CHAPTER XI.

Barrancas. — Santa Cruz del Quiché. — Padre Andres Guicola. — Ruins of Utatlan. — Report of Don Garcia de Palacio upon human sacrifices to the gods in Central America, Statement of Bernal Diaz, about the sacrifices in Mexico. — Burning of the Quiché Caciques at Utatlan. — Worship of idols by the Quichés. — Sierras. — Gueguetenango.

The journey from San Tomas to Santa Cruz del Quiché was made unexpectedly fatiguing, in consequence of the difficulties placed across our track by the numerous barrancas which traversed the plains. Several of these ravines were of considerable depth, and their slopes were abrupt. It was satisfactory to realize that we were travelling in the dry season, and the footing for the mules was therefore fairly secure.

Upon our arrival at the village, I rode onwards to the convent steps where I was met by Padre Andres Guicola, who was unfeignedly delighted to see me. He said that he was glad to welcome me, and talk to somebody who was not an Indian, and was particularly pleased to hear that I was an Englishman, for he was a Biscayan, and had been born and bred near San Sebastian, and had listened to the traditions concerning the great Duke of Wellington, and memories, on the part of the ladies, of the brave officers of his army. It added much to the pleasure he felt in receiving me, to know that his guest was the son of one of those officers, who had not only been present at the operations in Biscay and on the French frontier, but was also severely wounded at Albuera, a battle held in great respect by all patriotic Spaniards.

His isolation amongst these secluded mountains, must have been repugnant to the nature of this kind hearted and genial padre. He told me that he had been living in his parish twenty-one years, having been appointed in 1849, and during that long time regularly fulfilled his duties amongst his Indians. He declared, in answer to some questions that I asked with reference to the adjacent ruins of Utatlan, that he knew but little except from what he had read in the history of Juarros. The friars of the convent wrote some observations about them, and also possessed some documents relating to the ancient customs of the Quichés, but these were destroyed during the revolution of 1829, when the churches and convents were sacked. Consequently no records existed.

The view from the Convent was magnificent, commanding towards the north-west the ranges of the Cordilleras, and towards the south-west the hills near Quezaltenango. The lofty plateau upon which it stood, was nearly seven thousand feet above the sea. It is upon three sides severed from the outer world by a steep barranca which almost surrounds it. The ruins of Utatlan, the ancient capital of the Quichés, were about one mile distant, and were evidently placed in such a manner as to take the greatest advantage of this ravine, in order to form a stronghold, which according to the conditions of Indian warfare must have been practically impregnable.

After having obtained some local information respecting the structures that I wished to examine, I crossed the plain and entered this fortress, which once held the reputation of being one of the greatest of the Indian cities. I was prepared to see much that would be of the highest interest, because no change had taken place within its walls since the time when it was destroyed by Alvarado, in 1524. The site has never since that period been occupied or in any way disturbed. Upon making a slight preliminary survey of the position, it was evident that it had been chosen for a fortified inclosure, in the same manner and for the same purpose as Patinamit. Both fortresses resembled in their character the defensive encampment of Fort Ancient in Ohio.

Utatlan is, with the exception of its narrow approach, surrounded by ravines. In consequence of the ground being thus confined, the original extent of the city can be easily ascertained, and it is therefore indisputable that the population maintained within the ramparts could never have been numerous. It is however observable that it must have contained buildings, temples, and sacrificial altars of considerable magnitude. The sites of many of these were still apparent and their ground plans could be traced. Portions of the walls were also standing. Parts of the altars were covered with a strong thick cement.

After having walked round the exterior of the fortress, I made a series of measurements of the spaces covered by the courts of those structures which were supposed to have been temples or places set apart for the purposes of religion and instruction. I observed that some of the ground plans were similar in their proportions to those that I had noticed within some ancient earthworks near the modern city of Guatemala.

The pyramidal altars or Teocalli had, in their forms and constructions, their platforms and places for idols, many points of resemblance with others that were known to have existed in Mexico.

The rectangular courts in front of the altars, were possibly the quadrangles within which the ceremonies connected with human sacrifices were performed. Nothing is absolutely known with respect to the sacrificial customs of the Quichés, and the allusions to them in the Quiché manuscripts are not definite. It is, therefore, fortunate that there exists a statement made to the King of Spain in the year 1576, upon the condition of the country and the customs of the Indians in the districts presided over by the government of Guatemala, which describes in considerable detail what happened amongst the Chontal and Pipil Indians dwelling in the south-eastern parts of the province. It was made by the licentiate Don Garcia de Palacio, and with respect to the subject of these human sacrifices, there has been nothing written which gives so full and evidently accurate an account of those remarkable ceremonies. The Report is so valuable and instructive, that it is desirable to quote what immediately relates to them. Palacio, after describing the country near lake Uxaca, says:—

“Three leagues from this is the village of Micla, where anciently the Pipiles Indians of this district performed great devotions, and came to offer their gifts and hold their sacrifices; as likewise did the Chontales and other adjacent Indians of differing languages. They had in their sacrifices some particularities different from other places, and had _Kues_ and _teupas_ of great authority, of which there are yet large signs and indications.

“Besides the Cacique and usual chief, they had a Pá-pa[61] whom they called _Tecti_, who was dressed in a long blue robe and wore on the head a diadem, and sometimes a mitre worked in different colours, and at the top of this a bunch of very fine feathers, from some birds that there are in this country, which they call Quetzales.[62]

“He commonly carried in his hand a staff like a bishop, and all obeyed him in whatever related to spiritual matters. Next to him, the second place in the priesthood was held by another who was called _tehu a matlini_ who was the chief wizard and most learned in their books and arts, and who declared the auguries and made prognostications.

“There were, besides these, four priests who were called _teu pixqui_ dressed in different colours, and with robes down to their feet, black, green, red and yellow; and these were of the council in the matters of their ceremonies, and were those who assisted in all the superstitions and follies of their heathenism.[63]

“There was also a majordomo who had the charge of the jewels and ornaments of the sacrifices, and who took out the hearts of those that were sacrificed, and performed the other personal things that were necessary; and besides there were others who had trumpets and heathen instruments to convoke and call together the people to the sacrifices that were going to take place.”

Palacio states that the rising sun was worshipped and that there were two idols, one representing a man named Quetzalcoatl and the other a woman named Itzqueye and that to these all the sacrifices were made. There were two special ceremonies which took place, one at the commencement of the winter and the other at the beginning of the summer, when two boys between the ages of six and twelve were sacrificed. Palacio then describes the sacrificial customs in war:—

“The high priest, the learned wizard, and the four priests met together, and ascertained by their sortileges and witchcrafts whether they should have war or if any one was coming against them, and if the sortileges said yes, they called the Cacique and captains of war, and told them how the enemies were coming, and where they should go to make war.

“The Cacique summoned all his warriors, and went out in search of the enemies, and if they gained the victory in the battle, the Cacique dispatched a messenger to the high priest, and informed him upon what day he had succeeded, and the sage examined unto whom the sacrifice should be made. If it was to Quetzalcoatl the ceremonies lasted fifteen days, and upon each day one of the Indians of those that had been captured in the battle was sacrificed; and if it was to Itzqueye the ceremonies lasted five days, and upon each day an Indian was sacrificed.

“The sacrifice was performed in this manner. All those who had been in the war came in order singing and dancing, and they brought those that they had to sacrifice, with many feathers and _chalchivetes_[64] on their feet and hands, and with strings of cacao upon their neck, and the captains conducted them in their midst. The high priest and priests together with the people went out to receive them with dances and music, and the caciques and captains presented to the high priest these Indians for the sacrifices, and then they all went together to the court of their _teupa_, and they danced all the above said days and nights.

“In the middle of the court they placed a stone like a bench, and upon this they placed the Indian that was to be sacrificed, and the four priests held the Indian by the hands and feet. The majordomo then came out with many feathers and covered with bells, with a stone razor in his hand, and opened the breast and pulled out the heart, and when he had taken it out he threw it upwards towards each of the four cardinal points, and the fifth time he threw it in the middle of the court directly upwards, thus declaring and giving to the god the reward for the victory. This sacrifice was made in public, so that every one both small and great could see it.”

It is interesting to turn from the customs described as occurring in the remote town of Micla, to the events that happened in the city of Mexico, several hundreds of leagues distant. It was late in the afternoon of a summer’s day, in the year 1521. The Spaniards had been repulsed in one of their most important attacks on the enemy, and had been driven back over the causeway after suffering serious losses; Cortes was wounded, and sixty Spaniards had been captured, together with many of their Indian allies. In accordance with the Aztec superstitious rites, these captives were at once conveyed to the Teocalli of the war gods.

Bernal Diaz, who had taken a prominent part in the battle, states that “during the retreat, they frequently heard the great drum resounding with a deep and dismal noise.” At last the Spanish troops reached a place of comparative safety, where they were secure from the enemy’s attacks, and out of reach of stones and arrows, and then, Diaz says, “Sandoval and Francisco de Lugo, and Andres de Tapia with Pedro de Alvarado, were each relating what had happened and what orders Cortes had given, when the drum of Huitzopotli again began to sound, together with kettledrums, shell horns and other instruments like trumpets, and these sounds were horrible and dismal, and we looked at the summit of the highest Kue, and we saw our companions who had been captured in the rout, and that they were being carried up by force, and with blows and thrusts, and being taken violently to be sacrificed, and when they had reached the top at a place where was the shrine in which were the accursed idols, we saw that many of them had feathers put upon their heads, others were made to dance before Huitzopotli, and after they had danced they were thrown on their backs on the top of the sacrificial stone, and then they cut open their breasts with flint knives, and pulled out their heating hearts and offered them to the idols that were in that place. The bodies and feet were thrown down the steps below, where other Indian butchers were waiting, and who cut off their arms and legs, and then flayed the skin from their faces, and tanned them like glove skins with the beards on, and kept them to show at their festivals and when they had their drunken feasts. In this manner were all sacrificed; they devoured the legs and arms, and the hearts and blood were offered to the idols.[65] These cruelties were seen by the whole camp, and by Pedro de Alvarado, and Gonzalo de Sandoval, and all the captains, and we said amongst ourselves, thank God that I was not carried off to-day to be sacrificed.”[66]

In the whole range of American history, there is nothing which more vividly strikes the imagination than the scenes described by the Spanish conquerors during the siege of Mexico. The human sacrifices and the subsequent cannibalism, represent the most revolting acts of superstition that have ever disgraced human nature.

It is strange that, although so much has been recorded of the Aztecs and their customs, no clear account has been given of the shape and dimensions of their Teocallis within the city of Mexico. We have only very doubtful representations given of them. Taking these as the best available guides it is evident that the altars in Utatlan were built upon similar principles, following upon a smaller scale the same general structural plan and proportions. Utatlan was considered as one of the most important places in Central America. According to the historian Juarros, it held a rank only second to the capital of the Aztecs.

Alvarado conquered the city in April, 1524, and he states in his official Report to Cortes, that in consequence of the natural strength of the place, and the depth of the ravines which prevented a general action, he had decided to destroy it. He gave directions to burn the chief caciques alive, to set fire to the town and completely reduce it to ruins, for it was so strong and dangerous, that it was more like a stronghold of bandits than a town of citizens.[67]

A curious circumstance is mentioned by him as happening during his march against Utatlan. On the way, and near some rising ground, he saw the Indians sacrifice a woman and a dog, and he says that his interpreters told him that this act meant defiance. This statement is remarkable because it has always been supposed that dogs were not found amongst the Mexicans. Bernal Diaz observes that these dogs were of small size, that they were used for food, and did not bark.

Before leaving Utatlan, Alvarado placed in office as chief of the Quichés, an Indian named Sequechul, who was according to the laws of that race the next in succession. From this time nothing more was known of the Quichés, until the licentiate Alonzo de Zurita, passed this way about the year 1554, in the execution of the duty assigned to him by the command of the king, to report upon the condition and customs of the Indians, both before and after the conquest. Zurita was informed that, before the conquest, the Quichés had three chiefs. The first had over his seat or throne three canopies of feathers, the second two, and the third one. He says that the city had at one time contained several kues, (small pyramidal altars) dedicated to idols, but that they were then in ruins, and the successors of the caciques were in the utmost poverty.

I passed over the ground where Alvarado’s camp had been pitched, and where the caciques were sentenced to be burnt. Certainly the sixteenth century witnessed most extraordinary scenes of cruelty and carnage in this unhappy country. At this distance of time it is difficult to understand what could have been the reasons which impelled the Spaniards to burn the Indians in such numbers. Many of them were consigned to the flames for disobedience to orders, others upon suspicion of treasonable designs against the conquerors, others for being discovered worshipping their ancient gods, or for not conforming to the new religion. Perhaps the most inexplicable of all these cruelties is what happened soon after the conquest of the city of Mexico. Cortes, upon his return there after his expedition to Honduras, heard that during his absence, there had been a rising of Indians in one of the distant provinces, a sort of local rebellion which had been suppressed. Upon his making inquiries as to the cause of this disaffection, the principal inhabitants of the province came and reported to him that the Spaniards under whom they had been placed had burnt alive eight of their principal chiefs, five of whom died on the spot, and the remaining three a few days afterwards, and although they had demanded reparation and justice it had not been granted to them.[68]

Later in the century all the penalties of the Inquisition were established, but it was found that the results of these acts to enforce the Spanish rule, and to convert the Indians were unsatisfactory. The Indians fled to the hills and forests, and would not obey the orders to form communities or villages and thus be exposed to such cruelties. Finally the punishment of burning alive was abolished, and the milder punishment of whipping at the post was introduced and has remained. It is at the present time the customary method of punishing the natives for any default or misconduct.

In considering this subject of the treatment of the Indians at the time of the conquest, due weight has to be given to the influence of the priests, their enthusiasm, and their intense desire to convert the natives by persuasion or by force. The well-known inveterate hatred of the Indians towards their conquerors, a hatred which still exists, was a dangerous element always present and to be guarded against by adopting severe measures of repression. The good fortune that had attended the operations of Cortes and his handful of Spaniards in the conquest of this region, was doubtless in a great measure due to the condition of the country, and the never ceasing tribal wars. Cortes and his generals were consequently always able to obtain the assistance of numerous allies who were glad to seize any opportunity of destroying their enemies. But when the conquest was completed and the Spaniards had the lands distributed amongst them, and the system of _encomiendas_ was adopted, it became necessary, at all hazards, to prevent any combinations of Indians against them, and to put down or crush out with unmerciful firmness the slightest tendency to rebel against the iron and cruel rule under which they found themselves to be subjected. Many risings were quelled, all tendency to insubordination was punished, and the Indians remained under control. But this result was only obtained after these unfortunate tribes had been subjected to the most astonishing severities that have ever been inflicted by a civilised race of conquerors.

At the convent at Santa Cruz, Padre Guicola spoke much about his parishioners. He said that he was impressed with the conviction that the Quichés in many respects still followed their old idolatries, and worshipped their idols secretly. He thought that he had discovered that certain Indians were “sacerdotes” to these idols, and that in some manner which he had not been able to find out, they, amongst themselves, maintained their ancient priesthood.

The accommodation for strangers was more monastic than I had expected to find. My cell contained nothing but a wide hard board placed upon four legs, and there were neither hooks nor posts to which I could hang my hammock, consequently it was not practicable to make convenient arrangements for securing comfortable quarters at night.

Before my departure I had a conversation with the Padre about the history of the convent, and the work that used to be carried out by the monks. Some of the descendants of the caciques of Utatlan were educated by them, and the traditions of the origin and migrations of the Quichés were composed by them, whilst they were still capable of remembering what had been related concerning their early history. The most important of the manuscripts is stated to have been written in 1544, by the son of one of the Quiché caciques, who took part in the operations of war at the time of the arrival of the Spaniards. The Padre was not well acquainted with the subject of the past history of his convent, and like the other priests that I had met in the Indian parishes, his attention was almost exclusively directed to his duties, one of the most significant of which, in the opinion of his Indians, was the performance of the rite of baptism.

I asked him what was the best track to follow in crossing the sierras, and he made inquiries for me. Several of the inhabitants of the village said, that in the remote parts of the hills I wished to cross, the paths were not well known, and might be found to be impracticable, and there was the danger of meeting scattered bands of rebels. Augustin however informed me, that he had learnt from several of the natives, in whom he could place confidence, that we need not expect to meet with any serious difficulties, and that in the event of being uncertain about the right direction, we might rely upon coming across Indians who would guide us. My large Government map was of no use in the matter, as nothing was marked upon it except ranges of mountains. Meanwhile to guard ourselves against possible trouble, I gave directions that we should take with us a sufficient supply of food for ourselves and the mules, and thus we started upon our road, without feeling any hesitation with regard to our future proceedings.

In the forenoon we came to a halt amongst the mountains, and Augustin, who was proficient in his knowledge of making a fire out of the most scanty materials, prepared breakfast. Whilst we were thus engaged we were passed by numbers of Indians carrying goods and provisions. Young and old were hurrying rapidly forward, urged by some impulse which we were unable to comprehend, towards a destination which was to us unknown. They looked wild and restless, and when addressed were shy and reserved. In the evening before sunset we arrived at some farm buildings, and I slung my hammock to the rafters of a deserted, half-ruined shed. Augustin obtained from an adjoining hut some tortillas, frijoles[69] and eggs, the three chief elements of Indian domestic existence, and with these, together with a good supply of sacate for the mules, we made ourselves at home in the Cordilleras.

In accordance with a custom that I usually adopted whenever it was possible, I established friendly relations with an Indian family in the neighbourhood in order to obtain some knowledge of their language or dialect. I had a list of words in Spanish to which I obtained the local equivalents. In this manner I made a small vocabulary of the dialects spoken by the Indians amongst the Altos near Guatemala, by the Quichés at Santa Cruz and San Tomas, by the Kachiquels near Las Godinas, and by the tribe near Patinamit. This custom was not only useful in helping me to understand the various links or differences in the tribes that we met, but it was also a means of bringing about a small degree of friendliness, and of overcoming that very decided unsociability which forms such an integral part of the Indian nature.

At sunrise we were in our saddles, and soon found ourselves to be riding over a difficult and rugged country. The hills were steep, and the mule tracks, in many places, almost impassable. In the afternoon we crossed a high mountain ridge, and then descended towards the Indian hamlet of San Lorenzo, and pushed on as fast as possible, in order to reach Gueguetenango before the night. On our arrival, we rode up to the convent gate, where I was welcomed by Padre Juan Batista de Terran. He was in a highly disturbed and irritated state of mind. His convent had been battered and almost destroyed by the artillery of the Indian rebels, commanded by Cruz, and his church was filled with soldiers who had been quartered there, and were eating and drinking, gambling, and leading wild and irreverent lives within the shrines.

On the following day I called upon the Corregidor and obtained a passport for Augustin, and then sent him and the baggage mule back to Guatemala. He had faithfully performed his duties as guide and attendant, and had been careful in looking after the wants of the mules, often taking great trouble in finding for them a proper supply of forage wherever we were quartered in the night. But he had not expected to meet with such rough tracks as we had passed over amongst the sierras and down the barrancas, and was glad to be able to return by more secure and better known roads.

The inhabitants of Gueguetenango, at the time of our arrival, were in an excited and disorganised condition. They had not recovered from the alarm caused by the recent events of the rebellion. The Plaza was crowded with wild-looking Indians, and throughout the town there was an unusual movement of armed men. My chief preoccupation was the search of a trustworthy guide, which was a matter for considerable difficulty. Finally I succeeded in securing the services of an Indian belonging to a local tribe of the Mams. He bore the name of Carlos, and spoke Spanish sufficiently well to enable me to keep up a tolerably intelligible conversation with him.

I now thought it advisable to make some changes with regard to the manner of travelling. Hitherto I had managed very well with Augustin and one spare mule. The mule carried in the saddle bags, provisions for several days, together with a change of clothing in case of wet weather, but experience had shown me that it would be better to reduce the weights to what could easily be carried by an Indian in his pack, and who, at the same time, could act as guide. I should thus avoid the risk of being detained by any accident happening to the cargo mule. My own good mule carried nothing but its rider, and a great coat and hammock, rolled up in military fashion, and strapped over the pommel of the saddle.

Everything being satisfactorily arranged, Carlos appeared at the convent steps at daybreak with his pack duly placed over his shoulders, and carried by the head band. Into this were put two days’ provisions, and part of the change of clothing. My mule carried the halter wound round her neck. A small supply of fodder was added to the Indian’s load, and thus we started. Carlos took the lead by breaking into a quick, rapid pace, or steady Indian run. The mule followed at her best speed, and before the sun had risen above the summits of the Cordilleras, we were well forward on our way towards Jacaltenango and the Mexican frontier.

• • • • •

Gueguetenango, the chief city of the Department, was a place of importance before the conquest. It was the capital of the Mams, a warlike tribe, whose caciques and principal families were of the same race as the Quichés. They were conquered and reduced to submission by the Spaniards in 1525. There are certain circumstances respecting that campaign and the methods of defence adopted by the Mams, which should receive particular attention in connection with the theories and Indian traditions, respecting the migrations of the mysterious tribe who have been named the Toltecs, and who appear to have been the predecessors of the Aztecs. There are, in the accounts of the campaign several details which are valuable, as leading to the conclusion that the Mams, Quichés and Kachiquels, whose leaders were all of the same race, pursued systems of defensive warfare, which had analogies with the habits of the tribes who raised the fortified hill works in Ohio.

When it was decided by Alvarado to attack the Mams, a force suitable for the purpose was organized. It consisted of a main body of Mexican Indian allies who were supported by a small force of Spanish cavalry and infantry; there were three hundred Indians carrying spades and hatchets acting as pioneers, and many others who were employed in the work of transport. After an engagement with the Mams, who were defeated, the attacking forces advanced to[70]Gueguetenango. Upon their arrival at that place the Spanish General was informed that the Mams had retreated to their fortress of Socoleo. The position of this entrenched camp was so strong, that it was not possible to capture it by direct assault, and the Spaniards in the end reduced the Indians to surrender by famine.

The historian Fuentes who is stated to have personally examined this fortress about the year 1695, reported (according to Juarros) that the approach “was by only one entrance and that was so narrow as scarcely to permit a horseman to pass it; from the entrance, there ran on the right hand a parapet, raised on the berm of the fosse, extending along nearly the whole of that side; several vestiges of the counter-scarp and curtain of the walls still remain, besides parts of other works, the use of which cannot now be easily discovered; in a courtyard there stood some large columns, upon the capitals of which were placed quantities of pine wood, that being set on fire, gave light at night to the surrounding neighbourhood. The citadel or lofty cavalier of this great fortification was in the form of a square, graduated pyramid, rising twelve or fourteen yards from the base to the platform on the top, which was sufficient to admit of ten soldiers standing on each side; the next step would accommodate a greater number, and the dimensions proportionably increased to the last or twenty-eighth step. The steps were intersected in unequal portions by parapets and curtains, rendering the ascent to the top so extremely difficult, that Fuentes says, he attempted several times to reach the platform, but was unable to perform the task, until his Indian interpreter acted as his guide and conducted him to the summit. The ruins of several buildings were then in existence; they appeared to have been intended as quarters for the soldiers; were extremely well arranged, and distributed with due regard to proportion. Between each three or four of these buildings there was a square courtyard paved with slabs made of stiff clay, lime, and sand; every part of the fortress was constructed of hewn stone, in pieces of great size, as one which had been displaced, measured three yards in length, by one in breadth.” ... “As the place was circumvallated by a deep ravine, there was no way by which the walls could be approached.”

From the above description of Socoleo it is made clear that its construction and position were in accordance with the principles and objects which governed the selection of the strongholds at Patinamit and Utatlan. The pyramidal structure called the citadel must have closely resembled the Resguardo which guarded the entrance into the Quiché fortress.

It is of importance to note that the account given by Fuentes of Socoleo, establishes to a great extent, the accuracy of certain portions of the manuscripts composed by the young Quiché caciques which relate to the traditions of the migrations of the Quichés from Mexico, and the manner in which they divided into separate governments the countries which they had conquered, under the names of Quiché, Kachiquel, Mam and Zutugil. With regard to the three first-named divisions the methods adopted to secure their domination, were so identical, that there can be no doubt that the statements recorded in the manuscripts, so far as they relate to the historical accounts of the Quichés after their arrival in Central America, may be assumed to be trustworthy records of the Indian traditions.

According to the dispatches of the Spanish conqueror Alvarado, he found that the Quichés inhabited the town of Quezaltenango, and it was after the decisive battle fought near that place, that they retreated to their entrenchments at Utatlan; thus adopting the same tactics as were afterwards followed by the Mams, who fought their chief battle near Gueguetenango and then after their defeat fled to Socoleo. This custom of the Quichés appears to be similar to that of the Mound Builders in Ohio, who established their fortified camps in positions which were naturally nearly impregnable or most difficult to approach, and it is such as would be considered advisable by the chiefs of tribes who hold their territories by conquest, and would therefore endeavour to maintain their power by having large entrenched encampments, within which they would be secured from danger in the event of being unable to meet their enemies on the plains.