, Ü′tci (Apache), Tacáb (Navaho), Kése, and others. A description of the various modifications of their performances would mean special account of each presentation and would vary in details for each exhibition, but except in a very general way these variations are quite unimportant in the study of the characteristics of the abbreviated Katcinas. The following are some of the episodes introduced:

1. Inordinate eating and begging, urine drinking, gluttony, and obscenity.

2. Flogging of one another, stripping off breechcloths, drenching with foul water, ribald remarks to spectators, and comical episodes with donkeys and dogs.

3. Story telling for pieces of corn under severe flogging by masked persons, races, smearing one another with blood, urinating upon one another, tormenting with cactus branches, etc.

The Katcina dance ordinarily lasts from daybreak to sunset, with intermissions, during which the participants unmask under an overhanging cliff on the southern side of the mesa. Here likewise they have their feast at midday. The dances in the forenoon are slimly attended by spectators, but in the afternoon all the terraces and roofs of the houses surrounding the plaza[92] in which the pillar mound is situated are occupied by natives and visitors. The line of Katcinas is led by an uncostumed chief, who sprinkles meal on the ground as he enters and leaves the dance court, and who from time to time shouts to the dancers (figure 40). The leader of the Katcinas stands midway in the line, and by a rapid movement of his rattle as a signal changes the song and directs the termination. To him[93] as a representative the prayers are addressed. The dance is a rhythmic stamping movement of one foot on the ground, and all keep in line, elbowing their neighbors, turning now to one side, then to another, as directed. The female Katcinas face the male and stand about midway in the line. They use the serrated stick and scapula as an accompaniment to the song.

It is common for both male and female Katcinas to bring gifts to the plaza for spectators, especially children, as they return to the dance.[94] These gifts are ordinarily corn, bread, or tortillas. It is customary for priests to sprinkle the Katcinas with sacred meal, and the Tcukúwympkiyas, or clowns, also perform this function. The típoni or Katcina badge of office is not carried in every celebration, nor does the Katcina chief, Íntiwa, always lead the line.

The one garment worn by the male Katcinas is the ceremonial kilt. This is not confined to them, but is likewise worn in other ceremonials, as in the Snake-Antelope observance and in minor celebrations. Every male Katcina, whatever his helmet, has one of these about his loins. It is made of coarse cotton, on the ends of which are embroidered symbolic figures of rain-clouds, falling rain, and lightning. Ordinarily half of the width is painted green, and the lower edge is black, with nine square blocks of the same color at regular intervals. This kilt is represented on many dolls of the Katcinas figured in my article on that subject.[95]

The Katcinas, irrespective of the special personage depicted, wear a broad cotton sash with knotted strings at the proximal end. In this belt spruce branches are held. A fox-skin depends from the belt, and turtle-shell rattles on the leg are invariably part of a Katcina’s costume. Moccasins and heel bands are prescribed and bodily decoration with pigments is common, but none of the above are characteristic of special kinds of Katcinas. The mask is in general the one distinctive characteristic of a definite personification.

SÍOCÁLAKO

The Shálako is one of the most important observances at Zuñi, and is partially described by Cushing in an article on his life in Zuñi.[96] An exhaustive account, however, has never been published. The Hopi occasionally celebrate a Cálako, which from its name and other reasons is undoubtedly an incorporated modification of this ceremonial, as the Tusayan legends distinctly state.[97] The following pages give an outline of the Hopi presentation as a contribution to the comparative study of Pueblo ritual. A complete account of the Shálako at Zuñi is a great desideratum before it is possible to undertake close comparisons.

The presentation of Cálako is not an annual event at the East mesa of Tusayan, but occurs after long intervals of time. The paraphernalia are kept in a house in Sitcomovi and belong to the Badger clan. The house in which they are deposited is the property of Koĭkáamü, the daughter of Masiúmtiwa’s eldest sister, now deceased, and the wími likewise belong to her by descent.

The chiefs of all the gentes in Walpi and Sitcomovi, the chief of the Katcinas, and one or two others from Hano assembled in this house on the 16th of July, 1893, and made a large number (over two hundred) of páhos for use in the ceremonials to be described.

Early on the morning of the next day the masks and effigies of Siocálako were renovated and carried to the spring called Kwañwába (sweet water), which is situated on the Zuñi trail southward from the mesa. In a modern house owned by a Sitcomovi family[98] at this spring the masks were repainted and the hoops which were used to make a framework for the bodies were set around with eagle feathers.