CHAPTER I.

ON THE PUNJAB, AS RULED BY RUNJEET SING.

~Limits of the Punjab. Identity of the country as described by the Greeks.~

There are few countries on the globe defined by limits both natural and political like the Punjab. Northward, it is terminated by the Hemilaya Mountains; westward, by the Indus or Sinde, which is also the boundary of Hindostan to the ocean; and on the east and south it has the river Sutlege, with four kindred streams, that water the country, and affix to it the name of Punjab.

The following are the accurate words of the historians of Alexander, who traversed this territory:--“The greater part of this country is level and champaign; which is occasioned chiefly, as some suppose, by the rivers washing down quantities of mud during their overflowings, insomuch that many countries have borrowed their very names from the rivers which pass through them.” In the name of Punjab, or five rivers, by which this country is familiarly known in our own times, how strong is the verification! How much stronger is it, when we add, that three of the intervening tracts between these rivers have their designation in a compound word, that includes a syllable of the name in either river!

It is not necessary to dwell with minuteness on the physical peculiarities of this country, nor to mention in detail the various revolutions which have placed it under the dominion of one ruler. I shall endeavour to describe the existing condition of this kingdom, and its power as a state, together with the nature and character of its people, and its resources and strength; taking also a view of the moral and religious causes that have contributed to its rise, as well as the influence it exercises on the adjacent countries.

~Rise of the Seik power.~

It is well known that, about the middle of the fifteenth century, a Hindoo priest, named Baba Nanuk, desiring to wash away the corruptions of his faith, founded a sect named Seik, over which his successors were prophesied to maintain a religious supremacy for ten generations. The pride of the tenth priest, named Govind Sing, raised a desire for temporal as well as spiritual power; and, since he could no longer perpetuate his name by a successor, he blended the cause of war with that of religion, and stirred up in his flock the ambition for worldly distinction. From that period we meet the Seiks, now called “Khalsa,” or “Sings,” as a fierce and formidable body, gradually rising in importance, till they at last resist the more hardy nations of the west. Yet, so late as the beginning of this century, we find them without a ruler, though in these days existing in the form of a settled monarchy. There is nothing very remarkable in this gradual developement of their power; but we cannot withhold our applause from the just predictions of an enterprising traveller (Mr. Forster), who thus expresses himself in the year 1783:--“Should any future cause call forth the combined efforts of the Sicques to maintain the existence of empire and religion, we may see some ambitious chief, led on by his genius and success, absorbing the power of his associates, display, from the ruins of their commonwealth, the standard of monarchy.” (Vol. I. p. 295.) This passage was penned about the time of Runjeet Sing’s birth; and the exploits of that prince have amply verified the sagacity of the historian.

~State of the government of the Punjab.~

The dominions of Maharaja Runjeet Sing assumed a consolidated state at an early period, from a chain of circumstances over which he himself had little control, but by which he has not failed to profit. On the east and south, his encroachments were opposed by the British; on the west, he could subdue, but he could not maintain, the countries beyond the Indus. To the north, his passage was opposed by snowy mountains; and he has prudently contented himself by only seeking Cashmeer, and the other rich valleys which the lower hills inclose. In a territory thus compactly situated, he has applied himself to those improvements which spring only from great minds; and here we find despotism without its rigours, a despot without cruelty, and a system of government far beyond the native institutions of the East, though far from the civilisation of Europe. In a country which has been subdued by an irregular force, with a due mixture of artifice and courage in the commander, we have the conquest maintained by disciplined armies under European leaders, and a general distribution of property among the chiefs, sufficient to uphold the national manners, without endangering the safety of the government.

~Its decline.~

It is too evident, however, that these improvements have taken no root in the minds of the people, and that the tone of them has its termination even in the precincts of the Court. Nor is it less true, that the disposition of the master mind to cherish these invaluable institutions declines with his advancing years, and that he bids fair to efface them with the transient glory of his reign. A well-stored treasury, with an army in arrears and clamouring for pay, increasing duties on the merchant and trader, exorbitant taxes on the husbandman, with embezzlement of the public revenues, and a general corruption in the higher officers of the state, are not symptoms favourable to the durability of a government. Yet the endurance of the people in an Asiatic kingdom, depends more on the power of the prince, than the inclinations of the community; and while the ruler wastes not his treasures in reckless extravagance, and is possessed of a mind beyond his age, we may safely reckon on the stability of the power during his natural life. It appears to me that Runjeet Sing, in his career, will have raised, formed, and destroyed a government.

~Influence of the chiefs.~

The influence of the Sirdars, or chiefs of the Punjab, has decreased in proportion to the supremacy of the ruler. The power of most of the members of the original Seik confederacy has been subverted or neutralised; and the Maharaja has surrounded his person and filled their places by minions of his own, whose fortune, more than their merits, has led to their promotion. The Jemadar Khooshal Sing, and the three Rajas and brothers of Jummoo, Dihan, Ghoolab, and Soojait Sing, are strong instances in point. The first of these individuals once figured as a Hindoo, and in the humble capacity of a cook to a private soldier. He is now a Seik, and a great commander. The others, though of less obscure origin, are descended from a Rajpoot of some small patrimony in the Lower Hemilaya. These individuals now form a social band in the Court of Runjeet Sing, whose favours they have bountifully reaped. None of them possess talent; and, with one exception, they are ignorant of the first rudiments of education. It is not to be supposed that such men have any great influence with such a ruler; yet they have managed to instil that belief into the minds of the people; and make every use of their supposed influence, to fill their coffers, and nourish the arts of corruption. The elder brother, Ghoolab Sing (who can read), manages the salt monopoly, and a large portion of the territory towards the Jelum. He is a cruel and tyrannical man. Dihan Sing exercises his arts in the Court; while his brother enacts his part abroad, but he is devoted to the interests of his master, and is said to be a good man. He is now fortifying his native home, in the vicinity of Bimbur, which he has strengthened by guns taken from Lahore,--a fact which no one discloses to the Maharaja. The favourite judiciously prepares for a future time, when the tenure of his possessions will be weakened with the loss of his patron. The son of Dihan Sing, a boy of nine years, is the only individual, besides a sons and two priests, who is permitted to sit on a chair in Runjeet Sing’s Durbar. It may be imagined, that such a long line of innovation has not been effected without exciting the jealousy, perhaps envy, of the old Seik chieftains.

~People.~

From the Sirdars, our attention is naturally directed to the Seik people; and, if we find a hollowness and decay in the former, we have here a healthy and vigorous body. The inhabitants are a robust and athletic race, of sinewy limbs and tall stature. The genuine Khalsa, or Sing, knows no occupation but war and agriculture, and he more affects the one than the other. No race of people could have been better constituted to firmly uphold their government; and, with ambition and patriotism (if I can use the word) equal to their power, they are a sufficiently numerous body to defend it. Their ascendency as a nation continues to increase, the numerical strength of the tribe; and, actuated in the common cause by common principles, they are certainly a powerful people. It is not to be doubted that the head of the Seik church, the Bedee, or Sahib Sing, might yet frustrate the designs of any ruler, and, by a crusade in behalf of this religion, overthrow the best laid designs of an ambitious prince. Runjeet Sing is aware of this influence, and, with but little religion, takes care to enlist the church in his cause, by constantly receiving two of its priests with distinction and confidence. Yet the Seiks are a most tolerant nation, and evince a merciful consideration in the differences of religion, that forms a bright contrast to their Mahommedan neighbours. It is with distrust that I attempt an enumeration of the people subject to the Punjab; but I am informed that the Khalsa or Seik population does not exceed 500,000 souls, and the remainder is composed of Seiks, Mahommedans, and Hindoo Juts, who may amount to 3,000,000.

~Military strength of the Punjab.~

With such materials, it may be imagined that there is little difficulty in forming an efficient army; and that of Runjeet Sing amounts to about 75,000 men. Of these, 25,000 consist of regular infantry, drilled as Europeans, fully equal to the troops of the Indian army. Their discipline might be improved by increasing the power of the native officers, and removing a just ground of discontent, which arises from giving different pay to individuals of the same rank, according to the caprice of the ruler. Without commissions, these men do not possess a respect for themselves, nor are they respected by their soldiers. The regular cavalry and artillery may be reckoned at 5000, with 150 guns; and the irregular troops, which are all cavalry, fall little short of 50,000. These are denominated “Ghorchuras,”--which simply means horsemen,--and are paid by assignments of land, in return for their military service. A regular muster of these forces is exacted, with a few favoured exceptions; and, as a native soldiery, they are an efficient, well-mounted, and serviceable body. Their superiority is said to consist in being easily rallied; while their neighbours, the Afghans, terminate a battle with the first discomfiture. The pay of the regular troops is superior to that of the Company’s army; they are clothed by the state; and the Seik portion live in messes, which are supplied by government, at a deduction of two rupees a month for each man. For some years past the army has been irregularly paid, and their affections have been alienated from their prince; but the Seiks make good soldiers, and are inured to long marches and every fatigue. This inattention on the part of Runjeet Sing to his army is traced by the soldiers themselves, and perhaps with truth, to his growing friendship with the British Government; but may be yet explained by the increasing avarice of age. If some change for the better does not take place in this branch of his economy, we shall either find the regular force of the Punjab in a state of mutiny, or greatly diminished; nor do I hazard the opinion unadvisedly.

~Revenues and resources.~

The productions of the Punjab, together with the nature of its population, are favourable to its separate existence as a government. The nett revenue of the country amounts to about two and a half crores of rupees per annum. Of this sum, thirty-one lacs are derived from Cashmeer, exclusive of ten expended in its defence; but that province forms a kingdom of itself, and could yield double the amount. An individual, who lately held Cashmeer for three years, and paid his thirty-one lacs regularly, was found to have carried upwards of thirty lacs of rupees out of the country in goods and money, the whole of which have been confiscated; but his successors in office, some Cashmeer Pundits, are said to have rivalled in the following year this extensive peculator. The plains of the Punjab, which are diagonally intersected by so many rivers, might be successfully irrigated from canals; as is proved by the existence of some, and the remains of others, which are the work of the Emperors, in the eastern portion of the country. The land is not less fruitful in the munitions of war, than in corn and money. It abounds in horses, mules, and camels. The Dunnee horse, found between the Jelum (Hydaspes) and Indus, is well known, but no attention is paid to rearing it; and from the horses of Runjeet Sing’s regular cavalry, one could not imagine that his country produced that noble animal. The mules from the banks of the Jelum are strong, and capable of bearing great burdens; while the camels on the southern parts of the Punjab are equally serviceable. The cattle are small and ill-conditioned, but numerous. The rude structure of boats on the rivers of the Punjab does not indicate that it ever carried on an inland trade by water to any extent; but these rivers, though all of them be fordable (even the Indus) in the dry season, form so many lines of routes to commerce and an army. The craft on them are not numerous, and little wood is produced in the plain; but the rains yearly wash down trees from the mountains to increase their number, or construct bridges across them. We can readily discover the capabilities of the Punjab, not only to support its own army, but that of another country; and an enemy, whether native or European, if defeated in the plains, might defy, in the valley of Cashmere, every attempt at subjection, since it could subsist without foreign aid, in a natural fortress, abounding in resource, that might be rendered impregnable.

~Foreign policy of Runjeet Sing.~

The influence of Runjeet Sing’s power is felt on all sides of his kingdom; and his policy seems to consist in exciting as much as possible the angry feelings of one neighbour towards another. As regards the British Government, he may be considered a most friendly ally, for his distrust has disappeared in the strict and continued preservation of our treaties. It is not to be doubted that he was long unable to appreciate the disposition of his formidable neighbours, and that his court formed a nucleus to the disaffected so late as the fall of Bhurtpore; but his better judgment always guided him, and, in later years, his experience has been aided by a few intelligent and enlightened French officers, who have schooled him in a knowledge of the European character and the British policy. The Maharaja is entitled to every praise for the extreme prudence which has guided his actions. Nothing is more improbable than a violation of friendship on his part; and we may rest assured, that his acumen and intimate knowledge of mankind will retain him as our faithful friend and ally. The advantages which he has derived from the good understanding with the British Government are not inconsiderable: he has been able to remove his troops from that frontier, and reduce their number; and he now employs them, and the name of his all-powerful neighbours, in perfecting his other designs.

~With the Khan of Bhawulpoor.~

With his neighbour on the south, the Khan of Bhawulpoor, his demonstrations of hostility have been more evident; and the whole of the territories of that petty state lying north of the Sutledge have been this year (1832) seized by the Seiks. The territories south of that river would long ere this have shared a similar fate, did not such a step infringe the treaty with the British Government. It is but just to remark, that the Khan held these lands as a tributary to Lahore, and that his arrears had not been paid; yet he was secretly encouraged by the highest officers of Runjeet Sing’s government to withhold the amount from a French officer being sent to collect it. This chief has now forfeited his paternal estates, as well as the farm of Dera Ghazee Khan, across the Indus, for both of which he paid about six lacs of rupees per annum. There is little cordiality between the Punjab and Sindian Governments; and if the Maharaja is prevented from attacking the Ameers of Sinde, it is more from this remote position than his want of inclination. It is certain that Runjeet Sing entertains designs against Shikarpoor, in which he has been encouraged by some chiefs on the right bank of the Indus; but it is very questionable if he will ever mature his plans. He has, however, succeeded in exciting suspicion, and raising dissension among the chiefs of Sinde; and it is a matter of little doubt that, if he assembled his army at Mooltan, the country about Shikarpoor would fall a prey to the disciplined valour of the Seiks in one campaign.

~With the countries west of the Indus.~

To the westward, Runjeet Sing has prudently bounded his territories by the Indus: his troops have frequently passed that grand barrier of Hindoostan; the city of Peshawur has been in their hands, and the Seiks might have marched to Cabool, but their ruler has contented himself with the forts on either side of the great ferry at Attok. Though the Afghan nation is without a head, that people are not without power; and such is their bigotry and hatred to the Seiks, that it would be impossible for them to retain the country, which they have so often overrun, without a large armed force. Runjeet Sing derives a yearly tribute of some horses and rice from Peshawur and the surrounding districts, and he holds a son of the chief as a hostage at Lahore; yet that country is far from settled, and the allegiance is most unwillingly paid. He, however, works on the fears of the Dooranees, by keeping up negotiations with two of their ex-kings, one of whom is his pensioner at Lahore. The Seiks are deterred from pushing their conquests beyond the Indus by a prediction in their Holy Book, or “Grinth,” that foretells a bloody conflict in the neighbourhood of Ghuzni and Cabool. The territory of Dera Ghazee Khan, which lies lower down the Indus, forms an exception to this line of policy; but it has been farmed to a Mahommedan chief since its conquest; and now that it is held immediately subject to Lahore, five regiments of regular infantry are cantoned in the country. The cupidity of the Maharaja has been excited by the prospect of an increased revenue; and he may also rejoice in the means of employing so large a division of his army. He lately made a pretended offer of this farm to one of the Sinde Ameers, much to the displeasure of the other chiefs.

~With the hill states.~

There is no frontier of the Punjab that bears the yoke of the Seiks so unwillingly as the hill states that form its northern boundary. They were formerly ruled by a tribe of Rajpoots, converted to Mahommedanism, who retained the Hindoo title of Raja. I have not visited that portion of the country, but am informed that the people entertain a respect for their former Rajas bordering on veneration. Most of these have been displaced: those of Rajour and Bimbur (two of the principal states) are now confined in chains at Lahore. The country of both, even to the verge of Cashmere, has been transferred to the trio of Rajpoot brothers, for whom it will become a safe resting-place on a revolution of the government. The whole line of hills from the Sutledge to the Indus has been subdued by the Seiks, and either pays tribute, or is held directly subject to their government. The strength of the fastnesses in such mountains is very great, and the people have a tradition, that the fortress of Kumla, in Mundee, has never been captured by an army: that of Kot Kangra, to the eastward, which is surrounded by the Beas on three sides, is also described as impregnable.

~General character of Runjeet Sing’s government.~

With many defects, Runjeet Sing’s government is most vigorous, and well consolidated for a native state. The failings in it partake of the country and its customs; but its virtues (and it certainly has some) belong to a higher scale of civilisation. The greatest blemish in the character of the ruler himself may be found in his universal distrust of those around him; but he only shares this quality in common with his countrymen. To such an extent is this feeling carried, that none of the French officers are ever intrusted with a gun, and the different gates of Attok, and other important fortresses, are confided to separate individuals, who command independent of one another. Cunning is the chief weapon in the politics of Runjeet Sing, and he uses it at all times. Little addicted to speaking truth, and less given to the performance than the making of promises, he yet rules with an unprecedented moderation for an Indian prince. Few men, with such despotic power, have ever used it so mildly; and when we remember that he is without education, our estimate of his character must rise with the reflection, that he never sheds the blood of his subjects, and even spares the lives, (though not the persons,) of those who have perpetrated the blackest deeds. Runjeet Sing has now lost much of his personal activity; yet he manages all the concerns of his state, from matters of the highest importance to the merest trifle, without a minister, and without advice. With a frame enfeebled by age and premature decay, the pleasures of the world have long since palled upon this man; and though he still retains the full exercise of his faculties, his ambitious views seem to have departed with the inability to command and conquer in person.

~Its probable termination.~

Since the demise of such a man is fraught with much political importance, and his infirmities and habits hold out but faint hopes of longevity, we turn, with increased interest, to speculate on the probable termination of this kingdom. Nature has implanted in the breast of man, and, perhaps, more strongly in that of a king, a desire of transmitting his patrimony and his power to his children; but the character of Kurruck Sing, Runjeet’s only son, who has attained his thirtieth year, can hold out no hope to the father of his being able to follow his footsteps, even at the remotest distance. With a cast of features resembling his parent in a most striking degree, ends all comparison between them. He is imbecile, illiterate, and inanimate. With few favourites or enemies, he takes no share in the politics of the state, and conciliates no party which may avail him in the hour of difficulty. The blighted hopes of the father in so degenerate an offspring, may have rendered him indifferent and regardless to the increasing prosperity of his kingdom: but there is also a grandson, Noor Nihal Sing, who has attained the age of ten years. Besides Kurruck Sing, there are two adopted sons, and one of them, Shere Sing, now about twenty-six, is unquestionably the most rising person in the Punjab. To a commanding mien, and a disposition the most generous, he has already added the reputation of a brave and frank soldier. He has dissipated his treasures in riot and luxury; but he has been gaining the good opinion of the people, in particular the soldiery, to whom he has endeared himself by many sacrifices. His talents and acquirements (for a Seik) are said to be respectable; and, while he has obtained the esteem of the chiefs, he has equally secured the friendly offices of the French gentlemen in his father’s service. He now holds the government of Cashmere; and if he retains that important post on the demise of the Maharaja, he may be inducted, without much difficulty, into the extensive realm of his father. But it is to be remembered that he is a spurious child, and, with many friends, he has some enemies, and will have to contend with the legitimate son, and, perhaps, the treasures of his adopted father. It is believed by the people that Runjeet Sing might bequeath his government to any favourite, with a hope of its continuing permanent; but I cannot, for my own part, subscribe to the opinion. If Shere Sing does not secure a supremacy, this kingdom will probably relapse into its former state of anarchy and small republics; or be reduced to subjection by some neighbouring power.

CHAP. II.

SKETCH OF EVENTS IN AFGHANISTAN SINCE THE YEAR 1809.

~Introductory sketch.~

Before entering upon the affairs of Cabool, it becomes necessary that I should first touch on the events which have happened in that kingdom since the year 1809, when Mr. Elphinstone closed his history.

During that period the monarchy has been totally dismembered; the provinces have either declared themselves independent under different chiefs, or been seized by the Seiks. Two of the kings of Cabool live as exiles in a foreign land; and of the extensive empire of Ahmed Shah Dooranee, the city of Herat alone remains in the possession of his descendants. This speedy dissolution of a power which was so formidable merits attention, since these political changes, in a country which borders on British India, may ultimately influence her destinies.

~Shah Shooja deposed.~

Shah Shooja ool Moolk lost his throne on the field at Neemla in the year 1809, immediately after the British mission recrossed the Indus. His power had been gradually declining since the fall of his Vizier, and the murder of his comrade, the Meer Waeez. He had failed to conciliate the chief of the great house of Barukzye Futteh Khan, who espoused the cause of his brother Mahmood, and eventually placed him on the throne of Cabool. Never was the fortune of war more capricious than on this occasion. Shooja took the field with a well-appointed army of about 15,000 men: his Vizier, Akram Khan, was slain, and he was defeated by a force of 2000 men, headed by Futteh Khan. The troops of the King had not formed; and the rebels, led on by an experienced general, gained a complete victory on most disadvantageous ground. Shooja fled, with precipitation, to the Kyber country, leaving the greater portion of his jewels and treasure on the field, where they became the spoil of the victors. He made an attempt to regain his crown at Candahar, four months after his defeat; but, like all his succeeding endeavours, it proved unsuccessful.

~Elevation of Mahmood to the throne of Cabool.~

Immediately the day had been decided, Mahmood mounted the elephant which had been caparisoned for Shooja, and the trumpets once more proclaimed him king. So great was the confusion in the camp, that many were ignorant of the result of the battle till this proclamation. The nobles and commanders of Mahmood then tendered their allegiance to him, and many of the court of Shooja did homage on the same occasion. Futteh Khan was promoted to the high rank of Vizier to the empire, which his services had so amply merited; and the whole of the Afghan country, with the exception of Cashmere, submitted to the dominion of Shah Mahmood. Mahmood submitted himself, without reserve, to the influence of his minister, whose conduct, added to his own dissolute character, held out no hopes of tranquillity or good government. Factions sprang up at the court, headed by the Prince Kamran, who was jealous of the power which the Vizier had acquired over his father.

~Capture of Cashmere.~

~League with the Seiks.~

The first object of the Government was the reduction of Cashmere. That province was held by Atta Mahommed Khan, a son of Shooja’s Vizier, who had hitherto succeeded in repelling the attacks even of the late king. Futteh Khan, in this difficulty, applied for the aid of the Seiks, and a passage for his troops into the valley, by way of the Punjab. In return for these favours, he promised to set aside nine lacs of rupees of the revenue of Cashmere to the ruler of the Seiks, Runjeet Sing. That potentate and the Vizier had an interview at Jelum, on the banks of the Hydaspes. Futteh Khan was accompanied by the whole of his brothers, eighteen in number, who stood during the ceremony. Some of them strongly advised the assassination of the King of the Seiks; and one of them is said to have tendered his services by a sign during the meeting. It did not, however, enter into the policy of Futteh Khan. The interview terminated by the army marching on Cashmere, reinforced by 10,000 Seiks, commanded by Mokum-chund. The Dooranees took the route of Beembur, and, crossing the Peer-Punjal hills, subdued the valley without opposition, and before the Seiks arrived. This happened in the year 1811. The Governor of Cashmere, after being blockaded in the citadel for a few days, surrendered himself, and was treated with distinction. The eldest brother of the Vizier, Mahommed Azeem Khan, was now appointed Governor of Cashmere.

~Rupture with the Seiks, and loss of Attok.~

When the valley had been subdued, the minister discovered no anxiety to fulfil his engagement towards his Seik allies, who left the country in disgust. At this time, the ruler of the Punjab received secret overtures from the Commandant at Attok, for the cession of that fortress. It was held by a brother of the ex-Governor of Cashmere, and the offer was at once accepted. Runjeet Sing acquired this valuable possession at the small sacrifice of a lac of rupees, and prepared to defend his new acquisition. These events aroused the attention of Futteh Khan, who quitted Cashmere with all expedition, and marched on Attok. He found the Seik army encamped on the plains of Chuch, about two miles from the fort: the heat of the season was oppressive, and the Seiks had both the advantage of position and water. The Vizier had a contempt for his opponents. The conflict commenced by the advance of his brother Dost Mahommed Khan, who headed a body of 2000 Afghans, and captured the whole of the Seik artillery. He had dismounted two of their guns, and was proceeding to improve his victory, when he found that he was without support, and that the whole of his brother’s army had fled. On the attack of Dost Mahommed Khan, some evil disposed persons brought a report to the Vizier, that he had been made prisoner, with the whole of his division; and an equally treacherous intimation was conveyed to Dost Mahommed Khan, that his brother had fallen. It only remained for him to retreat, which he effected with honour; and crossed the Indus, previously burning some of his camp equipage, but leaving the greater portion to be plundered by the Seiks. Since this disaster on the plains of Chuch, the power of the Afghans has ceased on the eastern side of the Indus, and that country has been ever since annexed to the dominions of Runjeet Sing.

~Battle with the Persians.~

The energies of the Vizier were soon called for in an opposite direction, as the King of Persia had demanded a tribute from Herat, the western province of the kingdom. The Government of that city was held by a brother of the King, named Hajee Feroz, who was requested to treat the demand with scorn; and the Vizier marched a force in that direction to oppose the Persians. On reaching Herat, Futteh Khan made himself at once master of the person of the Governor, though a brother of his sovereign, and not only extracted the whole of his wealth from him, but violated his harem on searching for it. He then seized Herat, and made every preparation for meeting the Persians, who advanced under Hoosein Ali Meerza, a son of the King. A battle ensued, which was undecisive. The Persians certainly fled, but the Afghans also left the field, and their victory, with the greatest precipitation. The Vizier was struck by a spent ball in the face, and fell on his horse’s neck. On seeing this, his troops became disheartened, and fled. The Vizier, however, reaped the full harvest of the campaign, since he refused the tribute which Persia had demanded, and beat off the army that had come to enforce it. He also strengthened the western frontier of the kingdom, by seizing the Governor of Herat, who, though he professed every allegiance to his brother Mahmood, was at best a dubious friend. By this war, however, the garrison in Cashmere was much weakened, since he drew levies from it, which in the end proved most injurious to the interests of Mahmood in that part of his kingdom.

~Seizure of the Vizier.~

The reign of Mahmood had thus far proceeded, with a success which the most sanguine of his partisans could scarcely have expected: he was restored to a throne which, to all appearance, had passed into other hands; he held Cashmere, and could turn the revenues of that rich valley to the protection of his other provinces; he exacted the usual tribute from the Talpoors of Sinde, and had now warded off an attack from Persia, the only quarter from which he had to apprehend danger. The King himself was but a silent spectator, and owed these successes to his Vizier, who managed the whole affairs of the kingdom, while the monarch himself was plunged into debauchery. Futteh Khan profited by his power, and distributed the different governments of the kingdom among his numerous list of brothers. He evinced, however, no want of respect and allegiance to the sovereign; and Mahmoud seemed satisfied, as he owed his life and his power to his minister. But, if the parent was content to govern on these terms, his son, the Prince Kamran, discovered the strongest discontent at the Vizier’s proceedings, and resolved to rid himself of a person so formidable, opposed as he was to some ambitious designs which he himself entertained. The prince at last worked upon his father, and succeeded in persuading him that he might govern his country, now that it was consolidated, without the assistance of his Vizier. He, therefore, determined on ridding himself of that powerful chief, his friend and benefactor. Kamran availed himself of an early opportunity, and seized Futteh Khan at Herat; and gave an immediate order for his eyes being put out. After a lapse of five or six months, Kamran put the Vizier to death, between Cabool and Candahar, with the full consent of the king. This rash act was perpetrated in the year 1818, and drove the whole of Futteh Khan’s brothers into rebellion.

~Death of the Vizier.~

The tragedy which terminated the life of Futteh Khan Barukzye is, perhaps, without parallel in modern times. Blind and bound he was led into the court of Mahmood, where he had so lately ruled with absolute power. The king taunted him for his crimes, and desired him to use his influence with his brothers, then in rebellion. Futteh Khan replied without fear, and with great fortitude, that he was now but a poor blind man, and had no concern with affairs of state. Mahmood, irritated at his obstinacy, gave the last orders for his death; and this unfortunate man was deliberately cut to pieces by the nobles of the court; joint was separated from joint, limb from limb, his nose and his ears were lopped off, nor had the vital spark fled, till the head was separated from the mangled trunk. Futteh Khan endured these cruel tortures without a sigh; he stretched out his different limbs to those who thirsted for his blood, and exhibited the same careless indifference, the same reckless contempt for his own life, which he had so often shown for that of others. The bloody remnants of this unfortunate man were gathered in a cloth, and sent to Ghuzni, where they were interred.

~Fall of Mahmood.~

The reign of the king may be said to have terminated with the life of his minister. He had put him to death under pretext of misconduct at Herat, but really in the hope of appeasing some of the nobles of his court; in this the king and his son had most deeply erred. He was now even afraid to encounter a small party of the rebels; and, though in the field with his army, Mahmood precipitately fled to Herat, without even making the attempt. This flight involved a virtual resignation of his power, for though he retained Herat and the title of king, he sunk into a vassal of Persia. He died at that city in 1829, and his son Kamran succeeded to his limited power. The eldest survivor of the family of the Vizier was Mahommed Azeem Khan, who had been left to govern Cashmere. On the rebellion of his brothers he immediately joined them, and prepared to dethrone the murderer of his brother. The precipitate retreat of Mahmood had rendered any further measures unnecessary; and Azeem Khan now took the extraordinary step of recalling Shooja ool Moolk from his exile, in the territories of British India. He offered him the crown of Cabool, and sent a Koran to the ex-monarch, under his seal, according to the custom of the country, as proof of his sincerity. Shooja repaired with every despatch to Peshawur.

~Recall of Shooja ool Moolk.~

Since Shooja ool Moolk had been defeated at Neemla, he had wandered as a fugitive in various corners of his dominions; and his adventures, which have been detailed by himself in a small volume[35], are replete with interest. After his discomfiture at Candahar, he was seized by Ata Mahommed Khan, the son of his former Vizier; and subjected to much indignity. He was for some time confined in the fortress of Attok. The lancet was frequently held over his eyes; and his keeper once took him into the middle of the Indus, with his arms bound, threatening him with instant death. The object of such severity was to extract from him the celebrated diamond, called Koh-i-noor, or _mountain of light_, which he was known to possess. In the meanwhile Ata Mahommed Khan proceeded to Cashmere, and carried the captive monarch in his train. On the fall of that valley he was released by Futteh Khan, and joined his family at Lahore.

~High-mindedness of his queen.~

His queen, as I may well call the Wuffadar Begum, the most influential lady of his harem, had used every persuasion to prevent Shooja’s placing himself in the power of Runjeet Sing, but he disregarded her advice, and had in the end ample reason to regret his having neglected it. This lady was a woman of most bold and determined character; and her counsel had often proved valuable to her husband, both in his days of power and disaster.

At Lahore, while at the mercy of the Seiks, and absent from her husband, she preserved her own and his honour in a heroic manner. Runjeet Sing pressed her urgently to surrender the Koh-i-noor, or valuable diamond, which was in her possession; and evinced intentions of forcing it from her. He also sought to transfer the daughters of the unfortunate king to his own harem. The queen seized on the person who conveyed the message, and had him soundly chastised. She also intimated to the Maharaja, that if he continued his dishonourable demands, she would pound the diamond in a mortar, and first administer it to her daughters, and those under her protection, and then swallow it herself; adding, “May the blood of all of us be on your head!” This lady succeeded in the end in escaping from Lahore, disguised as a Hindoo; and planned the deliverance of her husband, which shortly followed. This was only effected at the expense of the great diamond. A narration of the circumstances relative to its surrender would prove interesting, but it would be out of place in this sketch. It is sufficient to mention, that an imprisonment of the closest nature, insult, and even hunger, fell to the lot of this unfortunate monarch.

~Shooja’s escape from Lahore.~

The ungenerous part which the king of the Seiks was enacting towards her husband aroused the energies of the queen, who had settled herself at the British station of Lodiana. She arranged the placing of horses on the road; and Shooja, and his people, made every exertion in Lahore. They hired all the houses which adjoined those in which they were lodged; and opened a passage into the street by cutting through seven walls. A few hours after the household had retired to rest, the king descended by the aperture, and issued into the street in the dress of a native of the Punjab. The city wall had yet to be passed, and the gates were shut. Shooja creeped through the common sewer of the city, and fled, with two or three servants, towards the hill country of Kishtwar. Here he once more raised the standard of a monarch, and planned an attack on Cashmere, in which he was assisted by the Rajah of Kishtwar. The expedition would have been successful, for the governor of Cashmere had evacuated his frontier position, but an untimely season blocked the roads with snow, interrupted the supplies, and once more frustrated the hopes of Shah Shooja. Wandering by a cheerless and ungenial country, the Shah at length reached the British station of Sabathoo in the outer Himilaya, from which he repaired to Lodiana, where his family had found an asylum. He here joined them; and has since shared the bounty of the British Government. Few monarchs and few men have been subjected to greater reverses of fortune than Shooja ool Moolk; and we find our sympathies enlisted in his cause by a knowledge of his misfortunes.

~Elevation of Shah Eyoob.~

Shooja, after all his misfortunes, might have now re-ascended and retained the throne of his ancestors; but before Azeem Khan had reached Peshawur, he prematurely displayed his notions of royal authority by insulting some friend of his benefactor, whom he considered to be encroaching on his dignity, by using a palankeen. The whole Barukzye family took offence at this inconsiderate attack; and determined to place a more compliant master on the throne.

A favourable opportunity presented itself in the person of Eyoob (or Job), a brother of Shooja. He entered the camp of Azeem Khan, and sued for the throne as the most abject of slaves. “Make me but king,” said he, “and permit money to be coined in my name, and the whole power and resources of the kingdom may rest with yourself; my ambition will be satisfied with bread, and the title of king.” His conditions were accepted; nor did this puppet monarch ever violate or attempt to infringe the terms by which he had gained the name and trappings of royalty. Eyoob continued as a tool in the hands of Azeem Khan, who was nominally his Vizier. So degraded was now the state of the royal house of Cabool, that the very robe of honour which installed the minister into the viziership of the empire was a portion of his own property, and had been sent privately to the Shah, who conferred it on the Vizier with all the pomp and display of royalty. Several of the young princes who aspired to the throne were delivered over to Eyoob, and put to death. Shooja was immediately driven from Peshawur, and retired to Shikarpoor in Sinde, which the Ameers of that country agreed to cede to him. A series of intrigues, set on foot by his enemies, expelled him even from this retreat; and he fled by the circuitous route of the desert and Jaysulmere to Lodiana. The conduct of Shooja while at Shikarpoor was ill calculated to support his falling fortunes. He forgot the dignity of a monarch in low intrigues with his subjects, in which he tarnished their honour as well as his own. The fitness of Shooja ool Moolk for the station of sovereign seems ever to have been doubtful. His manners and address are highly polished; but his judgment does not rise above mediocrity. Had the case been otherwise, we should not now see him an exile from his country and his throne, without a hope of regaining them, after an absence of twenty years; and before he has attained the fiftieth year of his age.

~Capture of Cashmere by the Seiks, and their progress on conquest.~

The death of Futteh Khan, which had drawn his brother, with the greater part of his troops, from Cashmere, left that rich province without protection. The Seiks availed themselves of the critical moment; routed the Afghans, and captured the valley, which they have ever since retained. The civil wars which followed in Afghanistan exhausted the power of the state; nor was it to be supposed that an active soldier, like Runjeet Sing, would fail to improve his opportunities of aggrandisement. The provinces of Cabool fell one by one into his hands; Mooltan, Cashmere, Leia, and Dera Ghazee Khan, with the whole country on the banks of the Indus and its eastern tributaries, owned him as conqueror. In 1823, he crossed the Indus, and fought the battle of Noushero, on the northern side of the river of Cabool, where he was opposed by a numerous population. They appeared in the field as “Ghazee” or champions of the Mahommedan religion. The conflict was most obstinate, and at last decided by the personal valour of Runjeet himself, who brought up his guards to a height from which his troops had been three times driven. Azeem Khan and all his brothers witnessed the action from the southern side of the river, and were unable to cross and assist their countrymen, since it is not fordable, and they had no boats.

This defeat was so much at variance with the hopes of the Dooranees, that their chief fled in the night, and left his guns and tents in the hands of the Seiks, who advanced on Peshawar, and burned its palace. As the battle with Futteh Khan on the plains of Chuch decided the supremacy of the Seiks eastward of the Indus, this campaign established their power between that river and Peshawur. That city has since paid an annual tribute to Runjeet Sing. It is said that Azeem Khan was urged to his precipitate retreat by apprehensions which he entertained for his treasure that had been left at Muchnee, higher up the river than the field of battle. It is also said that he was not satisfied of the fidelity of his brothers; and, besides, feared the increasing army of the Seiks. The disgrace of having submitted to infidels without firing a shot preyed upon his mind, and he did not survive it: he sickened on the road to Cabool, and died immediately on his arrival at that city. On his death-bed he summoned his wives to his presence, dispossessed them of their jewels, which he delivered with the whole of his property to Hubeeb Oollah Khan, his eldest son. He then charged him to wipe off the disgrace from a father’s name; and carry fire and sword into the Seik territories. A treasury which fell little short of three millions sterling might have furnished ample means to gratify the request of a dying parent; but since the capture of Cashmere, the Seiks were equally well supplied with the sinews of war. They had also been victorious in the field; and now, aware of their own strength, had become most formidable rivals. Even yet a confederacy of the Dooranee chiefs might have broken their rising power; but a season of discord and anarchy followed the death of Mahommed Azeem Khan. Since that period, Peshawur has been reduced to a state of vassalage; and Runjeet Sing is now confirmed in all the conquests which he had previously made.

~Total dismemberment of the Dooranee government.~

Azeem Khan’s death became the signal for a scene of family strife. After a variety of cruelty and crime, his son, Hubeeb Oollah Khan, was deprived of his power and fortune. His uncles formed a cabal; and possessing themselves of his person, terrified his mother with the threat of blowing him from a gun, if the whole treasures were not surrendered. The youth had already squandered much of his wealth, and the remainder was now delivered up. Shere Dil Khan carried away with him about half a million sterling, and erected an independent chiefship at Candahar; another was formed at Peshawur; and Cabool itself, after having had several masters, ultimately fell into the hands of Dost Mahommed Khan, another of the Vizier’s brothers. Such dissension has sowed the seeds of everlasting discord among this family. The puppet king, Shah Eyoob, lost his son in these scenes of trouble, and fled into the Punjab, where he found an asylum at the court of Lahore, in which he still continues. The royal house of Cabool, which may be said to have disappeared before he acted the part of king, now no longer existed as an ostensible part of the government; and the different chiefs ruled independent of one another:--the Sindians threw off the yoke in the absence of any power to enforce their tribute; Herat was held by the exiled family of Mahmood; Balkh was annexed to the dominions of the King of Bokhara; but the richest share of the provinces had fallen into the hands of the Seiks. It has been said with some truth, that Cabool could never have existed as a kingdom without the possession of Cashmere. The revenues and resources of most of the provinces were expended in them, while the annual subsidy of that valley and Sinde enabled the Dooranee monarchs to extend their power, maintain their honour, and terrify the neighbouring nations. Thus fell the Dooranee monarchy, which existed for a period of seventy-six years, from the time Ahmed Shah was crowned at Candahar, A. D. 1747. We shall now proceed with an account of the different chiefships into which the kingdom has been divided.

CHAP. III.

THE CHIEFSHIP OF PESHAWUR.

~Sketch of events in the history of Peshawur.~

The government of Peshawur has been held by a member of the Barukzye family since Futteh Khan placed Shah Mahmood on the throne of Cabool. Peshawur owed allegiance, and contributed to the support of the kingdom, till the year 1818, when the Vizier was put to death. Azeem Khan, his successor, exacted tribute from it during his lifetime, in the name of Eyoob Shah. Since that time it has formed a separate chiefship, like Cabool and Candahar, now subject, however, to the payment of a yearly tribute to the Seiks. It is governed by Sirdar Sooltan Mahommed Khan, who shares its revenues with two other brothers, Peer, and Saeed Mahommed Khan. A large portion of the country is alienated to different individuals, and the net revenue falls short of nine lacs of rupees per annum. The younger brothers enjoy three lacs, and the chief defrays from the remainder the entire expenses of the country, the tribute to the Seiks, and likewise supports the numerous families of two elder brothers, who fell in battle, and to whom he succeeded.

~Extent of the chiefship.~

The power of the chief is confined to the plain of Peshawur, and the hills of Cohat, which form its southern boundary. That plain is well known as one of the richest portions of the Cabool dominions. It is of a circular shape, about thirty-five miles broad, highly peopled and cultivated, watered by nature and art. Within this limited space there are numerous villages, which pay no taxes. The Khuttuks, a tribe of Afghans, in the east, hold the country for twenty miles west of the Indus, for the small sum of 12,000 rupees annually, which they render to the chief of Peshawur. The villages on the west, under the Khyber hills, do not pay any thing; and those north of the Cabool river, with some few exceptions, enjoy a like immunity. The only places of note in the chiefship are, Peshawur and Hushtnuggur, which are described by Mr. Elphinstone. Peshawur has fallen into a state of decay with its change of rulers, and it is doubtful if it boasts of a population of one half the hundred thousand souls which occupied it in 1809. Hushtnuggur is the seat of one of the younger brothers; Cohat is held by the other.

~Its military and political strength.~

The military strength of Peshawur is unimportant. Its contingent of troops cannot be rated above 3,000, two thirds of whom may be cavalry. The chief might rally round him a numerous body of irregulars, or, as they are called, “ooloosee;” but they are badly armed, and not to be relied on. Six pieces of artillery and 200 regular infantry complete the power of the chief of Peshawur. With money, the services of the Khyberees, and other hill tribes, may be purchased on an emergency; but the chief has no treasury. In a religious war with the Seiks, an infuriated population may be always raised, and has proved itself formidable on a late occasion, when the Syud Ahmed preached his crusade in this country; yet the whole of these, combined, form a diminutive force, as compared with his neighbours on the east and west,--the Seiks, and his brother of Cabool. The political influence of Peshawur is as limited as its military power. The Seiks have exacted a tribute from it since the death of the Vizier’s brother, Azeem Khan, and retain a son of the chief as a hostage for its fulfilment. It now amounts to sixty horses, with some rice, which is peculiar to Peshawur; and it is annually enforced by an army which crosses the Indus, and lays waste their territories, if not speedily paid. The amount of the tribute depends on the caprice of Runjeet Sing, but the Seiks will not make a conquest of this country. Without Mahommedan auxiliaries they could not retain it.

~Political relations of Peshawur.~

The chiefs of Peshawur and Cabool, who are brothers, are at enmity. The power of Cabool is far more consolidated than that of Peshawur, but the latter has an ally in his brother of Candahar, who would resent any attack, either on Peshawur or his own country. The Chiefs of Peshawur and Candahar have been some time past concerting an attack on Cabool; but it is not improbable that the territories of both may, ere long, be threatened, and perhaps taken, by the Khan of Cabool. In such an event, the chief of Peshawur would call in the aid of the Seiks. This would probably be given, since Dost Mahommed of Cabool would never consent to the annual tribute now paid to Lahore by his brother of Peshawur. Sirdar Sooltan Mahommed Khan entertains hopes of being able to interest the British Government in his cause, should it decline. He seems to believe that he might hold one portion of the country, by surrendering a part for the protection of the remainder. No chief in the kingdom of Cabool entertains a higher respect for the British Government than Sooltan Mahommed Khan. This has always been shown by his attention to Europeans who have entered his country. If misfortunes fell upon him, he might be a useful or dangerous partisan. He might espouse the cause of the King Shah Shooja ool Moolk, though that monarch is no favourite with his family; yet the inconsistency and inconstancy of the Afghan chiefs are proverbial. In any difficulty, the chief of Peshawur would be ably assisted by Peer Mahommed, but his other brother is destitute of energy and enterprise. The whole of the Barukzye family entertain a dread of Shah Shooja ool Moolk, and the Prince Kamran of Herat. The one, if aided by the British, would drive them from their usurped authority; and the other, if assisted by the Persians, might perhaps fix himself on the throne of his ancestors.

~Chief and government of Peshawur.~

Sooltan Mahommed Khan bears a fair reputation, but his government is most oppressive and vexatious. His agents and underlings practise all manner of exactions; goods are taxed far above their value; and the currency is constantly altered and depreciated. An enormous tax is levied on the water mills, which grind the flour, and it falls heaviest on the lower orders of the people. This chief is a man about thirty-five; he is ambitious, and at one time held the government of Cabool. He is well educated, and, with good talents, possesses an engaging manner: he reads and writes, and transacts his business in person. He has not the art of settling disputes, and his court presents a scene of confusion, which is hardly to be described or believed. The complainants intrude at all times and places, and state their grievances in the most free and republican manner; yet nothing is ever settled, and the population are heartily disaffected. Like Afghans, the chief of Peshawur, and his relatives, live from hand to mouth; they are liberal of what they possess, and have no wealth. I have been informed that they could not retain their government without this open-handed liberality. The chief of Peshawur has rallied round him some of the most celebrated of the Dooranee nation, who share his bounty. The sons of Akram Khan, and the Mookhtar o Doula, Shah Shooja’s two ministers, as also of the celebrated Meer Waeez, are among the number; the latter is an officer of the chief of Peshawur. The only son of the Vizier Futteh Khan likewise resides with Sooltan Mahommed Khan.

~Provisions and productions.~

Provisions are cheap and plentiful in Peshawur, though their price has risen with the decrease of population. Grain of every description abounds, but is not exported; 65lbs. of wheat may be purchased for a rupee, which is 10lbs. less than might be had for the same sum in 1809. Ninety-six lbs. of barley sell for a rupee. A sheep may be had for two rupees; a bullock costs twelve or fourteen; and the rupee is a quarter less in value than the common sonat of India. Fruit of almost every kind is to be had in Peshawur, but it does not stand a journey, like that of Cabool, on account of the great heat. One of the large gardens, which used to let for 7000 rupees a year, now brings but 2000. The diminution is ascribed to the decrease of population; but fruit sells for half the price, now that there is no court to purchase it. The sugar cane thrives here, but the people are ignorant of the mode of crystallising its juice. That which is candied is brought from Hindostan, though the native sugar is excellent. The Afghans are very fond of the fresh cane, which they cut in small pieces, and use as a sweetmeat. The most remarkable production of the plain of Peshawur is a kind of rice called “bara,” produced on the banks of a rivulet of that name, which comes from Teera, in the Khyber country. The grains of this rice are so long, that fourteen of them are said to make a span. This rice is very superior, which is attributed to the excellence of the water. So strong is this prejudice, that most of the wells of Peshawur are filled from it during winter, and roofed in till the hot weather. They believe this keeps the water cold. The “bara” rice sells so high as 8lbs. for a rupee, and is exported as a rarity to Persia, Tartary, and all the neighbouring countries, and composes a part of Runjeet Sing’s tribute. The rice produced in other parts of the plain of Peshawur does not differ from common rice.

~Feasible improvements.~

~Agriculture.~

~Sugar. Silk.~

It has been lately discovered in the low countries of Europe, that a much greater population can be subsisted on a small space of ground, by following the Flemish mode of agriculture. The soil is dug up by the spade, and a succession of crops, chiefly of garden stuffs, is the produce. If there be a country in the Eastern World where this practice might be followed with advantage, it is the plain of Peshawur. The soil is a rich mould, and its spacious plain is intersected with water on all sides. The country, it is said, continues green during the twelve months of the year. It yields a succession of three crops annually; and if we reckon the barley (which is cut twice before it ears, and given to horses,) we have no less than five returns a year. The wheat and barley are off the ground by April. Vegetables abound, and are produced in fields rather than gardens. Public spirit and intelligence might render Peshawur a most productive region. We have seen that it is favourable to the cane, and recent experiments have proved, that the silk-worm may be reared with advantage. Mulberry trees abound, and the insect is liable to no particular disease. Those which I saw were brought from Cabool and Balkh. The eggs are hatched at the vernal equinox, a few days before the mulberry is in leaf. Till then the insects are fed on a kind of weed, with a yellow flower, called “khoobikulan” by the Persians, and common to England. Their education does not differ from that of Europe. The silk is boiled before it is wound. The worms are brought forth by artificial heat, and generally by being tied under the armpits. Exposure to the sun kills the insects, and it likewise deprives the chrysalis of life when in the cocoon. By the end of May the worms have finished their career, and lie dormant in the egg till next spring. They are placed in cellars under ground, to protect them from heat, and they are as carefully guarded against damp. I do not doubt but successions of these worms might be brought forth during the warm months.

~District of Cohat.~

~Minerals and coal.~

The district of Cohat, under Peshawur, deserves a minute description, from the richness and variety of its productions, though it yields but two lacs of rupees to the chief. The salt range lies within this tract, and the mineral abounds. It is sold for one eighth of the price east of the Indus. Gold, copper, iron, and antimony have been extracted from ores found in these hills; and there are two kinds of sulphur. There are also wells of naphtha, or petroleum, for the matter which they eject is used in the neighbouring villages for oil. But the most valuable production of Cohat is its coal, which we discovered during our visit, and explained its utility, much to the astonishment of the people. It occurs on the surface of one of the hills, and in great abundance. The specimens which were procured for my satisfaction were of a greyish hue, intermixed with much sulphur. It burns well, but leaves much refuse. It has more the appearance of slate than coal; but, as the specimens were from the surface, they are not to be taken as a fair criterion of the mine. The coal is bituminous, and ignites at the candle. The villagers now use it as fuel. The discovery of a coal-mine at the head of the Indus may prove of the utmost importance in these times, since the navigation of that river is open to Attok; and the mineral is found about forty miles distant from that place, with a level road intervening, and near a large city, where labour is cheap. It is a singular circumstance, that deposits of coal should have been discovered, both at the mouth and head of the Indus (in Cutch and Cohat), within these few years, and since steam has been used in India. It is seldom that discoveries are so opportune, and I trust that they augur favourably for the opening of a new route to commerce by the Indus.

CHAP. IV.

THE CHIEFSHIP OF CABOOL.

~Chiefship. Power and extent.~

The capital of Cabool now forms the residence of an independent chief, who holds the surrounding districts and Ghuzni, without any control over the kingdom of the Dooranees. The same circumstances which separated Peshawur, have dismembered Cabool; and since the death of Azeem Khan, the possession of it has been disputed by different members of the Barukzye family. In the year 1826, it fell into the hands of Dost Mahommed Khan, the present chief, and a brother of the Vizier, Futteh Khan. Since then he has greatly extended and consolidated his power. He intrusts the town and dependencies of Ghuzni to a brother, and admits no one else to share his fortunes. The limits of the chiefship extend north to Hindoo Koosh and Bameean. On the west it is bounded by the hill country of the Huzaras. To the south is Ghuzni, and to the east it stretches half way to Peshawur, terminating at the garden of Neemla. Much of the country is mountainous; but it contains a large portion of arable land, which is most productive. It lies along the base of hills, and derives a richness from the soil washed from them. The revenues of Cabool amount to eighteen lacs of rupees. Its military force is greater than any among the Afghans, since the chief retains a body of 9000 horse, who are well mounted and accoutred. He has also 2000 infantry, with other auxiliaries, village troops, and a park of fourteen guns, which are well served for a native state. This country is by nature strong and mountainous, though it has good roads through it.

~Character of the chief.~

The reputation of Dost Mahommed Khan is made known to a traveller long before he enters his country, and no one better merits the high character which he has obtained. He is unremitting in his attention to business, and attends daily at the Court-house, with the Cazee and Moollahs, to decide every cause according to the law. The Koran and its commentaries may not be the standard of legislative excellence, but this sort of decision is exceedingly popular with the people, since it fixes a line, and relieves them from the “jus vagum aut incognitum” of a despot. Trade has received the greatest encouragement from him, and he has derived his own reward, since the receipts of the Custom-house of the city have increased fifty thousand rupees, and now furnish him with a net revenue of two lacs of rupees per annum. One in forty, _i.e._ 2-1/2 per cent., is the only duty levied in his territory; and the merchant may travel without guard or protection from one frontier to another, an unheard of circumstance in the time of the kings. The chief of Cabool, in his zeal for orthodox government, has deprived his subjects of the luxury of wine and spirits, as being prohibited by his creed. The enactment has driven the Jews and Armenians from his country, since they had no other means to procure a subsistence. A good Mahommedan ought not to regret the loss of such luxuries; but with this single exception, I heard of no complaint against the rule of Dost Mahommed Khan. That chief, in common with many of the Afghan nation, was addicted in early life to wine and its concomitant vices. His prohibition of them may be, therefore, capricious; but he, as well as his court, hold out a bright example of sobriety to the community. The justice of this chief affords a constant theme of praise to all classes: the peasant rejoices at the absence of tyranny; the citizen at the safety of his home and the strict municipal regulations regarding weights and measures; the merchant at the equity of the decisions and the protection of his property, and the soldiers at the regular manner in which their arrears are discharged. A man in power can have no higher praise. Dost Mahommed Khan has not attained his fortieth year; his mother was a Persian, and he has been trained up with people of that nation, which has sharpened his understanding, and given him advantages over all his brothers. One is struck with the intelligence, knowledge, and curiosity which he displays, as well as his accomplished manners and address. He is doubtless the most powerful chief in Afghanistan, and may yet raise himself by his abilities to a much greater rank in his native country.

~Political relations of the chiefship.~

The differences which subsist between Dost Mahommed Khan and his brothers lessen the influence of all parties, and would lay open the state to intrigue and faction, if invaded. The family of Barukzye have nothing to fear from any other Afghan tribe, since they surpass all in numbers as much as in power. The chiefs of Peshawur and Candahar do not want the wish to injure their brother of Cabool, but they cannot accomplish their purpose. Both of them have had a footing in Cabool, and look with envy on the prosperity of Dost Mahommed Khan. Both have emissaries at his court, who excite disturbance; and both cherish hopes of rooting out one whom they consider a usurper. The task will be found difficult; for the chief of Cabool, besides the moderation and justice which secure him so many friends, enjoys an advantage in his Persian descent, which will prove of material service to him in adversity. He holds the warlike clan of Juwansheer in his interests, and takes every occasion to conciliate this tribe, which has so often turned the scale in favour of different pretenders to the throne. He has acquired their language (the Turkish), and promoted their interests and well-being. The Persians of Cabool amount to about 12,000 families; they reside in a separate quarter of the city, which keeps up an _esprit de corps_ among them. It also gives them a knowledge of their power, which may prove salutary or prejudicial to the factions that divide the country, according to circumstances. The state of fear which an enemy on both sides must inspire has a bad effect on Dost Mahommed Khan’s administration. With his own house as an object of care, he is not likely to pursue conquests abroad, or retrieve the fallen state of Cabool. This alone deters him from attacking Herat, and making some endeavours to wrest Mooltan and Dera Ghazee Khan from the Seiks. He last year made a demonstration against Julalabad, a district between Cabool and Peshawur, worth about seven lacs of rupees a year. He will probably annex it to his power; but, until able to coerce or subdue either Peshawur or Candahar, Dost Mahommed Khan cannot rise above the rank of a chief, or be aught than one among many in Afghanistan. In the present state of politics in the country, he is, nevertheless, the most rising man in the Cabool dominions.

~Supplies of Cabool.~

Cabool is a country of great strength, but small resource. It abounds in fruit, but grain grows scantily. The Emperor Baber, on his conquering it, imposed a tax of 30,000 khurwars[36] of grain on Cabool and Ghuzni, but found in after-years, when better acquainted with the country, that the levy was exorbitant. The territory has no doubt improved in a lapse of three hundred years; but provisions are dear in Cabool. In summer, the necessaries of life are rather moderate; fruit and vegetables abound, and the city receives supplies from the surrounding country. In winter, the roads are shut, wood is scarce, grain is dear, and the severity of the climate demands warm clothing. The mills which grind the flour are also frozen up, and the poorest people must purchase animal food. The presence of a force in Cabool has the effect of doubling the price of provisions, which is a sure indication of their scarcity. A large army might still find a comfortable quarter in the city of Cabool, and draw the supplies which it required, additional to the resources of the country, from Peshawur and the valley of the Cabool river, near Julalabad. Forage for cattle is most plentiful; artificial grasses are cultivated to a great extent, and prove a most nutritious food to horses. There are likewise most extensive meadows both at Cabool and Ghuzni. One, called Nawur, in particular, near the latter place, would supply a force of 20,000 cavalry. The city of Cabool has been described elsewhere. It has a population of about 60,000 souls, and a bazar of nearly 2000 shops. Each trade has a separate division of the town. Cabool furnishes a supply of articles far beyond what its size would indicate, for it is a mart, and the entrepôt of a great trade.

~Strength.~

It increases daily under the fostering care of its present ruler. As a place of defence, it is contemptible; the city-wall, which has never been good, has fallen down; the summits of the hills that environ the town are crowned with walls, but they are a useless ornament. The Bala Hissar, or citadel, which stands on the eastern side, is a place of no strength, and the other Bala Hissar below it is even more defenceless. The former building, which stands on an eminence, commands a noble view of the surrounding country, and might be made to command the city, which lies at its base.

CHAP. V.

ON THE AFFAIRS OF WESTERN AFGHANISTAN.

~Western Afghanistan.~

The western portion of Afghanistan is held by the chiefs of Candahar and Herat; who rule as at Cabool and Peshawur. They complete the number of governments into which the monarchy has been dismembered; and, after our more minute accounts of the two other chiefships, do not require much notice. Candahar is in the possession of a branch of the Barukzye family, and Herat is ruled by Kamran, the son of King Mahmood of Cabool.

~Chiefships of Candahar.~

It has been already mentioned that Shere Dil Khan fled from Cabool to Candahar; and formed the present chiefship, with the spoil of his nephew. He was a man of singular habits, in some respects resembling his brother, Futteh Khan; but morose as well as cruel. They give an anecdote of his lopping off the finger of one of his boys, telling him at the same time, if he cried, that he could not be his child, or a Barukzye. The young fellow bore it with great patience. Shere Dil Khan, in his flight to Candahar, was accompanied by four brothers. He himself is since dead, as also one of his brothers. Candahar is now governed by Cohun Dil Khan, supported by his two surviving brothers, Ruhum Dil and Meer Dil. The revenues amount to about eight lacs of rupees; his force consists of 9000 horse, and six pieces of artillery; but, as the city is situated in the heart of the Dooranee country, and near the native seat of the Barukzye family, he could, perhaps, increase his cavalry on an emergency. The government is not popular, nor would it appear, from the acts of oppression, that it deserved to be so. The chief is on bad terms with most of his neighbours. In common with all his family, he is inimical to Kamran of Herat, and has at different times attempted to seize that city. He is also at issue with the chief of Cabool. The connexion between the Peshawur and Candahar branches of the Barukzyes, is very close and sincere; but their united efforts will not, in all probability, injure their brother of Cabool. The Candahar chief also seeks to form a settlement on the Indus; and has for several years past sent his troops to threaten Shikarpoor in Sinde. The Ameers of that country have been hitherto able to resist his attacks; but, as there is an open and easy communication between Candahar and the Indus, by the pass of Bolan, the chief is not likely to discontinue his endeavours in that quarter. In a disorganised state of Sinde, he might easily possess himself of Shikarpoor; and such a state of events seems by no means improbable in the country of the Ameers. The chief of Candahar would gladly interest the ruler of the Punjab in his cause; but it is not probable that he will procure his assistance, as he himself looks upon Shikarpoor with an eye of cupidity.

~Government of Herat.~

Herat is the only province of the kingdom of Cabool, now held by a descendant of the royal family; and the Prince Kamran rules more from tolerance in his enemies than his own power. He receives no aid from his countrymen, since the whole of the chiefs in Afghanistan are his enemies, and desire his destruction, in revenge for the assassination of their brother Futteh Khan. Herat has, therefore, become a dependency of Persia. The town itself has of late years been several times entered by the troops of that nation; and only spared by the ready tender of money on the part of its governor. It was threatened in September 1832, by the Prince Royal in person, who made a pecuniary demand; and also required that the coinage of the city should be struck in the name of the King of Persia. It is probable that both these requests will be granted, since Kamran would gladly hold his power on any terms. The Persians do not appear to contemplate any permanent settlement in Herat, since it would incur the expense of retaining a force, that would diminish the tribute now gained from it. Kamran is said to be in possession of some of the crown jewels of Cabool, and derives a large revenue from Herat, which is situated in one of the most fertile countries of the world. By this wealth he is yet able to retain about his person some of the Afghan chiefs, and can raise a body of 4000 or 5000 horse. He has no political connexions in any quarter; but still clings to the hope of being able to re-establish the monarchy of his father. He has the character of a cruel and tyrannical man, is destitute of friends, and odious to his countrymen.

CHAP. VI.

SUMMARY OF THE AFFAIRS OF CABOOL.

~Remarks on the overthrow of the royal dynasty.~

We have now given a sketch of the events which have occurred in Cabool, to the fall of the monarchy; and described the several governments into which it has been divided. Its prosperity as a kingdom seems almost to have terminated with its founder, Ahmed Shah Dooranee. His son Timour evinced none of the energy and activity of his parent. Shah Zuman, his child and successor, defective in education, and cruel in disposition, succeeded to a government relaxed by a long reign of indolence. Shah Zuman, and his brothers, Mahmood and Shooja, seem alike to have forgotten, on their elevation to a throne, that they ruled a people whose genius was republican. The total overthrow of the dynasty is universally attributed to the misplaced pride and arrogance of the last kings, who now receive no sympathy from the Afghans in their overthrow. Shooja, indeed, might have regained his power, but for his rash attempts to exercise the authority of king, before he was firmly fixed in it. The Afghans cannot control their feelings of jealousy towards men in power; and this universal envy has dethroned their kings and butchered their nobles. There is not a person of note, that figures in their history for the last thirty years, who has died a natural death. To be happy under any government, they must either be ruled by a vigorous despot, or formed into many small republics.

~Improbabilities of restoring it.~

All the institutions of the Afghans are favourable to a republic; and the supremacy of the Barukzye family in Cabool is acceptable to the people; and I even think favourable to the prosperity of the country. It is by far the greatest clan of the Dooranees, amounting to about 60,000 families, which will enable it to maintain its authority. The late royal family of the Sudozyes, on the other hand, were few in number, and looked for support to other tribes. Of these, the principal were the Barukzyes. Hajee Jumal, the most influential of its chiefs, willingly bowed to the authority of Ahmed Shah; and contributed to fix him on his throne. The successors of that monarch rewarded his services by the murder of his son Poynda Khan; and we have related the atrocious assassination of his grandson the Vizier. Had the royal house treated these benefactors with justice, and their subjects with moderation, they might still have reigned in peace. The hatred of this family to the house of Cabool, and the cause which excites it (the assassination of two of their chiefs), forbid the belief that the Barukzyes will ever consent to their restoration. It is certain that the aid of no other tribe can avail them, for the whole wealth of the country is in the hands of their enemies; and the bulk of the people view their misfortunes with indifference, since it is believed they have drawn them upon themselves. It is evident, therefore, that the restoration of either Shooja ool Moolk, or Kamran, is an event of the most improbable nature. The dynasty of the Sudozyes has passed away, unless it be propped up by foreign aid; and it would be impossible to reclaim the lost provinces of the empire, without a continuation of the same assistance. It is more difficult to revive than to raise a dynasty; and in the common chain of events, if the country is to be ruled by another king, we must look for another family to establish its power in Cabool; and this, in all probability, will be the Barukzyes.

~Relative power of Cabool and Persia.~

At present, there is no connexion of a political nature between the states in Cabool and any foreign power. The Persians have long talked vaingloriously of invading the country, but if there were no treachery on the part of the Kuzzilbash guards, at Cabool, they could not certainly make an impression on the kingdom. In a general war, the enmity between the different houses would probably be forgotten, and the united force of the Barukzyes alone amounts to about 30,000 horse. While we were in Cabool, the chief received a notice from his brother at Candahar, who had been threatened by an ambassador from the Persian camp. The reply of Dost Mahommed Khan was characteristic:--“When the Persians come, let me know, and as I am now your enemy, will I then be your friend.” The natural strength of Cabool is its best barrier against a successful invasion by an Asiatic power, and if we look to the expedition of Nadir Shah, we are to remember that he was accompanied by many Afghan chiefs, whom he had advanced to favour, and who largely participated in his acquisitions, and the spoils he gained from others.

The political state of Cabool, as a kingdom, becomes at all times an object of the deepest importance to India, from the many changes which constantly take place in that country. Of its four chiefships, one is subject to the Punjab, and another to Persia. The chief of Cabool himself is a man of enlightened views, and may secure a thorough supremacy over the country, on the death of Runjeet Sing. It would not be difficult for him to subdue Peshawur, and he might then seize the provinces on the Indus, and very probably Cashmere. He is a man favourably disposed towards the British Government, as indeed are the whole chiefs of the kingdom. They were not in power when the British mission entered the country in 1809, but our reputation was then established, and the good opinion of all parties has been acquired by our immediate withdrawal afterwards. That circumstance, it is true, was unavoidable; but it has left impressions most favourable to our disinterestedness. In Cabool, therefore, it would not be difficult to form a connexion; and the chief is certainly worthy of notice, since his country lies on the great road by which the manufactures of Britain are imported, and which of late have been considerably increased by his equity and justice. It would require no great expenditure of the public funds to conciliate this chief; and, it is to be remembered, that he is in possession of the most important position in Asia, as regards the protection of British India. Had circumstances brought us into an alliance with Cabool instead of Persia, we might have now possessed more trusty and useful allies, nearer home, than we can boast of in that country. We also should have never incurred a tenth of the expenditure, which has been so freely lavished in Persia.

CHAP. VII.

ON THE POWER OF KOONDOOZ.

~Chiefship of Koondooz.~

~Its extent.~

The territories of Koondooz lie between Cabool and Bokhara. I shall comprehend under that designation all which I have to say on the countries, north of Hindoo Koosh, and south of the Oxus, as far westward as the city of Balkh. These limits bound a chiefship, which is ruled by an Uzbek family that has lately extended its power, and is now possessed of great influence in these countries. This is the tribe of Kutghun; the name of the chief is Mahommed Moorad Beg, and Meer is the title by which he is known to his subjects. At no late period the tribe was confined to the canton of Koondooz, but this chief has established a power over all the neighbouring states; he holds Khooloom, Heibuk, Ghoree, Inderab, Talighan, and Huzrut-Imam, and is master of the valley of the Upper Oxus, and its tributary rivers. The city of Balkh has likewise been in his hands; he contented himself with sacking it, and marching off a great part of the population to his other conquests. He has also reduced the whole kingdom of Budukhshan, and is at present engaged in operations against the hill states north of the Oxus. The district of Koolab, which is one of these, and lies between Durwaz and Shughnan, is already in his possession. His power extends south to Syghan, within thirty miles of Bameean, and across two of the passes of Hindoo Koosh.

~Rise of Moorad Beg.~

The population of the territory consists chiefly of Tajiks, the aborigines of the country, who form the entire body of the people in Budukhshan. The Uzbeks bear a very small proportion to them.

The chief of Koondooz attained his present ascendancy on the death of Khilich Ali Beg, a well-known Uzbek chief, who long ruled in Balkh, as a nominal tributary to the crown of Cabool. Moorad Beg, of Koondooz, held a secondary command under this chief.

At his death, which occurred more than eight years since, Moorad Beg entered into intrigues with the different members of his family; and finally succeeded in establishing his own authority. The sons of Khilich Ali Beg now govern Khooloom and Heibuk as his vassals. The Kutghuns have always possessed influence among the Uzbeks, but Moorad Beg is the first of his family, or of his countrymen, who has formed so extensive a principality. The tribe is of Moghul extraction, as it is termed, since they and the Kalmuks descend from one stock. They entered on their present seats in the 16th century, with the great Uzbek nation, that expelled the descendants of Timour from their paternal kingdom. Koondooz appears to have been the utmost limit of invasion, since the Uzbeks have not settled in Budukhshan, or south of Hindoo Koosh. The government of the present chief may be viewed as tolerably well consolidated: his measures are vigorous.

~Policy and power of the chief.~

The Meer of Koondooz owes much of his power to the policy which he has pursued towards those whom he has subjected. He retains the former chiefs in authority, but stipulates for a contingent of troops, and the maintenance of a portion of his own in the country, at their expense. He thus increases his strength, and provides for the protection of his newly acquired conquests, without danger of revolt. His united forces amounted to about 20,000 horse, and six pieces of artillery, one of which is a thirty-six pounder. He has no infantry, for the Uzbeks despise that branch of an army, and know as little of the use of cannon, though the possession of guns seems to secure a victory. I must, however, mention, to the credit of the chief, that he has dragged the great gun to Sarbagh, fifty miles into Hindoo Koosh. This piece of ordnance was brought from Persia by Nadir Shah, who took the route of Meshid, Shurukhs, and Meimuna, to Balkh,--a practical proof of the goodness of the road, and the calibre by which it may be traversed. The cavalry carry spears of an unwieldy size; some have matchlocks, but a great part are ill armed and accoutred, though much superior to those who oppose them. He supports these troops by an allowance of grain, and retains all the commanders, and a portion of the men, in constant attendance upon his person. Moorad Beg leads a life of great activity, and takes the field in person; he constantly sends his horse on excursions of plunder and capture, (as they are called, “Chupawul,”) north of the Oxus, in the neighbourhood of Balkh, and the country of the Huzaras. As the people there are Shiah Mahommedans, they are seized without mercy, and distributed or sold into slavery. A supply of these unfortunate wretches is also derived from Chitral, a hill state, east of Budukhshan, the chief of which pays his tribute in human beings. He excepts the caravans which pass through his territory from these attacks, and also guards against exactions from the chiefs whom he has rendered tributary. He holds little or no communication with neighbouring powers. With the Chinese authorities in Yarkund, to which there is a considerable trade, there has been an exchange of presents, and the Koondooz chief once sent an ambassador regarding the protection of the roads, which were infested by robbers from beyond the Oxus. With the king at Bokhara there is no cordiality, for they are mutually afraid of each other. Moorad Beg makes constant irruptions into the provinces of Balkh, and the Governor of that city seeks his safety in flight. The Afghans are separated from Koondooz by a great chain of mountains, and the country to the eastward of Budukhshan is equally rugged, and cut off by the lofty mountains of Beloot. The chief of Koondooz has nevertheless crossed this range, and attacked Chitral. He has also at times made inroads into the country of the Siahpoosh Kaffirs, who dwell on Hindoo Koosh; but his last campaign, in this quarter, about four years since, was not of an encouraging nature. The Kaffirs allowed the troops to advance into the mountains, and then attacked them. A snow storm ensued, and out of 4000 horse, one half were unable to extricate themselves, and fell a sacrifice to their temerity.

~Revenues of Koondooz.~

The revenue of this principality is paid in grain. There is abundance of it and the necessaries of life; but money is exceedingly scarce. Nothing proves this so satisfactorily as the coinage now in circulation, which is of an Emperor of Delhi, prior to the age of Nadir. Many foreign luxuries are derived from Bokhara, by sending slaves and cattle to its market. Under such circumstances, it is difficult to form any correct estimate of the revenues of Koondooz. Moorad Beg is considered wealthy for an Uzbek. He demands one third of the productions of the soil from his subjects. Koondooz itself is rich in rice; and much silk is produced on the banks of the Oxus. Budukhshan, at one time so fruitful and fertile a country, is almost depopulated; and has severely felt the power of Koondooz. The ruler of it, one of those who claim descent from Alexander the Great, has been deposed; and a great part of the population driven from their own beautiful valley to the fens of Koondooz. Budukhshan, therefore, furnishes no revenue, and is occupied by Uzbek horse, who contribute to its further desolation. Of its ruby mines I have spoken in another place. The whole of the affairs of Mahommed Moorad Beg are managed by a Hindoo named Atmaram, a native of Peshawur, who has the title of Dewan Begee. He is a person of some talent, and has unlimited influence. He has risen from the meanest origin. Among the Uzbeks, Hindoos are despised, and never permitted to wear turbans; but this minister has not only secured the privilege for himself, but for all his servants and tribe who live with him. He has about 400 slaves in his household, the gift of an indulgent master, and has also enriched himself to a great extent; but his merits entitle him to the reward. The Uzbeks are incapable of conducting matters of state; for, except the priests, they are without education. Moorad Beg has therefore evinced the most unerring proof of his own superiority in the selection of such a man to conduct his government. It is to him that the merchant owes the protection of his property; and that the chief himself reigns without a rival in the countries which he has subdued.

~Character of Moorad Beg.~

Since much depends on the personal qualities of a chief who rules a country composed of such materials, we must regard his character with the greater interest. That of Moorad Beg has many prominent features, nor is it free from contradiction. He is at once cruel and indulgent: he encourages every plundering expedition which leaves his country, and shares the spoil with the barbarians who secure it. Possessed of power to retain the entire possessions over which he holds a supremacy, he concedes both property and power, certainly of a limited nature, to the individuals who, in most Asiatic governments, meet with death. Except his forced removal of the inhabitants of one province to people another, and that too a most unhealthy one; and his seizure of the unfortunate Huzaras and Kaffirs, and their sale as slaves, I have not heard him accused of any of the flagrant acts of wanton tyranny and oppression, so common in despotic governments. The trader passes through the dominions of Koondooz without molestation. The duties are low; and some articles, such as shawls, are encouraged by an entire remission. The people were also relieved from the payment of the tax on silk at the time we were in Koondooz. The greatest apprehension under which this chief labours, is a terror of the British name, as was shown in the harsh treatment of Mr. Moorcroft and our party. He suspects the conquerors of India, and it will require much to remove his suspicion. Moorad Beg is about fifty years of age; his stature is tall, and his features are those of a genuine Uzbek: his eyes are small to deformity; his forehead broad and frowning; and the whole cast of his countenance most repulsive. He is not addicted to any excess, and is moderate in his pleasures. A holy person at Talighan, about thirty-five miles from his capital, exercises great power over him. In early life he was indebted to this man for good offices and advice; and there is no favour that he might sue for which would now be refused. He has lately given one of his daughters in marriage to his son. Moorad Beg has two sons, one of them a promising lad of eighteen.

CHAP. VIII.

SKETCH OF THE HISTORY OF BOKHARA.

~Early history of Bokhara.~

I procured five manuscripts on the history of Bokhara during my residence in that country. It would be foreign to my design to give the voluminous contents of these works; nor do I feel impressed with a belief that the interest of their contents would reward the notice of a general reader: I have handed them over to that flourishing society the Oriental Translation Fund, from whom I have an assurance that it will use every means to make them known to Oriental scholars. Bokhara, in early ages, is described under the name of Bykune, a city still to be traced in its vicinity, and connected by fable or truth with the well-known name of Afrasiab. The country is there stated to have been a marsh overgrown with reeds, and fed by the ice and snow which melted in the hills of Samarcand. It is said to have been a hunting thicket, and so marshy in many places, that a camel could not pass it. Such is the language of the native historians. An intercourse was then kept up with the Emperor of China, who gave his daughter to the ruler of Bokhara: but with this fair partner followed the inroads of the Toorks, which appear to have always desolated this country. We are next brought to the age of Islam and the inroads of the Arabs, who contended with a Queen, or Khatoon, famed as an idolater, but equally for her love of justice; which is yet commemorated by popular songs. Her son embraced the religion of the Faithful, but relented, and was put to death when the Arabs finally established themselves in Toorkistan. This person built a grand mosque in the ninety-fourth year of the Hejira (A.D. 716), causing the prayers to be read in Persian, “because it was the language of the country.”[37] From that time the fame and size of the city increased; and we hear of the commerce and vast population, the deeds of the renowned Haroon ool Rusheed, and of Arslan Khan, both of whom beautified and enriched it. We are also gravely told, on the authority of the Archangel Gabriel, of the joyful procession with which its inhabitants would be blessed on the day of judgment.

~From the age of Jengis to the invasion of the Uzbeks.~

Such is the early history of Bokhara, till the destroying Jengis desolated it with his horde of Tartars in the 622d year of the Hejira (A.D. 1232). It then appears, by the accounts of its bazars, buildings, and aqueducts, to have been really a wealthy and fine capital; but, in common with many great cities, it was overwhelmed by the destructive hostilities of the Tartar, who swept, with unrelenting fury from the Caspian to the Indus. In its turn, the kingdom of Bokhara, ruled by its Ameer, the great Timur, a descendant of the ferocious Jengis, wreaked its vengeance on neighbouring and distant nations, and shook the bonds of sovereignty throughout Asia. The deeds of this hero belong to the history of which I now treat; but the conquests of Timour, and his enlightened institutes, his martial and political career, require only a passing notice in this literary age. His successors, after some generations, were driven from this their paternal kingdom, and founded the dominion of the Great Moguls in India, under the valiant Baber, whose present pageant successors yet live, I cannot call it reign, in Delhi. This last revolution sprang from the invasion of the Uzbek Tartars; another tribe from the seats of Jengis, and also related to that conqueror, who crossed the Jaxartes in the beginning of the sixteenth century, and retain in these times all the countries of Mawur ool nuhr, or Transoxiana, extending to the base of Hindoo Koosh. The Uzbeks achieved this great conquest under Sheibanee Khan and his son. Baber was assisted by the King of Persia; and Sheibanee Khan was defeated and slain at the battle of Merve.

~Nadir Shah’s inroad to the end of Shah Moorud’s reign.~

The supremacy which the Uzbek race had thus acquired was maintained in the different kingdoms of Transoxiana, till the invasion of Nadir Shah, in the early part of the last century. Aboolfuez Khan then ruled in Bokhara, as Ameer, or Governor, and was acknowledged to be the hereditary representative of the Uzbeks, who had expelled the house of Timour, as well as a male descendant of the great Jengis. His Attalik, or Vizier, Ruheem Khan, an Uzbek of the Mungut tribe, intrigued with the Persian conqueror, and brought him to the gates of the city. Nadir spared Bokhara; but the minister put the Ameer to death, and raised up a son in his stead, to whom he had given his own daughter in marriage. Him he also murdered. On the death of Ruheem Khan, this cruel and treacherous minister was succeeded by Danial Beg, an Uzbek of the same tribe (Mungut), who was distantly related, by marriage, to Aboolfuez Khan. He pretended to no higher powers than the last minister, and governed the country in the name of Aboolghazee Khan, a descendant of the late Ameer and of Jengis. On the death of Danial Beg, his son Moorad succeeded him as Vizier; and, setting aside the pageant king, in whose name his father had ruled, proclaimed himself the Ameer of Bokhara. Shah Moorad reigned seventeen years, and died about the year 1800. He was greater as a theologian than a ruler; but the name of Begee Jan, by which he was familiarly known, is much revered by the Uzbeks, and many singular stories are related regarding him. He carried on wars with the King of Cabool, and all the neighbouring and less powerful states. He destroyed the city of Merve, in the desert, and marched the greater part of its population to Bokhara; but his deeds contributed little to his fame or the aggrandisement of a kingdom, which he had usurped. From the time of Shah Moorad, the male descendants of Jengis Khan have ceased to reign in Bokhara. There are yet some members of that family in the country who live in poverty and contempt; and the last King of Bokhara was, I understand, related to them by the mother’s side.

~Reign of Hyder and the present King Nussier oollah.~

Shah Moorad was succeeded by his son Hyder, commonly called Saeed, or Pure. He converted his office more into that of a priest than a king, and his rigid adherence to the Koran, while it has rendered him illustrious throughout the Mahommedan world, has greatly increased bigotry and fanaticism in the country which he governed. He viewed his title as Commander of the Faithful in its literal sense, and passed the greater portion of his time in endeavouring to correct and improve the morals of his age. Had his vigils been extended to external politics, he might have, perhaps, benefited his country; but, after a long and useless reign of twenty-seven years, he bequeathed (A. D. 1825) to his children a disputed succession, and a kingdom that had been insulted and encroached upon from every side. His death was the signal of revolt and civil war among his offspring. Ameer Hoosein, his son, was proclaimed King, and perished, after a reign of fifty days, not without suspicion of poison, which was administered by the Koosh Begee, or minister, who favoured the pretensions of another brother. He was succeeded by Omar Khan, who seized the reins of government and the capital. His elder brother, Nussier oollah, or, as he is generally styled, Buhadoor Khan, had, however, secured the secret influence of the Koosh Begee, (though avowedly a partisan of Omar,) and prepared to resist his power with all determination. He seized, as a preliminary step, on the city of Samarcand, and, marching down upon Bokhara, possessed himself of the canals and aqueducts which supply it with water: these he closed, and the city fell into his hands, after a siege of fifty days; delivered to him, however, by the Koosh Begee, whom he appointed minister. Omar was placed in confinement; but he fled from his keepers, and, after wandering to Meshid and Balkh, died of cholera in Kokan; from which his remains were brought for interment to Bokhara. Nussier oollah entered on the sovereignty without further resistance. He put thirty of his brother’s partisans to death, and ordered one of the principal Bees, or chiefs, to be thrown from the palace-gate, the usual mode of execution in these countries. His treatment of three younger brothers was far less justifiable: he sent them to an estate on the banks of the Oxus, and cruelly ordered them to be murdered, lest they should cabal against him; and Nussier oollah himself, the only survivor of six children, now reigns in Bokhara. How little the practical good worked by the bigoted parent on his unhappy children! But Nussier oollah has, in some degree (if such be possible), redeemed himself from the foul and vicious acts by which he secured his throne: he now rules his subjects with a just and impartial hand, and has ceased to resort to cruelty or crime in upholding his government, since he has had no rival in the scene. He has a young and increasing family.

CHAP. IX.

ON THE POLITICAL AND MILITARY POWER OF BOKHARA.

~Importance of the kingdom of Bokhara.~

The importance of Bokhara does not arise from the extent of its territories, but the position in which they stand. The fame which it enjoys as a kingdom is to be traced to the days of the Chaghtyes. It then included all Mawur ool Nuhr, or the country _between_ the rivers Oxus and Jaxartes, extended to Kharasm and the Caspian, and far into Khorasan. That age of splendour has long since passed; but the favourable site of the capital still invests it with a great influence among the natives of Transoxiana. Situated between the richest regions of Europe and Asia, and in a tract surrounded by steppes and deserts, Bokhara becomes the resting place of the merchant and the traveller, and the centre of an extensive commerce. Viewed either in a military or political light, its situation is commanding, and in the highest degree valuable. Blessed with an exuberance of the productions of the soil, in a land of barrenness it arrests the attention of remote and neighbouring nations. In former times, it attracted the cupidity of the Greeks and the Arabian Caliphs. It was overrun by the hordes of the North; and from it, as a base, the renowned Timour led his legions victorious to the remote countries of Asia. In modern days, it has received ambassadors from the emperors of China and Russia, the Sultan of Constantinople, and the monarchs of Persia and Cabool. It likewise holds a supremacy among the surrounding Uzbek nations, who look up to it as the capital of their tribe, and render a voluntary, though nominal, homage to the ruler.

~Power and character of the King.~

The King of Bokhara rules, as in other Asiatic nations, a sovereign despot; nevertheless, he is controlled in every action by the authority of the Moollahs, or priests. This arises from no inability on his own part to assert his power, but from the constitution of the monarchy, which is exclusively based on the laws of the Koran, here more strictly enforced perhaps than in any other Mahommedan country. The reigning King of Bokhara, Nussier oollah, or, as he is styled, Buhadoor Khan, is a young man of twenty-seven years of age. He takes the title of Ameer ool Moomuneen, or Commander of the Faithful, and is always addressed by the name of Huzrut; which is only used by the Mahommedans of Toorkistan in speaking of their prophets. The name of King is seldom mentioned in official documents; that of Ameer is preferred, which without the affix of “ool Momuneen,” was the title by which Timour and his successors were designated, down to the days of Baber. It has a religious signification, which particularly unites it to the King of Bokhara. He looks upon himself as one of the heads of the Mahommedan religion. A respect is, nevertheless, paid to the Sultan of Constantinople, as he is here styled the Caliph of Rome; and the King of Bokhara is proud to hold the title of his bow-bearer.

The reigning King succeeded to the throne seven years since. He is naturally just and liberal, and very strict in the observances of religion. He appears, indeed, to be gradually sinking into the bigoted habits of his father; which the nature of his government renders it difficult to avoid. On his accession he divested himself of all his own and his father’s wealth; which has gained him a high reputation among his countrymen. In all his acts he is guided by the law; and the people pretend that his private expenses are defrayed from the capitation tax; which he exacts from Jews and Hindoos, since it would be sinful to so appropriate the money of true believers. He is of an ambitious and warlike disposition, and employs his revenues in the conciliation of his army; to whom he has endeared himself by profuse largesses.

~The Koosh Begee, or Vizier.~

His minister, the Koosh Begee, possesses great influence over him; and, though chiefly indebted to him for his throne, the King entertains no dread of his power. He never leaves the citadel till his Vizier is present to take charge of it. His Majesty will not receive his food at any other hands but those of his minister. This person is of an advanced age; upwards of sixty. He is an Uzbek, of the tribe of Mungut, possessed of talent and acquirements; and unremitting in his attentions to business. He also trades to a great extent, and is fond of money, but strictly just in levying the taxes on commerce. The high office of Vizier may be considered hereditary in his family: his father enjoyed it; his brothers hold two of the governments; and his sons, of whom he has thirteen, are employed in different districts or provinces. He has fixed on one of these as his successor. There is a great mixture of cunning in the minister’s character; but he is a liberal-minded man, and favourably disposed to Europeans, and, in particular, the English. The whole wealth and power of the kingdom is at his command; since he receives the revenues, and is able to sway the priesthood, to whom he is ever respectful and conciliatory.

~Political condition of the Uzbeks.~

Nothing is more remarkable to a traveller in Toorkistan than the entire want of chiefs, or Sirdars, among the people, as in India and Cabool. Here there are no great men, no Khans, or nobles, and no one of consequence, but the court and the priesthood. The whole of the governments are either held by slaves or dependents of the minister; and every town and village is ruled by the Moollahs or Khwajus, the descendants of the first Caliphs. As the base of the government of Bokhara is the Koran, and the whole community are, or desire to be, considered spiritual, it will fully account for the exception in favour of the church. That engine and the state go heart in hand in Toorkistan, and give mutual support to each other. There is no shadow of popular government; but still, there is no evidence of discontent under such a system of rule, though people could not be more thoroughly enslaved than the Uzbeks. We must attribute this universal contentment of the community to the protection which is derived from a strict enforcement of the laws of the Koran. That book, at best, appears but a poor Magna Charta; yet it fixes on a settled basis the principles of jurisprudence; which, no doubt, leads the people to consider the clergy as their best protection against the ambitious power of the government. Their rigid adherence to the written law entitles these doctors to the share of gratitude which they enjoy. No measures of state are ever entered upon without their sanction; and a great portion of the revenues are alienated for the support of the national religion and the colleges which teach it. The surplus revenues of the capital are even divided after this manner; and the whole plan of administration bears a nearer resemblance to a hierarchy than any other government. If a murder be committed; if a robbery occur; if a dispute arise on any subject, it is immediately referred to the priesthood, since the King does not take upon himself to judge of the merits of a case without them. I am assured that this system has existed at Bokhara from the earliest ages of Mahommedanism, and is not coeval with the invasion of the Uzbeks, though it was more firmly established in the reign of the last King, Hyder Shah, who held his creed in bigoted veneration. Whatever may be the opinions entertained of the religion of Mahommed, it is productive of great advantages in the administration of a kingdom, when its laws are rigidly enforced. The police of the city and kingdom of Bokhara is strict and efficient: the largest bales of goods, as I have already stated, are left in open stalls at night without danger, and the roads of the country are free from either robbers or thieves. The uncompromising manner in which offenders are treated, and the summary justice inflicted upon them, instil a salutary terror into the minds of the ill-disposed. The most trivial offences are punished with death: fines, and imprisonment in horrid dungeons, are also employed, but more rarely. The laws of Mahommed are as much enforced as they ever were under his own eye; and the legislation that united the wandering Arabs of the desert has been transferred, without a single improvement or alteration, to a people differing in manners, habits, and languages, and considerably advanced in some points of civilisation.

~Revenues of Bokhara.~

The revenues of the kingdom are levied according to the same standard--the dicta of the Koran. A merchant pays one fortieth as a tax on his goods; a farmer renders one fourth of the harvest of his fields to the King: but the greater part of land in the country has been alienated for the support of the religious men and establishments; and many of these take the higher assessment of three tenths of the crop: nor do the husbandmen complain of this exorbitant impost. In Toorkistan land is valued by the water which it can command; and the individual who distributes that necessary of life into the different aqueducts about the capital holds a high rank in the state. A money-tax is levied on gardens, and orchards, and melon-beds. All the inhabitants of the country, not Mahommedans, pay a capitation tax annually. In time of war, each householder is also taxed. There is a sum of money derived from the customs of Bokhara; but, with this single exception, the whole revenue is raised from the land. The following is an abstract of its amount:--

Tillas. { Rametun 4,000 { Zundunee 6,000 { Wafkund 3,000 The seven tomuns of { Wurdunzye 3,000 Bokhara { Kyrabad 4,000 { Wangazye 6,000 { Kizhdowun 6,000 ------ 31,000 { Sheeraz 6,000 { Sohood 4,000 The five tomuns of { Afeenkund 6,000 Samarcand { Anhar 5,000 { Shoudar 12,000 ------ 33,000 { Punjkund 4,000 { Oometan 2,000 Districts under Samarcand { Pan 2,000 { Ooroogut 6,000 { Karratippu 2,000 ------ 16,000 { Katakoorghan 12,000 { Kutarchee 6,000 Meeankal, or Kuta-Koorghan, { Punjshumbu 5,000 between { Meetan 4,000 Bokhara and Samarcand { Noorator 5,000 { Engi Koorghan 6,000 { Chulak 5,000 ------ 43,000

Kermina { Kermina 12,000 { Zoodeen 15,000 ------ 27,000

Jizzak Jizzak 8,000 ------ 8,000

{ Kurshee 12,000 { Khozar 6,000 Kurshee { Sheerabuel 5,000 { Sadabad 4,000 { Chiraghchee 5,000 ------ 32,000

{ Narazsee 5,000 Banks of the Oxus, { Kukee 4,000 called “Lubab” { Charjooee 8,000 { Ootar 5,000 ------ 22,000

Karakool Karakool 15,000 ------ 15,000

City of Bokhara Bokhara 50,000 ------ 50,000 ------- Grand total of tillas (or rupees 18 lacs) 277,000 -------

From Balkh the crown receives nothing; the revenue is said to have declined with its population, and the scanty returns from it, amounting to 20,000 tillas, are granted to the chief, Eshan Khoju, who protects it. Both Balkh and Jizzak are late acquisitions to the kingdom. As far as an opinion can be formed on such subjects, I am led to believe that the net land revenue of this kingdom amounts to about thirty-six lacs of rupees, or double that which is received into the royal treasury, since about half the land is enjoyed by the church. All the names mentioned in the enumeration of the revenue are market-towns or places, except the five “tomuns” of Samarcand. These are old names. The idea which we have of towns and villages must be received with considerable qualification in Toorkistan. A bazar, or market-place, is sometimes a small village, and the inhabitants, instead of living in it, reside in “robats,” at a distance, visiting it on market-days from a circuit of ten or fifteen miles. The bazars of the country are held on fixed days, with great regularity, as in Europe.

~Military force, &c.~

~Spirit of the Uzbeks.~

The military force of Bokhara is levied from the different districts of the kingdom, and has no discipline. It consists of about 20,000 horse and 4000 infantry, with forty-one pieces of artillery. There are likewise a description of troops, called “eeljaree,” or militia, which are formed of the dependents and servants of the government, and amount to about 50,000 horse, 10,000 of which are from Balkh and the countries south of the Oxus. It might be further increased by levies among the Toorkmuns; but the services of that tribe can only be commanded by the individual who can enforce them. This is no great number, where almost every individual, rich and poor, has a horse of some description. These troops are seldom or ever called upon to serve, and, when embodied, receive no pay. The registered, or “duftur,” troops are paid in grain, and the chiefs have assignments of land. Each soldier receives yearly eight Bokhara maunds of grain, each of which is equal to 256 lbs. English. It consists of wheat, barley, juwaree, and urzun. The infantry receive the same allowances as the cavalry, and, what is singular, they come into field on horseback, and then dismount. They arm with matchlocks, and are called “khusa burdar.” The horsemen have swords; sometimes long knives, and heavy spears, about twenty feet long, with a short blade. These lances are constructed of different pieces of wood (generally of willow), and have an unwieldy appearance; they never break at the joinings. The Uzbeks have few fire-arms, and use them indifferently. An Indian or an Afghan never sets out on a journey but he bristles with arms. The Uzbek, on the other hand, contents himself with a lance, or the knife which he usually wears in his girdle. From what I hear, the Uzbeks are not much to be dreaded as enemies. Their manner of fighting wants spirit and courage; they vociferate loudly, and the fate of the advanced guard decides the conquest. They are a superior description of irregular cavalry, but poor soldiers. The park of cannon lies neglected in the citadel, for the Uzbeks do not properly appreciate the value of artillery, and the King has only to contend with horse. There are no native artillerymen, and the guns lie separated from their carriages, which, as may be imagined, are by no means efficient. The train could, however, be easily put in order by some of the Russian slaves. All the cannon are brass; three-fourths of them appeared to be small field-pieces, four and six pounders. There are four mortars; the rest are large guns. The powder of the country is serviceable.

~Detail of the military force.~

The following detail of the military force of the kingdom will afford an insight into the power of the several districts, and serve also to mark the great Uzbek tribes at present existing in the country. The first list is composed of cavalry; I also add the names of their chiefs, here called “Bee,” which is a Turkish word, better known in Europe as Bey.

---------------+-------------------+-------------------+---------------- Tribes. | No. | Chiefs. | District. ---------------+-------------------+-------------------+---------------- Kongrad | 1,000 | Moorad Bee | Kurshee. Suraee | 1,000 | Ashoor Bee. | Yaboo | 2,000 | Md. Ameer Bee. | Khitai | 500 | Hoosun Bee | Yargi Koorghan. Kipchack | 500 | Mahmood Bee | Chuluk. Surkh Khitai | 800 | Aderagood Bee Kut | Koorghan. Kara Kilpauk | 400 | Thikeem Bee | Sheeraz. Kur Khyooz | 500 | Shade Bee | Jizzak. Dyakhlee | 600 | Alum Bee | Punjenud. Meeng | 2,000 | Kut Bee | Ooloogut. Nymun | 500 | Kalaitoksa Bee | Zeodeen. Julaee | 400 | Roostum Bee | Punjshumbu. Meetna | 400 | Abdoo Jubbar Bee | Meetum. Bahreen | 500 | Kobad Bee | Katurchee. Boorkoot | 500 | Abdoo Jubber Bee | Nooratun. Kulloogh | 600 | Abdoo Russool Bee | Kermina. Huzara | 300 | Abdoo Jubber Bee | Ditto. Kutghun | 300 | Doulut Bee | { Ditto from | | | { Koondooz. Arabuchee | 400 | Good Md. Bee | Karakool. Chunder | 400 | Dolmus Bee | Ditto. Toorkmuns N. }| | | { Banks of the of the Oxus }| 800 | Eser Bee | { Oxus. Kalmucks | 1,000 | Rhodaee Nug | Bokhara. Mixed tribes }| | | of Bokhara, }| 2,000 | The King. | Bokhara. called }| | | “Shagird }| | | Peshu” }| | | Mervees | 1,000 } | Mad. Suduk Bee | Ditto. | 500 } Persians.| Moorad Bee Meer | | } | Akhor | Samarcand. Zorabadee | 500 } | Lootf Ali Beg | { Zorabud, near | | | { Kurshee. +-------------------+ | Grand total | 19,500 | | ---------------+-------------------+-------------------+----------------

The infantry is levied on a much smaller scale, and entirely composed of Tajiks, or the mercantile class. They are drawn from the districts as follows:--

Bokhara 1,000 Samarcand 1,000 Kurshee 200 Jizzak 500 Kermina 200 Kut Koorghan 100 Punjshumbu 100 Khojar 100 Sherabul 100 Karabul 100 Narazun 100 Oostee 100 Charjooee 300 ----- Grand total 3,900 -----

That portion of the troops south of the Oxus is only nominally dependent on Bokhara; there the Uzbeks are not numerous; a great proportion of the population, however, are Arabs, who have the same reputation for soldiers as in other countries. They are not at the disposal of the government. Except the territories of Balkh, from which a force of 2000 or 3000 men might be assembled, these people cannot be viewed as available troops, for they are at enmity with one another, and the King takes no pains to reconcile them.

~Foreign policy of Bokhara.~

Bokhara possesses a much higher influence, both physical and moral, than any of the states around it; but its affairs were left in a most embarrassed state by the late King, who bestowed more attention on religion than politics. The Khan of Orgunje or Khiva waged a continual war with him. The Khan of Kokan was also his declared enemy. The chiefs of Shuhr Subz and Hissar acknowledged no allegiance, and the Meer of Koondooz plundered and even seized Balkh. The affairs of the kingdom are at present more prosperous, and the designs and power of the reigning King bid fair to keep pace with one another. He has this year chastised the chief of Shuhr Subz, and seized upon six of his villages. That town, which is famed as the birth-place of Timour, is considered the strongest in Toorkistan, from the marshy nature of the country which surrounds it. The power of Kokan has been also broken, and one of its frontier districts, that of Jizzak, which formed one half of Uratippa, has been annexed to Bokhara within these four years. Hissar might be also overcome, though it is mountainous, since the chief is dead, and his country has been divided among four brothers. The most powerful enemy of the kingdom is the chief of Koondooz; and if the city of Balkh has been wrested from him, he has conceded it to policy, and not to fear. He retains the name of that ancient city on his coin, and there is little amity between the states. The King of Bokhara entertains designs on Koondooz; but the country is distant, and it is very doubtful if he could make an impression upon it, though his formidable title of Commander of the Faithful would secure to Bokhara the aid of the Moollahs and a large army. The enmity of the Khan of Khiva terminated with the death of Mahommed Ruheem Khan, the late chief, who sent an ambassador on his death-bed to ask forgiveness. The sons of the two parents, who were ever at war with one another, are now united. The injuries which Khiva inflicted on the kingdom, determines its influence over the destinies of Bokhara. With an inferior power, the chief of that state plundered its caravans, robbed its subjects, obstructed its commerce, and laid waste its territories. The intervening deserts protected him from reprisal, though a vigorous monarch might successfully invade his territories from the Oxus. If the Khan of Khiva continues friendly, the King will be able to extend his power to the eastward, where he has long meditated an expedition.

~With China, Cabool, and Turkey.~

The connexion of Bokhara with China, Cabool, and Turkey, is friendly; and all of them have sent ambassadors. Last year an envoy from China was deputed to solicit the assistance of the King, in maintaining the peace of the western frontier of China, from the inroads of the Khan of Kokan. His majesty wisely declined all interference, but the chastisement which the Chinese inflicted on the inhabitants of that state some years ago, may relieve the emperor at Pekin from any alarm regarding his frontiers. The commercial relations between Bokhara and China are on a footing favourable to both states; but the Uzbeks are not permitted, more than other nations, to pass beyond Yarkund, Cashgar, and their tributary towns. While the monarchy existed in Cabool, the intercourse between that kingdom and Toorkistan was friendly and frequent, for the Afghans possessed the province of Balkh. The number of Afghans in Bokhara is considerable, and the whole Indian trade is carried on by their intervention. There is, however, no intercourse between the King of Bokhara and the chiefs who have risen on the ruins of the Cabool monarchy: the Uzbeks despise the friendship of Persia, from the hatred which they have for the heretical doctrines entertained by that people. Their only intercourse is commercial, and but few of them engage in trade, which is left to the Persians or Mervees, who are of the Shiah creed. The liberality of the present minister of Bokhara has contributed to soften the asperity of feeling between the Persians and Uzbeks, but it is difficult to say on which side the greatest animosity subsists. The Persians have far the greatest cause, since they are constantly seized and sold into slavery. The fame of the Ottoman empire has extended to Bokhara, but the people have very imperfect notions of the weakness of the Porte. They believe the sultan to be the most potent monarch of the globe, and I have been frequently interrogated as to the extent of tribute which the different European nations rendered to him. We can comprehend the reasons for this assiduous attention of Bokhara, even on religious grounds; but the countries are far apart, and their intercourse is limited to empty expressions of devotion and attachment to one another.

~Connexion with Russia.~

From the time of Peter the Great, there has subsisted a continued communication between Bokhara and Russia, and it has been based on the reciprocal advantages of commerce. The land route between the countries was first opened in the reign of that monarch, and, during the last seventy years, the transit has been uninterrupted. In the reign of Alexander, and about the year 1820, the Russians endeavoured to cultivate a closer connexion, and despatched an embassy to Bokhara. They had failed in the preceding year to open the road between the Caspian and Khiva. It is but fair to believe, that some of the views of this mission were commercial, but they were likewise connected with political ends. The embassy was well received at the capital. A mission was sent in return to St. Petersburgh, and several others have since followed it. From that period, the subjects of Russia have ceased to be sold into slavery in Bokhara; it is supposed that these missions have had reference to the affairs of Khiva, but Russia will require no foreign aid to coerce that chiefship. The Russians have also established a friendly feeling with the chief of Kokan: they have impressed the whole of the Uzbeks with high notions of their power, to the detriment of all other European nations; but they have yet to eradicate, by their future conduct, other opinions, which have been as universally adopted, that they want truth and honour in their diplomacy. Setting aside the physical obstacles which present themselves to the Russians making a conquest of Bokhara, the people are generally inimical to them. It is even probable that Bokhara, with all her pretended amity, would succour Khiva, if attacked by the Czar. Should these countries ever be subdued from that quarter, it would be found most difficult to retain them, or control the wandering tribes around. Regular troops would be useless, and irregulars could not subdue a race who had no fixed places of abode. It is not, however, to be concealed, that the court of St. Petersburgh have long cherished designs in this quarter of Asia.

CHAP. X.

ON THE STATE OF KHIVA, OR ORGUNJE.

~Limits of the principality.~

The delta of the Oxus, or Amoo, before falling into the Aral, forms the state of Khiva, which is more generally called Orgunje by the inhabitants. It is the ancient Kharasm, and occurs in Arrian, under the name of the country of the Chorasmi. It lies about 200 miles W.N.W. of Bokhara. It is a small, but fertile principality. The inhabited part is about 200 miles from north to south, and half that distance from east to west. It is surrounded on all sides by deserts; and, claims a superiority over these that extends its power to the Caspian, and brings it into contact with Persia. It has, of late years, established a supremacy over the Toorkmun hordes, south of the Oxus, and holds Merve, which lies on the high road between Khorasan and Bokhara. There are but two places of note in the country, Orgunje and Khiva; the former is the commercial capital, and the latter the residence of the Khan. Orgunje is situated about six miles from the Oxus, and is the larger place, having a population of about 12,000 souls; Khiva is a modern town, about half that size. Circumstances, which have been detailed in my narrative, prevented our visiting the capital of Khiva, though we travelled for some time in the countries subject to it, and met a portion of its army in the deserts westward of Merve. I shall only, therefore, give a brief outline of the power and politics of Khiva, as far as they came under my own observation, or have been detailed to me by the people. The work of General Mouravief, who was despatched to Khiva in 1820, contains full information regarding the statistics of that country.

~Khan of Khiva. Sketch of his rise.~

The Khan of Khiva is an Uzbek, and rules with all the sway that the lords of that tribe arrogate to themselves. There are no chiefs or nobles to interfere with him. Though the principality is small, it is entirely independent; and, during the rule of the late chief, waged a continued war against the kingdom of Bokhara. The name of that personage was Mahommed Ruheem Khan, a man of daring spirit and great enterprise, who acquired the chiefship by the murder of two brothers, and retained it for a period of twenty-two years by acts of severe justice, and perhaps cruelty. He is often upbraided by his neighbours for his tyranny; but the principality of Khiva acquired an ascendancy under him which it had never before held, and it is not surprising that he was more feared than loved. He fell a victim to a malignant disease about eight years since, and charged his family, on his death-bed, to heal the difference with Bokhara. Before his demise, he despatched an ambassador to the King, and solicited forgiveness for the quarrels which he had so perseveringly promoted, and the injuries he had inflicted on the commerce of that kingdom; since then the states have lived in amity with one another. Ruheem Khan left a family of six sons, the eldest of whom, Ullah Kholi, succeeded him, and is the present Khan of Khiva. He is about forty years of age, and a much milder man than his father. He lives in great concord with the other members of his family, and still preserves all the power which his parent had acquired.

~Power and military strength of Khiva.~

The injuries which the Khivans have inflicted on the neighbouring countries have given them a greater importance than they deserve, for at best they are but an organised banditti, protected by the natural strength of their country. The situation of Khiva, between Russia and Bokhara, makes it the entrepôt of commerce between these kingdoms, which extends its influence. Orgunje itself has no internal trade, and is thinly peopled. It is doubtful if the population amounts to 200,000 souls. Till the time of Ruheem Khan, it was considered a dependency of Bokhara; but there is no proof of its allegiance being other than nominal. The Khan can raise a force of 10,000 men, and has a park of nine pieces of ordnance. His troops are either Uzbeks or Toorkmuns, who are armed in the same manner as the levies in Bokhara: some of the latter carry bows and arrows. The great object of the Khan of Khiva is to subdue the Toorkmun tribes between his territories and Persia, as well to increase his revenue as his power. The position of Khiva has enabled him to exert a greater influence over these wanderers than either Persia or Bokhara; who are thus set at defiance by a body of robbers, holding an oäsis in the desert. In the summer of 1832, the Khan of Orgunje marched his whole military force from Khiva to Merve, and levied contributions on the Tuka, the greatest of the Toorkmun tribes. He fixed a custom-house both there and at Shurukhs, a town held by the Toorkmun tribe of Salore, which is within three marches of Meshid, in Persia; and he now levies duties on the caravans which pass both these places. This advance of the Orgunje army is creditable to the military genius of the Khan. The journey from Khiva to Merve amounts to fifteen marches, and is almost destitute of water, which he procured by digging wells at every stage as he advanced. He commanded in person, and gave out that he had taken the field to resist the Persians, under Abbas Mirza, who threatened him from Meshid. He was accompanied by a vast herd of camels, bearing water and provisions for his troops. About 2000 of these perished from thirst in the steppe. His father surpassed him in this achievement, since he entirely crossed this desert to Persia; he, however, lost the greater portion of his horses in the undertaking, and was compelled to leave his guns in the sand, where one of them still remains.

~Predatory habits of the Khivans. Revenues.~

The chiefs of Khiva have not generally aimed at such combined attacks as here represented, but confined themselves to a marauding life; they continually send detachments to plunder in Persia, and seize the inhabitants. The Khan receives a fifth of all the booty so captured. The power of Khiva over the Toorkmuns gives them great facility in these forays, which are conducted with great success. They also seize upon the subjects of Russia on the Caspian Sea; and both Persians and Russians are sold in this country as slaves. They supply the kingdom of Bokhara, and the whole of Toorkistan, with these Persian captives; and I have it on undoubted information, that there are about 2000 Russian slaves in Khiva. It is impossible to give any estimate of the number of Persians, but both nations are on the increase. The Russians are now not sold out of Khiva, as the King of Bokhara entered into an agreement with the emperor to discourage their purchase in his territories. While the Khivans are thus robbing in every direction, they yet grant a protection to the caravans that pass their territories, on the payment of fixed duties.

Hindoos and Armenians pass through Khiva, but neither they nor foreign merchants, though Mahommedans, feel at ease while in the country. The bales are opened, the caravans are delayed, and much property has been at times extorted; where the chief sets the example of plunder, the people will not be very honest. The Khan demands duties at the port of Mangusluck, on the Caspian, which lies opposite Astracan, and he sometimes enforces them from the caravans which pass the Sir, or Sihon, eastward of the Aral.

The connexion between the Khan and the Russians, regarding the improvement of trade, is mentioned in the chapter that treats on commerce. It is impossible to form any but a vague estimate of the revenue of Khiva: little of it is derived from lawful sources, and the Khan supports his army and himself chiefly at the expense of his neighbours.

~Affairs of Khiva and Russia.~

The affairs of Khiva have excited considerable attention in the Russian cabinet, which has attempted, without success, to form a connexion with it, as well for the advancement of commercial ends, as the suppression of the odious practice of enslaving her subjects. There is great hostility to Russia in the minds of the Khivans, and it would be most dangerous to appear in the character of a Russian in their country; but the Khan is only able to exhibit this hostile feeling from the strength of his position.

CHAP. XI.

ON THE NORTH-EASTERN FRONTIERS OF PERSIA, AND THE COUNTRY OF THE KOORDS AND TOORKMUNS.

~Extent of Persian power over the Toorkmuns.~

It will now be necessary to give a short sketch of those Toorkmun tribes east of the Caspian Sea which lie on and beyond the north-eastern frontier of Persia.

Their country has been partly described in the chapter on Toorkmania; and various incidents illustrative of their national character occur in the narrative of our journey. They stretch from Balkh to the Caspian, and are composed of predatory hordes, with no king, and a most imperfect government to control them. The only portion which owe allegiance to the crown of Persia are the tribes of Goklan and Yamood, the least powerful of all the Toorkmuns.

They occupy the south-eastern banks of the Caspian, having their country westward bounded by the rivers Goorgan and Atruk, and extending about 140 miles eastward of that sea. The Yamoods are farthest to the westward, and consist of 20,000 families. They are succeeded by the Goklans, who amount to 9000 families; the only tribe of Toorkmuns who inhabit a hilly country. These two tribes have been reduced to their present state of dependence within the last thirty years. A guard of about 1000 of them attends on the King of Persia, but the rest of the tribe occupy their native seats, and pay a small tribute in horses or kind to a Persian Governor, who is stationed on the river Goorgan.

~Koord and other chiefs of the Persian frontier.~

The country which lies between these Toorkmuns and the city of Meshid is occupied by the tribe of Koords and other chiefs, who are nominally subjects of Persia. They acknowledge the supremacy of that crown, but commit every act of devastation and plunder, if not restrained by superior force. The Koords were fixed in this part of Persia by Shah Abbas, to strengthen the frontier; but they have proved a complete curse on its peace. The greatest of these chiefs held the fortress of Koochan (also called Kabooshan), and had a force of 8000 men. This place was captured by Abbas Meerza in the autumn of 1832. Near Koochan is the smaller chiefship of Boojnoord, ruled by a Koord, who can raise about 3000 horse. In this neighbourhood lies Kelat, the chief of which is an Afshar Toork, who can muster about 2000 horse. Next in importance to the chief of Koochan is he of Toorbut, Mahommed Khan Kuraee[38], who occupies a portion of the country between Meshid and Herat. He can raise about 6000 men, and is the most notorious freebooter in Khorasan.

About eighty miles eastward of Meshid lies the town of Shurukhs, a Toorkmun settlement, already mentioned as at present owing allegiance to Khiva. It submits to Persia, when the Prince at Meshid is able to enforce his commands. There are 2000 families at Shurukhs of the Salore tribe. This completes the enumeration of the chiefs on the boundaries of Persia.

~Weakness of the Persian frontier.~

This frontier of Persia must be considered exceedingly weak, since the whole of these tribes are imperfectly subjugated, and acknowledge its authority with extreme reluctance. The Toorkmuns view the Persians in the most odious light, from their religious opinions; and the only real advantage which the Shah may be said to have gained over the two tribes near Persia consists in their having discontinued their incursions into the kingdom. This only applies to a very small division of them, for the Salores of Shurukhs, and all the other Toorkmuns, carry on their inroads with a fierce and daring spirit. Their brethren, even on the S.E. shores of the Caspian, frequently exhibit proofs of discontent, and have, as I formerly observed, formed connexions with Russia, that time may improve to the advantage of themselves and that empire. They are not bound by the possession of houses and cities to the lands which they inhabit, and their strength lies in the great facility with which they can move from one country to another. The Koords, on the contrary, are established on these frontiers as citizens. They have exhibited much bravery, and considerable military knowledge in making their strongholds on the plains instead of the hills. The fortress of Koochan is a place of great strength; it is built of mud, and the tenacious nature of the soil is favourable to that kind of fortification, which is common all over Khorasan. These Koords, though Shiahs, form secret connexions with their Toorkmun neighbours, and connive at the capture of the Persians and plunder of the provinces. Their country, although it yields a sufficiency for the consumption of the people, is poor. It does not, therefore, hold out any allurement to the government to retain it; and, since it possesses many strongholds, the chiefs, who are generally in rebellion, can defy every force but an extraordinary one, such as has lately been sent to attack them. Hitherto they have parried off such attacks, by giving tribute, and promising future allegiance; but no sooner have the troops retired, than they have relapsed into the old state of rebellion and defiance. Nor is it likely that the present expedition of the Prince Royal into Khorasan, though much more formidable than any that has preceded it, will effect any permanent settlement of that part of Persia. Khorasan is a province which requires the presence of a foreign force to maintain its tranquillity; but it does not yield revenues to defray the expenses that would be incurred by such an arrangement. This is a line of policy that will not, therefore, be pursued by a court like Persia, which does not lay out the revenues of one province on another.