Troy and Its Remains A Narrative of Researches and Discoveries Made on the Site of Ilium and in the Trojan Plain

Chapter XVIII., No. 175. p. 261.

Chapter 473,069 wordsPublic domain

[235] It is perhaps unnecessary to remind the reader again how the Author afterwards gave up the idea of this distinction between the city and its Pergamus.--{ED.}

[236] A handle such as this, or as that shown at p. 260 (No. 174), seems well suited for the long _leaning-staff_ (σκῆπτρον, from σκήπτομαι, “to lean upon”) which, in Homer, is the symbol of royal authority, and with which Ulysses beat Thersites. (_Iliad_, II. 46, 265, _et passim_.)--{ED.}

[237] See a similar example in Chapter XX., p. 286.

[238] Plate XXXIV., No. 404.

[239] See p. 65.

[240] May they have been for flaying the sacrificed animals, a sharp flint being better for this purpose than a copper knife, and perhaps also being preferred to metal as less contaminated by human labour?--{ED.}

[241] _Iliad_, XII. 445-462.

[242] _Iliad_, V. 302-310.

[243] Nor are even these now considered to be Byzantine; see Chapter XXII., p. 320, and Introduction, p. 30.--[ED.]

[244] Homer’s _Iliad_, III. 362; IV. 459; VI. 9; XIII. 132; XVI. 216.

[245] Few coincidences have struck us more than the comparison of these helmet-crests with the frequent allusions in Homer, especially where “Hector of the dancing helmet-crest” (κορυθαίολος Ἕκτωρ), takes off the helmet that frightened his child (_Iliad_, VI. 469, foll.):--

Ταρβήσας χαλκόν τε ἰδὲ λόφον ἱππιοχαίτην Δεινὸν ἀπ' ἀκροτάτης κόρυθος νεύοντα νοήσας.

"Scared by the brazen helm and horse-hair plume, That nodded, fearful, on the warrior's crest."

No such plumed helmets are found among the remains of “pre-historic” barbarous races. The skeletons, with the helmets and lances beside them, bear striking witness to a city taken by storm. In Homer, the Trojans under the command of “the crested Hector” are “valiant with lances” (μεμαότες ἐγχείῃσιν, _Iliad_, II. 816-818).--{ED.}

[246] Compare Plan II. with the whole of the following description.

[247] See Plate XI.B. Six of the jars are shown, and a seventh (broken) lies outside of the cut to the right. The two largest of all are out of view, on the other side of the wall of the magazine, but one of them is seen in the view on Plate XI.A, in the left-hand bottom corner.

[248] See No. 29, p. 36.

[249] No. 207, p. 294.

[250] No. 208, p. 294. Respecting such an impersonation of the goddess Hera, see pp. 113, 114, 353.

[251] No. 209, on this page.

[252] Strabo, XIII. p. 589.

[253] Strabo, XIII. p. 609.

[254] Plutarch, _Life of Lucullus_.

[255] _Hist. Nat._, XXXV. 12, s. 55.

[256] Waddington, _Fastes des Provinces Asiatiques de l’Empire Romain_. Paris, 1872, pp. 43-44.

[257] Pape-Benseler, _Lexikon der Eigennamen_.

[258] It will be seen presently that Dr. Schliemann ultimately limited the ancient city of Troy to the “Pergamus” itself.--{ED.}

[259] _Iliad_, III. 146-244:--

“Attending there on aged Priam, sat The Elders of the city; .... All these were gathered at the Scæan Gates. ... so on Ilion’s Tower Sat the sage chiefs and councillors of Troy. Helen they saw, as to the Tower she came.”

[260] Iliad, VI. 390-393:--

Ἦ ῥα γυνὴ ταμίη· ὁ δ’ ἀπέσσυτο δώματος Ἕκτωρ Τὴν αὐτὴν ὁδὸν αὖτις ἐϋκτιμένας κατ’ ἀγυιὰς. Εὖτε πύλας ἵκανε διερχόμενος μέγα ἄστυ Σκαιάς, τῇ γὰρ ἔμελλε διεξίμεναι πεδίονδε----

“So spoke the ancient dame; and Hector straight Through the wide streets his rapid steps retraced. But when at last the mighty city’s length Was traversed, and the Scæan Gates were reached, Whence was the outlet to the plain----”

[261] This edifice, now first laid open from beneath the ashes which covered it in the burning of the city, was found by Dr. Schliemann in the very state to which, in Homer, Agamemnon threatens to reduce it: “The house of Priam _blackened with fire_” (Iliad, II. 414, 415):

Πρίν με κατὰ πρηνὲς βαλέειν Πριάμοιο μέλαθρον Αἰθαλόεν, πρῆσαι δὲ πυρὸς δηΐοιο θύρετρα.

[262] In the letter-press to the Atlas of Photographs this object is described as “a brilliant dark-red Vase, 62 centimeters (above 2 feet) high, with the owl-face of Troy’s tutelar goddess, her two breasts, a necklace, and a royal scarf round the whole body. It is remarkable that this vase has not the two uplifted arms of the goddess, which are wanting in no other case, and that it has only two handles.”

[263] The Inscription on this Vase has been discussed by Professor Gomperz, who also pronounces the characters on it as well as on the other vase (No. 221) to be Cyprian writing. (See Appendix.)

[264] Compare the Introduction, p. 50.

[265] See Cut, No. 54, p. 87.

[266] This most curious vase is engraved in the Introduction, No. 31, p. 37.

[267] See the passage quoted below to illustrate the shield found among the Treasure (Chapter XXIII., p. 324).

[268] See the illustration, No. 7, p. 25.

[269] This looks very much like the signet-cylinders of the Assyrian and Babylonian kings.--{ED.}

[270] This is drawn as a _whorl_, and is so called by Dr. Schliemann in a letter, informing us that it is found to bear an Inscription. It is not described in the letter-press to the Photographs.--{ED.}

[271] Thus Hephæstus places a δέπας ἀμφικύπελλον in the hand of his mother, Hera, and she takes it from his hand (Homer’s _Iliad_, I. 584-5, 596).--{ED.}

[272] See the Cuts placed as headings to the “Table of Contents,” and “List of Illustrations.”

[273] See Plan II., and Plan III. on p. 306, at the mark _b_.

[274] See Plan II., and _c_ on Plan III., p. 306. Compare p. 213.

[275] See the spot marked on Plan II. No. 42, and Plate XIII. _a_.

[276] The articles belonging to the Treasure are partly engraved on seven separate Plates (XIV.--XX.), and partly marked with TR. in the cuts. They were found at a depth of 8½ meters, nearly 28 feet. The _General View of the Treasure_ (Plate III., opposite p. 22) shows a few objects which are either so like others, or so insignificant, as not to need a separate delineation.

[277] See Plate XIV., No. 234. This round shield of copper (or bronze?), with its central boss, and the furrow and rim so suitable for holding together a covering of ox-hides, reminds us irresistibly of the seven-fold shield of Ajax:--_Iliad_, VII. 219-223 (cf. 245-247):--

Αἴας δ’ ἐγγύθεν ἦλθε φέρων σάκος ἠΰτε πύργον, Χάλκεον ἑπταβόειον, ὅ οἱ Τυχίος κάμε τεύχων, Σκυτοτόμων ὄχ’ ἄριστος, Ὕλῃ ἔνι οἰκία ναίων, Ὅς οἱ ἐποίησεν σάκος αἰόλον ἑπταβόειον, Ταύρων ζατρεφέων, ἐπὶ δ’ ὄγδοον ἤλασε χαλκόν.

“Ajax approached; before him, as a tower, His mighty shield he bore, seven-fold, brass-bound, The work of Tychius, best artificer That wrought in leather; he in Hyla dwelt. Of seven-fold hides the ponderous shield was wrought Of lusty bulls: the eighth was glittering brass.”

It is equally striking to compare the shield of the Treasure with the description of Sarpedon’s shield, with its round plate of hammered copper (or bronze), and its covering of ox-hides, fastened to the inner edge of the rim by gold wires or rivets (_Iliad_, XII. 294-297):--

Αὐτίκα δ’ ἀσπίδα μὲν πρόσθ’ ἔσχετο πάντοσ’ ἐΐσην Καλὴν χαλκείην ἐξήλατον, ἣν ἄρα χαλκεὺς Ἤλασεν, ἔντοσθεν δὲ βοείας ῥάψε θαμειὰς Χρυσείῃς ῥάβδοισι διηνέκεσιν περὶ κύκλον.

“His shield’s broad _orb_ before his breast he bore, Well wrought, _of beaten brass_, which the armourer’s hand Had beaten out, and lined with stout bull’s hide With golden rods, continuous, all around."--{ED.}

[278] See Plate XIV., No. 235. In the Iliad the λέβης is used almost always as a caldron, and is often given as a prize at games; in the Odyssey it is always used for washing the hands or feet. This one shows the marks of a fearful conflagration, and near the left handle are seen two fragments of copper weapons (a lance and a battle-axe) firmly molten on. (Description to the Atlas of Photographs.)

[279] See Plate XV., No. 236. This remarkable object lay at the top of the whole mass, and Dr. Schliemann supposes it to have formed a hasp to the lid of the wooden chest in which the Treasure was packed. (Description in Atlas.)

[280] These vessels of gold are shown on Plate XV., Nos. 237, 238.

[281] Plate XVI., Nos. 239, 240.

[282] Or, as suggested in the ‘Quarterly Review’ for April 1874, a person, holding the cup before him by the two handles, may have poured a libation from the further spout and then have drunk out of the nearer. Thus Achilles used a choice goblet (δέπας) for drinking wine and pouring libations to the gods. (_Iliad_, XVI., 225-228.)

We are indebted to Mr. J. W. Lockhart for the following account of a double-spouted boat-shaped bronze vessel, used in a similar manner in the Chinese temples:--“In China there is a vessel of very nearly the same shape, but with ears prolonged till they rise an inch above the cup: the cup stands on three legs and is, in fact, a tripod. Such cups are used in the temples, especially in the ancestral temples of the real religion of China, when offerings are made to the _manes_ of ancestors. The cups are filled with wine, when placed on the altar before the idol shrine, or before the ancestral tablet; and the wine is afterwards partly drunk and partly poured out as a libation.” Such vessels are used in pairs, and our drawing is made from one of a pair in Mr. Lockhart’s possession. It is of _bronze_, 6 inches long, and 6½ inches high, including the legs. The width is 2 inches between the upright ears, and 2-3/8 inches at the broadest part. There is only _one_ handle. Mr. Lockhart calls attention to the “key” ornament round the cup, which is so well known in the purest Greek art, as a sign of Chinese influence on the art of Western Asia and Europe. Mr. Lockhart also reads Chinese characters on some of the Trojan whorls. We are under a deep obligation to Mr. Lockhart for his spontaneous offer of this very interesting illustration of one of the most striking and (as we before supposed) _unique_ objects discovered by Dr. Schliemann.--{ED.}

[283] Plate XVIII., No. 248.

[284] See Plate XVII., No. 242.

[285] The two largest weigh, respectively, a little over and a little under 6 oz., and the other four are all a little over 5½ oz., troy. The _gramme_ is 15·43235 grains, that is, a little less than 15½ grains.

[286] _Iliad_, XXIII. 262-270 (cf. vv. 612-616). The passage furnishes other striking parallels to Dr. Schliemann’s discoveries. The _tripod with ears containing 22 measures_, which is added to the woman for the first prize (καὶ τρίποδ’ ὠτώεντα δυωκαιεικοσίμετρον) calls to mind the vessel from the Trojan stratum, No. 199, p. 285. The _fifth_ prize is a _double-handled flat cup (or dish) untouched by fire_, i. e. wrought with the hammer (ἀμφίθετον φιάλην ἀπύρωτον ἔθηκεν). The _metal_ is not specified, but its coming next to the two _gold talents_ suggests _silver_, and Dr. Schliemann found silver φιάλαι with side-rings in the Treasure and the Palace. The passage seems to confirm Schliemann’s interpretation of δέπας ἀμφικύπελλον, for what sort of a vessel can we conceive of as a double dish joined bottom to bottom? We know side-dishes with their covers can be used as two dishes, but what would be the use of joining them? Aristarchus, indeed, explained ἀμφίθετος as _double_, i.e. _standing on both ends_, after the supposed analogy of ἀμφικύπελλον, but Eustathius interpreted it as _with handles on both sides_, after the sounder analogy of ἀμφιφορεύς. These cumulative analogies between Hissarlik and Homer, gathered incidentally to a climax at the end of each work, are very striking.--{ED.}

[287] See Plate XVIII., No. 249.

[288] Ibid., No. 250.

[289] Ibid., No. 251.

[290] For these four vessels see Plate XVII., Nos. 243-246. The silver bottles, with the caps and the side-rings to both, remind us of modern travelling flasks.--{ED.}

[291] _Iliad_, XXIV. 228:--Ἦ, καὶ φωριαμῶν ἐπιθήματα κάλ’ ἀνέῳγεν, where the “beautiful lids” remind us of the terra-cotta pattern which Dr. Schliemann takes for the inlaying of a chest. (No. 77, p. 129). In the _Iliad_, XVI., 221, Achilles opens the lid of the beautiful decorated chest (χηλοῦ δ’ ἀπὸ πῶμ’ ἀνέῳγεν καλῆς δαιδαλέης), to take out the goblet for pouring his libation. The contents of Priam’s chests may also be well compared with the articles of the Treasure:--

“He chose twelve gorgeous shawls, twelve single cloaks, As many rugs, as many splendid robes, As many tunics; then of gold he took Ten _talents_ full; two tripods, burnished bright, Four _caldrons_; then a _cup of beauty rare_, A rich possession, which the men of Thrace Had given, when there he went ambassador; E’en this he spared not, such his keen desire His son to ransom."--{ED.}

[292] The diadem discovered by Dr. Schliemann can scarcely have been the κρήδεμνον of Homer, which was a large veil or mantilla, such, for instance, as the sea-goddess Ino gives to Ulysses, to buoy him up on the water (_Od._ v. 346). This diadem would rather seem to be, as Mr. Gladstone has suggested, the πλεκτὴ ἀναδέσμη, which Andromache casts from her head in her mourning for Hector, where the order of the words implies that it was worn over the κρήδεμνον. _Il._ XXII. 469-471:--

Τῆλε δ’ ἀπὸ κρατὸς βάλε δέσματα σιγαλόεντα, Ἄμπυκα κεκρύφαλόν τε ἰδὲ πλεκτὴν ἀναδέσμην Κρήδεμνόν θ', ὅ ῥά οἱ δῶκε χρυσέη Ἀφροδίτη.

“Far off were flung the adornments of her head, The net, the _fillet_, and the _woven band_, The nuptial-veil by golden Venus given."--{ED.}

Our illustration (Plate XIX., Nos. 276, 277) represents one diadem as set up by Dr. Schliemann, and the other as it might have been worn on the head of a Trojan lady.--{ED.}

[293] These objects are more fully described, and figured, in the following pages.

[294] See Plate XX., Nos. 279, 280, for a representation of the fillet and ear-rings. The four “ear-rings” remind us, both by their _form_ and _material_, of the “_beautifully twined tassels of solid gold_” which fringed the _Ægis_ of Athena: _Iliad_, II. 448, 449:--

Τῆς ἑκατὸν θύσανοι παγχρύσεοι ἠερέθονται, Πάντες ἐϋπλεκέες, ἑκατόμβοιος δὲ ἕκαστος.

“all around A hundred tassels hung, rare works of art, All gold, each one a hundred oxen’s price.”

Again, when Hera adorns herself to captivate Jove, her zone is fringed with a hundred tassels, and her _ear-rings_ are described in terms corresponding exactly to the _triple leaves_ seen on some of Schliemann’s (_Iliad_, XIV. 181-3):--

Ζώσατο δὲ ζώνην ἑκατὸν θυσάνοις ἀραρυῖαν, Ἐν δ’ ἄρα ἕρματα ἧκεν ἐϋτρήτοισι λοβοῖσιν Τρίγληνα μορόεντα· χάρις δ’ ἀπελάμπετο πολλή.

“Her zone, from which a hundred tassels hung, She girt about her; and, _in three bright drops_, Her glittering gems suspended from her ears; And all around her grace and beauty shone."--{ED.}

[295] Some of these are shown on Plate XX., No. 278.

[296] Dr. Schliemann has strung these in two sets, one of which, consisting of 4610 pieces, is represented as Cut No. 282. The other set, of 4090 pieces, is precisely similar. The small jewels described are shown in detail on Plate XX., No. 278.

[297] See Plate XX., at top.

[298] The subsequent analysis by M. Damour, of Lyon, has, however, shown the presence of tin in some of the articles of the Treasure, see Note C, p. 361.--{ED.}

[299] _Iliad_, VII. 452-453.

[300] No. 5, on p. 24. (See Appendix.)

[301] These silver φιάλαι, as shown in the photographs, are too much battered to be worth engraving; but we give a very fine large silver vase, which was found in a room of the Palace.--{ED.}

[302] _Iliad_, IV. 52.

[303] Nothing can be clearer than Homer’s own testimony on this point, when he invokes the Muses to inspire him with the knowledge of what he had only heard by report (_Iliad_, II. 484-487):--

Ἔσπετε νῦν μοι, Μοῦσαι Ὀλύμπια δώματ’ ἔχουσαι,-- Ὑμεῖς γὰρ θεαί ἐστε, πάρεστέ τε, ἴστε τε πάντα, Ἡμεῖς δὲ κλέος οἶον ἀκούομεν, οὐδέ τι ἴδμεν-- Οἵ τινες ἡγεμόνες Δαναῶν καὶ κοίρανοι ἦσαν.

“Say now, ye Nine, who on Olympus dwell, Muses--for ye are Goddesses, and ye Were present, and know all things: _we ourselves But hear from Rumour’s voice_, and nothing know-- Who were the chiefs and mighty lords of Greece."--{ED.}

[304] See No. 14 on the Plate of Idols, p. 36.

[305] Plan I.

[306] Plan II.

[307] Plan III. (see p. 306).

[308] XIII. p. 599, ed. Forbiger.

[309] Certainly not; but they may have served for burning charcoal or incense.--{ED.}

[310] See the similar example, No. 208, p. 294.

[311] This refers, of course, to Dr. Schliemann’s Atlas of photographic illustrations, of which all the most valuable are reproduced in the present translation in a greatly improved style of execution.--{ED.}

[312] _Æneid_, III. 302-305:--

“Ante urbem in luco, falsi Simoëntis ad undam, Libabat cineri Andromache manesque vocabat Hectoreum ad tumulum, viridi quem cæspite inanem, Et geminas, causam lacrimis, sacraverat aras.”

[313] The _gramme_ = 15·43235 _grains_; or, approximately, 15¼ _grains_. The _ounce_ (avoirdupois) = 437½ _grains_; and the _pound_, 16 oz., = 7000 grs.

[314] Dr. Schliemann’s work records several interesting examples of his first impressions on this point, and he appears more often to have mistaken written characters for mere symbols or ornaments than the other way.

[315] Curtius, _Die Ionier vor der Wanderung_, Berlin, 1855.

[316] Chabas, _Études sur l’Antiquité historique_, Paris, 1872, p. 190.

[317] Genesis x. 4, 5. The essential letters of the Hebrew name [Hebrew: Javan] are identical with the Greek ΙΩΝ (Ion), and both are equivalent to the _Yavanas_, the “younger race” of the old Aryan traditions, who migrated to the West, while the elder branch remained in the East. On the whole subject the Editor may be permitted to refer to the _Student’s Ancient History of the East_, especially to Chapter XX., on the Nations of Asia Minor, which contains a discussion of the Hellenic affinities of the Phrygians and Trojans in particular.

[318] Brandis, _Versuch zur Entzifferung der Kyprioten Schrift_, Berlin, 1873. See also the Life of Brandis by Curtius: _Johannes Brandis, ein Lebensbild_, von Ernst Curtius, 1873.

[319] See pp. 83, 137, 161.

[320] ‘The Augsburg Gazette’ (_Augsburger Allgemeine Zeitung_), 1874, p. 32.

[321] The whorl on the left hand (the one discussed by Haug and Gomperz) is engraved from M. Burnouf’s more accurate drawing in our lithographed Plate LI., No. 496; the other is given at page 161; but they are repeated here (from Schliemann’s Atlas, Pl. 13, No. 432, Pl. 6, No. 208) in order to exhibit their identity. It is remarkable that these whorls, belonging to an age when writing was already known, are very coarse, both in material and work.

[322] Professor Gomperz gave an interesting and eloquent account of his labours and their results in two papers in the ‘Vienna Evening Post’ (_Wiener Abendpost_) for May 6th, and June 26th, 1874.

[323] The ‘_Academy_’ for June 6th, 1874.

[324] From a letter to the Editor, dated Vienna, Dec. 9th, 1874, written in English, as here quoted.

[325] Professor Gomperz adds that his change of opinion was at once communicated to Moritz Schmidt, and published by him in a postscript to his work, ‘Die Inschrift von Idalion und das Kyprische Syllabar.’ It has also been published by Gomperz’s colleague, Professor Conze, in an article on Schliemann’s discoveries in the ‘Preussische Jahrbücher.’

The _Academy_ of November 28th, 1874 (p. 591), quotes from the _Nation_ the following summary of the proceedings at the meeting of the _Oriental Society_, held in New York at the end of October:--

“One of the most elaborate and interesting of the papers presented was a review and criticism of the _Progress of Decipherment of the Cypriote Inscriptions, with original additions_, by Mr. J. H. HALL. The latest and best German investigator in this field, MORITZ SCHMIDT, laments that he has not, in trustworthy form, the material from the _Di Cesnola collections_; this Mr. Hall has undertaken to furnish him.”

We have now a fresh reason to lament the misfortune by which the Di Cesnola collection was lost to our Museum.

[326] See B. Schröder, _Die phonicische Sprache_; Halle, 1869, p. 2, fol.

[327] Besides the numbers of our own engravings, those of Schliemann’s Atlas are given, as they have been hitherto used for reference in the discussion by Haug, Gomperz, Max Müller, and other scholars.

[328] Identical design, but different material.