d. Evidence

_Prosecution Documents_

Doc. No. Pros. Ex. No. Description of Document Page NO-085 175 Letter from Sievers to Rudolf Brandt, 9 748 February 1942, and report by Hirt concerning the acquisition of skulls of Jewish-Bolshevik Commissars. NO-086 177 Letter from Sievers to Rudolf Brandt, 2 750 November 1942, requesting with Himmler’s approval, 150 skeletons. NO-087 181 Letter from Sievers to Eichmann (copy to 751 Rudolf Brandt), 21 June 1943, concerning selection of subjects for a skeleton collection. NO-807 185 Tank containing formaldehyde for the 905 preservation of corpses; corpses assembled in tanks prior to dissection; corpse showing incisions in preparation for dissection. (_See Selections from Photographic Evidence of the Prosecution._)

_Defense Documents_

Doc. No. Def. Ex. No. Description of Document Page Sievers 45 Sievers Ex. 46 Extract from the affidavit of Dr. Gisela 752 Schmitz, 27 March 1947, on Sievers’ position in the Ahnenerbe Society and his connection with the skeleton collection. Sievers 54 Sievers Ex. 50 Regulations for the Commandos 754 (Einsatzkommandos) of the Security Police and the Security Service to be activated in Stalags.

_Testimony_

Extract from the testimony of defendant Rudolf Brandt 757

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT NO-085 PROSECUTION EXHIBIT 175

LETTER FROM SIEVERS TO RUDOLF BRANDT, 9 FEBRUARY 1942, AND REPORT BY HIRT CONCERNING THE ACQUISITION OF SKULLS OF JEWISH-BOLSHEVIK COMMISSARS

The Ahnenerbe The Reich Business Manager

Berlin, 9 February 1942 G/R/2 page 1

To: SS Sturmbannfuehrer Dr. Brandt Berlin SW 11, Prinz Albrecht Strasse 8

Secret Dear Comrade Brandt:

For the reason that Professor Dr. Hirt has in the meantime become seriously ill, I regret that I have been unable to submit any sooner Dr. Hirt’s report which you requested in your letter of 29 December 1941, Journal No. AR/493/37. He was stricken with pulmonary hemorrhages, the diagnosis was “cystlung”, so at least it is not TB. In addition to that he suffered from circulatory asthenia. At present he is still in the hospital, but hopes that the doctor will release him soon so that he can, at least to a limited degree, resume his work. Due to those circumstances Professor Hirt was able to furnish only a preliminary report which, however, I still should like to submit to your attention. The report concerns—

1. His research in the field of microscopy of living tissues, the discovery of a new method of examination, and the construction of a new research microscope, and

2. a proposal for securing skulls of Jewish-Bolshevik Commissars.

As a supplement to report 1, some special publications are attached; of which the two parties from the “Zeiss Nachrichten” #10 (Vol. II) and 1-5 (Vol. III) facilitate most rapid general orientation, whereas other publications deal with difficult, individual scientific studies.

Sincerely yours Heil Hitler! [Signed] SIEVERS

_Enclosures_

* * * * *

_Enclosure_

Subject: Securing skulls of Jewish-Bolshevik Commissars for the purpose of scientific research at the Reich University of Strasbourg.

There exist extensive collections of skulls of almost all races and peoples. Of the Jewish race, however, only so very few specimens of skulls are at the disposal of science that a study of them does not permit precise conclusions. The war in the East now presents us with the opportunity to remedy this shortage. By procuring the skulls of the Jewish-Bolshevik Commissars, who personify a repulsive yet characteristic subhumanity, we have the opportunity of obtaining tangible scientific evidence.

The actual obtaining and collecting of these skulls without difficulty could be best accomplished by a directive issued to the Wehrmacht in the future to immediately turn over alive all Jewish-Bolshevik Commissars to the field police [Feldpolizei]. The field police in turn is to be issued special directives to continually inform a certain office of the number and place of detention of these captured Jews and to guard them well until the arrival of a special deputy. This special deputy, commissioned with the collection of the material (a junior physician attached to the Wehrmacht or even the field police, or a medical student equipped with car and driver), is to take a prescribed series of photographs and anthropological measurements, and is to ascertain, insofar as is possible, the origin, date of birth, and other personal data of the prisoner. Following the subsequently induced death of the Jew, whose head must not be damaged, he will separate the head from the torso and will forward it to its point of destination in a preserving fluid in a well-sealed tin container especially made for this purpose. On the basis of the photos, the measurements and other data on the head and, finally, the skull itself, comparative anatomical research, research on racial classification, pathological features of the skull formation, form and size of the brain, and many other things can begin. In accordance with its scope and tasks, the new Reich University of Strasbourg would be the most appropriate place for the collection of and research on the skulls thus acquired.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT NO-086 PROSECUTION EXHIBIT 177

LETTER FROM SIEVERS TO RUDOLF BRANDT, 2 NOVEMBER 1942, REQUESTING WITH HIMMLER’S APPROVAL, 150 SKELETONS

The Ahnenerbe The Reich Business Manager

Berlin, 2 November 1942 [Stamp] Personal Staff Reich Leader SS Registration of Files Secret 5/116

Secret

To: SS Obersturmbannfuehrer Dr. Brandt Berlin

Dear Comrade Brandt!

The Reich Leader SS once ordered, as you know, that SS Hauptsturmfuehrer Prof. Dr. Hirt should be provided with all necessary material for his research work. I have already reported to the Reich Leader SS that for some anthropological studies 150 skeletons of inmates or Jews are needed and should be provided by the Auschwitz concentration camp. It is only necessary for the Reich Security Main Office to be furnished now with an official directive by the Reich Leader SS; by order of the Reich Leader SS, however, you could issue it yourself.

Sincerely yours, Heil Hitler! [Signed] SIEVERS

1 enclosure: Draft of a letter to the Reich Security Main Office

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT NO-087 PROSECUTION EXHIBIT 181

LETTER FROM SIEVERS TO EICHMANN (COPY TO RUDOLF BRANDT), 21 JUNE 1943, CONCERNING SELECTION OF SUBJECTS FOR A SKELETON COLLECTION

[Handwritten] XI a 56

Ahnenerbe Office Institute for Military Scientific Research G/H/6, S2/He.

Berlin-Dahlem, Puecklerstrasse 16, 21 June 1943 Top Secret

G.R.Z.I. A.H. Sk. No. 10 5 copies—2d copy no enclosures

To Reich Security Main Office Office IV B 4 Attention: SS Obersturmbannfuehrer Eichmann, Berlin SW 11, Prinz Albrecht Strasse 8 Subject: Assembling of a skeleton collection.

With reference to your letter of 25 September 1942, IV B 4 3576/42 g 1488, and the personal talks which have taken place in the meantime on the above matter, you are informed that the coworker in this office who was charged with the execution of the above-mentioned special task, SS Hauptsturmfuehrer Dr. Bruno Beger, ended his work in the Auschwitz concentration camp on 15 June 1943 because of the existing danger of infectious diseases.

A total of 115 persons were worked on, 79 of whom were Jews, 2 Poles, 4 Asiatics, and 30 Jewesses. At present, these prisoners are separated according to sex and each group is accommodated in a hospital building of the Auschwitz concentration camp and are in quarantine.

For further processing of the selected persons an _immediate transfer to the Natzweiler concentration camp is now imperative_; this must be accelerated in view of the _danger of infectious diseases in Auschwitz_. Enclosed is a list containing the names of the selected persons.

It is requested that the necessary directives be issued.

Since with the transfer of the prisoners to Natzweiler the danger of spreading diseases exists, it is requested that an immediate shipment of _disease-free and clean prisoners’ clothing_ for 80 men and 30 women be ordered sent from Natzweiler to Auschwitz.

At the same time one must provide for the accommodation of the _30 women_ in the Natzweiler concentration camp for a short period.

[Signature] SIEVERS SS Standartenfuehrer

Carbon copies to— _a._ SS Hauptsturmfuehrer Dr. Beger _b._ SS Hauptsturmfuehrer Prof. Hr. Hirt _c._ SS Obersturmbannfuehrer Dr. Brandt

PARTIAL TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT SIEVERS 45 SIEVERS DEFENSE EXHIBIT 46

EXTRACT FROM THE AFFIDAVIT OF DR. GISELA SCHMITZ, 27 MARCH 1947, ON SIEVERS’ POSITION IN THE AHNENERBE SOCIETY AND HIS CONNECTION WITH THE SKELETON COLLECTION

* * * * *

In 1937 I was appointed Secretary in the Research and Instruction Society, the Ahnenerbe, Registered Association, where I remained until the end of the war in 1945. During all these years I worked for Wolfram Sievers, who was Reich Business Manager, and I gained thereby a fairly comprehensive insight into the organization of the Ahnenerbe and into Sievers activity.

The organization of the Ahnenerbe during the time when I was attached to it was as follows:

Himmler was the president; Professor Wuest, Rector of Munich University, was his curator; Sievers was responsible to the latter as Reich Business Manager.

An internal code of procedure laid down as a regulation for the Reich Business Manager stipulated that all decisive functions were the concern of the department chief and curator of the Ahnenerbe. According to this all decisions had to be obtained by the Reich Business Manager from the department chief if they were not dealt with by the president. Professor Wuest had the right to report direct to Himmler as president on all questions; Sievers could only do so on administrative concerns, and then only when Himmler consulted him on special matters and requested a report of him.

Sievers’ own sphere was financial and staff administration and the supervision of the business dealings of the Ahnenerbe. In scientific matters Sievers was denied the right to issue any orders. He was also forbidden personally to sign letters concerning scientific matters. However, as it was not always possible in practice to send all letters from Berlin to Munich, the domicile and permanent residence of the curator, for signature, Sievers often signed; Wuest then countersigned the copy.

When in 1942 the Ahnenerbe became a department of the personal staff of the Reich Leader SS, Professor Wuest became department chief. He was thus made responsible for all matters of administration and personnel, which had hitherto been the responsibility of the Reich Business Manager. Himmler personally made it quite clear to Sievers that he was not to interfere in scientific affairs.

In this connection I mention briefly the Ahnenerbe diary which it was Sievers’ duty, as Reich Business Manager, to write up. By express order of Himmler, all departments of the Reich Leader SS had to keep diaries. They were a hobby-horse of Himmler’s, and failure to comply with this order would have had very unpleasant consequences for the person responsible. Sievers who was frequently away from Berlin used to dictate the diary entries on his return. I know that the entries would not always have been able to stand close examination—they were inaccurate in parts and sometimes fabricated. Sievers insisted upon keeping the diary ostensibly correct, so as not to offend Himmler. The reasons for this will be explained by a later part of my statement. Sievers also mentioned to me the collection of Jewish-Bolshevik skulls, which was planned by Professor Hirt of Strasbourg.

Document NO-085, Prosecution Exhibit 175, regarding the collection of Jewish skeletons has been submitted to me. With the exception of the last paragraph which begins with the words “For the preservation * * *”, the report was—as far as I remember—drafted by Dr. Bruno Beger who had come from the SS Race and Settlement Main Office (RuSHA).[86] I first saw the report in the autumn of 1941. The report had already been circulated in all possible offices and one copy had also been sent to the Ahnenerbe. The reasons why the report had also been sent to the Ahnenerbe are unknown to me; in any case, Sievers showed me this proposal with all signs of horror and defined it as a hybrid outgrowth of the propaganda which at that time used to describe the eastern nations as “subhuman.” The report itself was filed away, as it did not concern us, or passed on to the chief of the Ahnenerbe, Professor Wuest, as it was really a “scientific” matter. One day Sievers told me that Himmler had mentioned this matter in a private conversation—I believe it was in connection with Professor Hirt—and ordered the document to be submitted after obtaining an opinion from Professor Hirt. Hirt then added the last paragraph. With this addition the report was forwarded to the personal staff of the Reich Leader SS and to Dr. Rudolf Brandt.

With regard to the Document NO-087, Prosecution Exhibit 181, as shown to me, I can state: the letter to the Reich Security Main Office bears the dictation reference S 2/Ha. According to this, the letter was not dictated by Sievers himself, but—as I remember—by Dr. Beger who dictated the letter in the office of subdepartment Chief Wolff, whose reference number was S 2.

With regard to Document NO-088, Prosecution Exhibit 182, I can say that Professor Hirt had asked by telephone for a decision on the suggestions which appear at the end of this document. Sievers only passed this request of Hirt on to the personal staff of the Reich Leader SS.

Sievers spoke to me repeatedly about the experiments on humans and also about the collection of skeletons and always said that these things were very much against his inner feelings. Repeatedly, I had an opportunity to see how much Sievers suffered in this connection. He sometimes had pronounced periods of depression.

* * * * *

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT SIEVERS 54 SIEVERS DEFENSE EXHIBIT 50

REGULATIONS FOR THE COMMANDOS (EINSATZKOMMANDOS)[87] OF THE SECURITY POLICE AND THE SECURITY SERVICE TO BE ACTIVATED IN STALAGS

B 101 Enclosures 2 Office IV Berlin, 17 July 1941

Top Secret

The activation of commandos will take place in accordance with the agreement of the Chief of the Security Police and Security Service and the Supreme Command of the Armed Forces as of 16 July 1941. The commandos will work independently according to special authorization and in consequence of the general regulations given to them in the limits of the camp organizations. Naturally, the commandos will keep close contact with the camp commander and the defense officers assigned to him.

The mission of the commandos is the political investigating of all camp inmates, the elimination and further treatment—

_a._ of all political, criminal, or in some other way unbearable elements among them.

_b._ of those persons who could be used for the reconstruction of the occupied territories.

For the execution of their mission, no additional means can be put at the disposal of the commandos. The Deutsche Fahndungsbuch [German Wanted List] the Aufenthaltsermittlungsliste [Residence Locator List] and the Sonderfahndungsbuch UdSSR [Special Wanted List, Union of the Soviet Socialist Republic] will prove to be useful in only a small number of cases; the Sonderfahndungsbuch UdSSR is not sufficient, because it contains only a small part of Soviet Russians considered to be dangerous.

Therefore, the commandos must use their special knowledge and ability and rely on their own findings and self-acquired knowledge. Therefore, they will be able to start carrying out their mission only when they have gathered together appropriate material.

The commandos must use for their work as far as possible, at present and even later, the experiences of the camp commanders which the latter have collected meanwhile from observation of the prisoners and examinations of camp inmates.

Further, the commandos must make efforts from the beginning to seek out among the prisoners elements which appear reliable, regardless if there are Communists concerned or not, in order to use them for intelligence purposes inside of the camp and, if advisable, later in the occupied territories also.

By use of such informers and by use of all other existing possibilities, the discovery of all elements to be eliminated among the prisoners must succeed step by step at once. The commandos must learn for themselves, in every case, by means of short questioning of the informers and eventual questioning of other prisoners.

The information of one informer is not sufficient to designate a camp inmate to be a suspect without further proof; it must be confirmed in some way if possible.

Above all, the following must be discovered; all important functionaries of state and party, especially—

Professional revolutionaries.

Functionaries of the Comintern.

All policy forming party functionaries of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and its subsidiary organizations in the central committees, in the regional and district committees.

All Peoples Commissars and their deputies.

All former Political Commissars in the Red Army.

Leading personalities of the Main and intermediate offices of the state authorities.

Members of the Soviet Russian intelligentsia.

All Jews.

All persons who are found to be agitators or fanatical Communists.

It is not less important, as mentioned already, to discover all those persons who could be used for the reconstruction, administration, and management of the conquered Russian territories.

Finally, all such persons must be secured who are still needed for the completion of further investigation, regardless if they are police investigations or other investigations, and for settling questions of general interest. Among them are all those especially who, because of their position and their knowledge, are able to give information about measures and working methods of the Soviet-Russian State, of the Communist Party, or of the Comintern.

In the final analysis, consideration must be given to origin in all decisions to be made. The leader of the Einsatzkommando will give a short report every week by telephone or an express letter to the Reich Security Main Office, containing:

1. Short description of their activities in the past week.

2. Number of all definitely suspicious persons (report of number sufficient).

3. Individual names of all persons found to be functionaries of the Comintern, leading functionaries of the party, Peoples Commissars, leading personalities, and political commissars.

4. Number of all persons found not to be suspicious informers, with a short description of their position.

A. Prisoners of war.

B. Civilians.

On the basis of those activity reports the Reich Security Main Office will issue immediately the further measures to be applied. For the measures to be applied on the basis of this successive directive, the commandos are to demand the surrender of the prisoners involved from the camp command.

The camp commandants have received orders from the Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces to approve such requests.

Executions are not to be held in the camp or in the immediate vicinity of the camp. If the camps in the General Government are in the immediate vicinity of the border, then the prisoners are to be taken for special treatment, if possible, into former Soviet-Russian territory.

Should executions be necessary for reasons of camp discipline, then the leader of the Einsatzkommando must apply to the camp commander for it.

The commandos have to keep lists about the special treatments carried out and must contain—

Current number.

Family name and first name.

Date and place of birth.

Military rank.

Profession.

Last residence.

Reason for special treatment.

Day and place of special treatment (card file).

In regard to executions to be carried out and to the possible removal of reliable civilians and the removal of informers for the Einsatz group in the occupied territories, the leader of the Einsatzkommando must make an agreement with the nearest state police office, as well as with the commandant of the security police unit and security service and beyond these with the chief of the Einsatz group concerned in the occupied territories.

Reports of that kind are to be transmitted for information to the Reich Security Main Office, IV A 1. Excellent behavior during and after duty, the best cooperation with the camp commanders, and careful examinations are the duty of all leaders and members of the Einsatzkommando.

The members of the Einsatzkommando must be constantly aware of the special importance of the missions entrusted to them.

EXTRACT FROM THE TESTIMONY OF DEFENDANT RUDOLF BRANDT[88]

_DIRECT EXAMINATION_

* * * * *

DR. KAUFFMANN: Witness, I now put to you documents concerning, among other things, procuring skulls of Jewish-Bolshevist Commissars. Please look at page 1 of Document NO-085, Prosecution Exhibit 175. This is a letter from the Ahnenerbe, of 9 February 1942, addressed to you. It is a secret communication, and it bears Sievers’ signature. There are two annexes to this document. One of them concerns research into microscopy, and the other one concerns the suggestion for procuring the afore-mentioned skeletons for the purpose of scientific research. Now, I ask you whether you received this document, whether you are familiar with the contents of this letter, and whether you still remember it today?

DEFENDANT RUDOLF BRANDT: I received the letter with the inclosures, but I recall as little about this as I recall about the other matters.

Q. Do you wish to say then that you did not read the two inclosures to this letter?

A. That is what I really should like to say because, as I have already said, reports which were destined for the Reich Leader were put with the mail that he was to read personally, and it would have been the same in the case of Professor Hirt’s report, which is really incomprehensible to a lay reader.

Q. Perhaps I might point out to the Tribunal that the two inclosures are wrongly bound in the document. The first inclosure refers to the microscopic research and the second inclosure to the procuring of skeletons. Is that also your opinion, Herr Brandt?

A. Yes. That is how the letter states it. First, comes the microscopic study and then the other.

Q. Now, I ask you, with particular regard to the fact that you are testifying under oath, did you know in detail that, as can be seen from this report, human beings were to be killed and that the skulls or skeletons were then to be sent to the University of Strasbourg? Did you know these details?

A. No. I did not know these details.

Q. Would you tell us just what you did know, in broad terms?

A. I knew the contents of the letter which I sent on to Eichmann.

Q. This is Document NO-116, Prosecution Exhibit 178. In this letter you inform Eichmann that everything necessary would be done for Professor Hirt to build up this collection of skeletons, and you say further that SS Obersturmbannfuehrer Sievers will communicate with Eichmann as to the details of this. I now ask you, who is Eichmann?

A. I do not think that I had any idea who Eichmann was at that time. Sievers sent me the draft of this letter, which I certainly did not send on in this form as it appears here. As was always the case, I showed it to Himmler, and only then did I send it on. I am quite sure that I heard Eichmann’s name then for the first time. I did not know him otherwise, nor did I know him later.

Q. Can you not tell us whether you did not have some idea as to what was going on here in this whole business? When, for instance, one heard that a collection of skeletons was to be made, then one would surely ask oneself what was really going on?

A. I certainly had no other ideas concerning this matter than those that would normally arise in connection with a collection of skeletons for anatomical purposes; and it would never have occurred to me that any prisoners would be used for this except those who had died a normal death.

Q. Did you work on this affair independently thereafter, or did you submit the matter to Himmler for him to decide and arrange?

A. It was submitted to Himmler, like all other questions. To begin with I was not thoroughly versed in such matters, and secondly, owing to my lack of technical knowledge, I could not give orders or instructions for it to be carried out.

Q. I draw your attention now to Document NO-087, Prosecution Exhibit 181, again a letter to Eichmann marked “secret”, dated 21 June 1943. The letter was apparently sent by Sievers with copies for two other persons and also with a copy to be sent to you. This letter says that altogether 115 persons would be affected and that the selected persons should be sent to the concentration camp at Natzweiler. How would such a letter be handled by you in your registry office—I refer now to the copy which was sent to you? Did you again submit it to Himmler, and did you or someone else lay the letter aside?

A. I do not remember ever having seen this letter. The file note on it bears an initial that is not mine, but that of my collaborator Berg. He also initialed for filing several of the documents that are in the document book.

Q. Now, please look at the file note of Berg. (_NO-091, Pros. Ex. 183._) Would you say that that is the same Berg who initialed the foregoing document?

A. Yes. That is the same Berg.

Q. Now, please look at Document NO-091. Here it says, “Note—for SS Standartenfuehrer Dr. Brandt”, and it is signed by Berg. This reproduces a talk that Berg had with Sievers; do you remember seeing this notation?

A. I do not remember having seen it.

Q. Let me point out the date, 26 October 1944.

A. That was the last day of our stay at our East Prussian quarters. The Russians were only about 30 to 40 kilometers away. Berg would have made the note so that I could get a final report to Himmler. As, however, we had to clear out by that evening, there were more important things to do than to submit such a memorandum, so that possibly he did not show it to me at all.

[85] Trial before International Military Tribunal. See Trial of the Major War Criminals, vols. I-XLII, Nuremberg, 1947.

[86] See Case 8, United States _vs._ Ulrich Greifelt, et al. in vols. IV and V.

[87] See Case 9, United States _vs._ Otto Ohlendorf, et al. in vol. IV.

[88] Complete testimony is recorded in mimeographed transcript, 24, 25, 26 March 1947, pp. 4869-4994.

C. Project To Kill Tubercular Polish Nationals

a. Introduction

The defendants Blome and Rudolf Brandt were charged with participation in and responsibility for the murder and mistreatment of tens of thousands of Polish Nationals allegedly infected with incurable tuberculosis (par. 8 of the indictment). On this charge both defendants were acquitted.

The prosecution’s summation of the evidence and argumentation on this charge is contained in its closing brief against the defendant Blome. An extract from this brief is set forth below on pages 760 to 763. A corresponding summation of the evidence by the defense has been selected from the final plea for the defendant Blome. It appears below on pages 763 to 768. This argumentation is followed by selections from the evidence on pages 769 to 794.

b. Selection from the Argumentation of the Prosecution

_EXTRACT FROM THE CLOSING BRIEF AGAINST DEFENDANT BLOME_

* * * * *

_Personal Participation in Criminal Activities—Murder and Mistreatment of Polish Nationals_

By 1941 it was the accepted policy of the Third Reich to exterminate the Jewish population of Germany and the occupied countries. (IMT judgment.[89]) In pursuance of this policy the Reich Governor of the Warthegau, Greiser, obtained permission from Himmler to exterminate the Jewish population in this province. In a letter of 1 May 1942, he informed Himmler that the “special treatment” of about 100,000 Jews would be completed within 2 to 3 months. He stated that as soon as this task was completed, the “existing and efficient special commandos” could be used for the extermination of approximately 35,000 Polish Nationals who suffered from open tuberculosis. These Poles allegedly were a danger to the German officials and their families because they were a possible source of tubercular infection. Greiser went on to say:

“The ever-increasing risks were also recognized and appreciated by the deputy of the Reich Health Leader for Public Health [Reichsgesundheitsfuehrer] Comrade Professor Dr. Blome as well as by the leader of your X-ray battalion, SS Standartenfuehrer Prof. Dr. Hohlfelder.

“Though in Germany proper it is not possible to take appropriate draconic steps against this public plague, I think I could take responsibility for my suggestion to have cases of open tuberculosis exterminated among the Polish race here in the Warthegau. Of course, only a Pole should be handed over to such an action who is not only suffering from open tuberculosis, but whose incurability is proved and certified by a public health officer.

“Considering the urgency of this project I ask for your approval in principle as soon as possible. This would enable us to make the preparations with all necessary precautions now to get the action against the Poles suffering from open tuberculosis under way, while the action against the Jews is in its closing stages.” (_NO-246, Pros. Ex. 196._)

In a letter of 27 June 1942 Himmler gave consent in principle to this plan and instructed Greiser to discuss the individual measures in detail with the security police first, in order to assure an inconspicuous accomplishment of the task. (_NO-244, Pros. Ex. 201._) On 21 November 1942 Greiser informed Himmler that the examinations which were to be carried out in order to separate the curable and incurable would be executed by Professor Hohlfelder and his X-ray battalion. He estimated that the first utilization of the method would be in approximately six months. He further stated:

“In this stage of the proceedings, Professor Dr. Blome, in his capacity as Deputy Chief of the Public Health Office [Hauptamt fuer Volksgesundheit] of the NSDAP is raising some objections as to its execution, as he states in a letter of 18 November. These objections are expressed only now, although Dr. Blome and Dr. Hohlfelder and myself have spent months of preliminary work on examination, clarification, and straightening out the whole procedure.

“I enclose a copy of Blome’s letter of 18 November for your information * * *.” (_NO-249, Pros. Ex. 202._)

In this letter, Blome stated that among the Polish population of the province, at least 35,000 persons were suffering from open tuberculosis, and besides this number, about 120,000 consumptives were in need of treatment. This constituted an enormous danger to the German settlers in all parts of the province. In order to make further German immigration possible, counter measures were to be taken soon. Blome then outlined the three ways for the practical elimination of the danger of infection:

“1. Special treatment [Sonderbehandlung] of the seriously ill persons.

“2. Most rigorous isolation of the seriously ill persons.

“3. Creation of a reservation for all tubercular patients.”

As to the first proposal he stated:

“The approximately 35,000 Poles who are incurable and infectious will be ‘specially treated’. All other Polish consumptives will be subjected to an appropriate cure in order to save them for work and to avoid their causing contagion.” (_NO-249, Pros. Ex. 202._)

Blome pointed out that one of the practical difficulties of outright extermination of all tubercular Poles was that it might provide excellent propaganda material for the enemies of Germany, especially with regard to the strong Catholic feelings of the Italian nation and “all the physicians of the world.” He therefore considered it necessary that Hitler himself personally decide on this step. Should Hitler consider this radical solution as unsuitable, preparations for the execution of the plan as outlined in points 2 and 3 should be made. The exclusive settlement of all tubercular Poles, irrespective of whether they were curable or incurable, would remove the danger of infection for the German settlers. These Poles should be used for labor. Not only the tubercular Poles of the Warthegau, but also those in Danzig-West Prussia, those of the administrative district of Zichenau, and of the Province of Upper Silesia should be isolated in the same settlement. He stated:

“Another solution to be taken into consideration would be a strict isolation of all the infectious and incurable consumptives, without exception, in nursing establishments. _This solution would lead to the comparatively rapid death of the sick._ With the necessary addition of Polish doctors and nursing personnel, the character of a pure death camp would be somewhat mitigated.” (_NO-249, Pros. Ex. 202._)

Finally Blome advocated as the most practicable solution the creation of a reservation similar to the reservation for lepers. Within the reservation, the strict isolation of the strongly contagious could easily be achieved. In this way the danger of infection would be removed and the problem of the German consumptives in the province would be overcome. (_NO-250, Pros. Ex. 203._) Blome admitted that the expression “special treatment” which he used in the letter meant the killing of the tubercular Poles. (_Tr. p. 4791._)

Himmler approved Blome’s plan to create a reservation for tubercular Poles, incurable and curable alike, in a letter to Greiser dated 3 December 1942. It would be possible to exploit this action for propaganda purposes, whereas on the other hand, outright extermination of those inflicted with open tuberculosis would take too long, as the X-ray examinations of the Polish population would require at least six months. (_NO-251, Pros. Ex. 204._)

That at least some of the tubercular Poles were exterminated, while the others were taken to death camps where they were left to die, is proved by the affidavit of the defendant Rudolf Brandt. (_NO-441, Pros. Ex. 205._) Brandt tried to explain, not to say repudiate, this affidavit by testifying that he made the statements on the basis of documents shown to him in pretrial interrogations. He stressed the point, however, that he insisted the wording of one sentence be changed. This sentence originally read: “As a result of the suggestions made by Blome and Greiser, 8-10,000 Poles were exterminated”! He changed the expression “8-10,000” to “numerous.” (_Tr. pp. 4890, 4953._) This proves in itself that Brandt did not make his statement in exclusive reliance on the contents of the documents shown to him in pretrial interrogations (_Tr. p. 4891_) but also on the basis of the knowledge he obtained as collaborator of Himmler. The documents do not show the execution of “numerous” Poles. Moreover, Brandt states in these documents that Dr. Blome visited Himmler from time to time and supported Greiser’s suggestions. There is no document in evidence or in the possession of the prosecution which would give the basis for this statement. It is, therefore, clear that Brandt’s statements are founded upon knowledge which he obtained from Himmler.

Without a doubt, Rudolf Brandt is as well advised on the crimes which are the subject of this trial as any man in Germany. There is no reason whatever for refusing to give full weight to the pretrial statements of Brandt. There has been no proof that these statements were obtained by fraud or duress. Brandt’s testimony before the Tribunal can be summed up in one sentence: “I remember nothing.” Aside from a description of Himmler’s personality, he contented himself with giving answers to leading questions by his attorney which were calculated to reveal him as a disembodied stenographic automaton—something in the nature of a proficient half-wit. Surely his pretrial affidavits are entitled to more weight than the blatant nonsense which was his testimony.

Blome denied that he ever planned or suggested that Poles suffering from open tuberculosis should be exterminated and that the remainder should be put in reservations and left there to die (_Tr. pp. 4578, 4790-1_) but he is contradicted by the proof of his own making.

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