Travels Amongst American Indians, Their Ancient Earthworks and Temples Including a Journey in Guatemala, Mexico and Yucatan, and a Visit to the Ruins of Patinamit, Utatlan, Palenque and Uxmal

CHAPTER I.

Chapter 214,186 wordsPublic domain

New York. — Mr. Grinnell. — Search for Sir John Franklin. — Southern States. — The Negroes and their prospects. — Naval Academy at Annapolis. — Military Academy at West Point. — Shakers. — Boston. — Professor Agassiz. — Prairies and Glacial Action. — Coral Reefs in Florida. — Mr. Ticknor. — Shell Mounds in Florida. — Schools. — Dr. Howe’s Institution for the Blind.— Laura Bridgman.

Upon my return to England, after having completed several years of foreign service, I obtained permission from the Admiralty to proceed upon a journey into North and Central America.

There were certain subjects that I particularly wished to examine, especially those that were connected with the mounds or earthworks in the valley of the Ohio, and the ruined temples of the southern regions of Mexico and Guatemala. In the lands inhabited, at the time of the Spanish Conquest, by Indian tribes who had reached a singular form of civilisation, the origin of which has not yet been traced, it is probable that some discovery will be made which will throw light upon the manner in which their knowledge was obtained.

The problems which have yet to be solved with respect to the ruins at Palenque, and in Yucatan, have a fascination for those who are interested in the endeavour to seek an explanation of the strange events that must have happened amongst the Indians who inhabited that part of the world. It is possible that evidences may be found which will lead to the conclusion that at some period, not very remote, there has been an introduction amongst the aboriginal races of influences derived from Europe or Asia, and it is not unreasonable to expect that when the hieroglyphs within the altars of Palenque are interpreted, much that is now unintelligible will be made clear. The investigations of Mr. Stephens, in 1840, together with the earlier reports of Del Rio and Dupaix, directed attention to the extraordinary character of the pyramids and stone structures that were found deserted and ruined within the tropical lands and forests.

In the North the field of research has been carefully examined by competent explorers, but, even in that region, there is much that is open to theory or conjecture with regard to the purposes for which the great earthworks in the interior of the Continent were raised. There is also an almost complete absence of definite knowledge respecting the race and subsequent migrations of the tribes that dwelt within those embankments. The extensive shell heaps or kitchen middens found near the seacoasts, have been partly excavated, and, judging from the implements of bone and the weapons which they contain, it has been made evident that the Indians must have had customs singularly corresponding with those of the tribes who formed the shell mounds in Europe.

I had no theories to establish, but I expected to find that the tribes in the West and North-West resembled the Manchu race I had seen in the North of China, and that the Indians in Central America would show traces of kindred with the Malays. I also thought that, in the ruined temples, there would be seen architectural affinities with the Buddhist monasteries in Upper Burmah and Cambodia. These were however only surmises, and I was prepared to recognise that it would be necessary to adopt other conclusions.

It was difficult to arrange for any decided plan of travel, but I intended, in the first instance, to visit the Navy Yards and observe what progress was being made with respect to ships and their armaments; and then to proceed to those parts of America where the principal works of the aboriginal tribes still remain. Finally, I hoped to be able to cross the Continent and go down the Mexican and Guatemalan coasts, and from one of the ports on the Western seaboard, cross Central America from the Pacific to the Atlantic towards Yucatan. Such was the outline of the direction that I proposed to follow, but which would be varied or changed as circumstances might require.

We left Liverpool in the Samaria on the 15th of March, 1869, and reached New York late in the evening of the 28th, after having experienced a continuation of head winds and stormy weather, which made our passage across the Atlantic long and tedious. My first care, upon arrival, was to call upon Mr. Henry Grinnell,[1] whose exertions and services in prosecuting, at his own expense, the search for Sir John Franklin and the ships beset in the Arctic ice, are so well known.

In the year 1850 Lady Franklin sent her appeal to the President of the United States, in which she urged the Americans, as a kindred people, to help in the enterprise of rescuing our sailors from perishing from cold and starvation in those Northern latitudes. The appeal was not unanswered, but in consequence of the unavoidable delays incidental to obtaining the sanction of Congress for the necessary expenditure, there was much risk of the season becoming too advanced for reaching the channels in time, and that, consequently, a whole year’s work would be lost. It was then that Mr. Grinnell, a leading merchant and shipowner, prepared and fitted out for Arctic service two of his own vessels. These ships, respectively called the “Advance” and the “Rescue,” were officered and manned by the Naval Department and reached the ice in time to do useful work. The fate, however, of Sir John Franklin and his crew was not ascertained, although traces of his winter quarters were discovered.

At Washington, I found that Congress was sitting. Political affairs were in an unusually excited condition in consequence of the state of things resulting from the Civil War and the admission of negroes to the franchise. Soon after my arrival I attended the Levée of President Grant, and in the evening dined with our Minister, Mr. Thornton, at the Legation. Several members of the Diplomatic body were present, some of whom I had previously met in Europe.

The question of the capacity of the negroes with respect to their taking an equal share with the white citizens in the management of the government policy occupied the attention of politicians. It was thought impossible to foresee what would be the effect of the emancipation of over three millions of slaves. It seemed certain that the Americans would have eventually a complicated problem to deal with, presenting grave difficulties.

From Washington I went into the Southern States. In the districts where large numbers of slaves had been employed, the subject of their education was being seriously considered, and schools were established for the purpose of advancing the intelligence of the black children. The ignorant and hopeful parents were speculating upon the brilliant future that seemed to be opening before them. They had vague dreams that some new and prosperous destiny was going to be granted to their race. They thought that, as a result of freedom and education, their children would become active and useful citizens, equal, if they had fair opportunities, to those who had been their masters.

Such was the universal belief amongst the elders, and great will be the disappointment amongst the children upon growing up into manhood to discover, that, in obedience to an unexplained law, there seems to be a limit to their power of reaching the standard of proficiency to which they aspired.

I had seen the emancipated negroes in the islands of the West Indies, and the extraordinary condition of Hayti when under the rule of the black emperor Soulouque. It was therefore not possible to think that there was any probability of these school children rising to an equality with the white races around them. There was something almost painful in listening to the faith of the fathers in the prospects of their sons, and the earnest manner in which they spoke of their future career, if they worked hard and did their best to deserve success.

After passing through the low-lying lands near the coast, which had in previous years been cultivated by this race, I proceeded up the Chesapeake Bay, and stopped at Annapolis for the purpose of looking at the Naval Academy. The system of training officers for sea service is, in many respects, radically different from that which is followed in England. With regard to the comparative results it is difficult to form an opinion. It is presumable that the English system is the best for developing the naval capacity of English lads, and the regulations carried out at Annapolis may be more suitable for the Americans. Both schools succeed in producing efficient young officers.

The principle underlying the policy of the training system in England is youth. It is thought that in order to make a good sailor, officer or man, the future seaman must be entered when young, and thus begin his sea life while he is still capable of being naturally accustomed to the performance of his duties. In America and also with the maritime powers on the European continent different conclusions are held. At Annapolis the age for entry is between fourteen and sixteen, and as the entries usually take place at the latest period, the age upon passing out into sea service is about twenty. The preliminary training is thoroughly carried out, and the Academy is exceptionally fortunate in being situated on the shores of a large and well-sheltered bay where there is room for practising the necessary gunnery exercises.

The Military Academy at West Point is placed in a very beautiful situation. Nothing can be finer than the scenery at that part of the Hudson river. The site has been well selected with regard to the various requirements for training officers for general service, with reference to drills, cavalry exercises, and topographical and engineering studies. Professor Bartlett, to whom I had a letter of introduction from Professor Henry, of the Smithsonian Institute, did everything that was in his power to make my stay agreeable. I was also much indebted to General Pitcher, the officer in command, who made me acquainted with all the details of the system in operation.

The Cadets are chosen in the same manner as at Annapolis. Ten are appointed annually by the President, and the remainder are usually nominated by members of Congress from their respective states. Private allowances are discouraged, and the Government make a grant of 500 dollars a year for each pupil, or the same allowance that is given to the midshipmen at Annapolis. General Pitcher told me that about one half of the candidates usually failed at the preliminary examination, and that, upon the average, one-third of the remainder were rejected at the succeeding examinations, a proportion of failures which corresponds with that at the Naval Academy. They rise at five, clean their rooms, place everything in order, attend early drills, and are constantly at work throughout the day. The series of drills and studies is very continuous, and there is only just sufficient time allowed for meals, and very little time for recreation. The average age of the lads is over twenty-one; the term is for four years. Many distinguished officers have graduated here and habits of self-reliance are strictly enforced. The principle which governs the system which is maintained during the earlier part of the training is that of accustoming each cadet to be independent of help.

In proceeding from West Point, I visited the Shakers at their settlements, near the village of Lebanon. I was received by their chief Elder, a man named Evans, who, by his energy and firmness of will, had obtained much personal influence over the community. The Shakers had been successful in securing for themselves a considerable degree of financial prosperity which was the result of their economy and industry.

Evans was acquainted with the scheme of life contemplated by Mr. Harris, near Brocton. The community established there had been joined by Mr. Laurence Oliphant,[2] and I was interested in hearing the opinions of the Shakers about them. Evans thought that they could not long keep together, because marriage was permitted amongst its members. Marriage, he said, meant personal property and where that existed a communistic society could not succeed.

A few days after arriving at Boston, I dined with Mr. Charles Francis Adams, who had for many years been the United States Minister in England. I had met him frequently at the house of Sir Charles Lyell in London. The conversation turned chiefly upon the conduct of the troops in the Civil War,[3] all the details of which were eagerly discussed.

An officer present, who had commanded a brigade with distinction throughout the campaign, gave us some information with regard to the behaviour of the troops of the Northern army under fire, from the point of view of their respective nationalities. Of the negroes he spoke highly from personal knowledge, for during a part of his service, a regiment of those troops was placed under his command. He said that they were not intelligent, but were easily disciplined and controlled. They were found to be useful in covering an assault as they did not appear to be shaken in their courage or firmness by any great slaughter in their ranks.

The Germans were expected to be cool and phlegmatic, but it was found that they were excitable and easily startled and unsettled. The Irish were always ready to fight, but they were soon depressed by any reverses. The Americans were excellent as cavalry, as infantry they were steady and deliberate.

I mentioned that, at West Point, I had met General Vogdes, who had commanded a negro regiment, and that he considered his men to have proved that they were reliable and obedient, and capable upon occasions of showing that they were not wanting in daring. In the operations around Nashville, a great proportion of the losses in the army fell upon the coloured troops in consequence, as the general commanding reported, of the brilliant manner in which they charged the enemy’s earthworks. This kind of dashing courage on the part of negroes, who had been bred in slavery, was surprising. I was deeply interested in hearing the details of the war, particularly such of them as related to the conduct of the black troops when under fire.

I had seen in the South, the emotional side of the character of the American born negroes, as shown in their political meetings and their religious services, but I had not been previously aware that these apparently lethargic people had by nature, the capacity for becoming brave and impulsive soldiers. It is obvious that they felt they were fighting for freedom, and for the emancipation of their wives and children, the most powerful incentives that could stimulate their actions. They were ready and willing to face the risk of death in order to obtain that freedom which, to those that have it not, must be the most coveted prize that this world can give.

One afternoon I went to Cambridge for the purpose of meeting Mr. Bartlett, a partner in the publishing firm of Messrs. Little and Brown. I was indebted to him for many kind acts in assisting me in visiting the museums, and we had arranged to go to the Harvard University together, in order to have an interview with Professor Agassiz, who had returned from Florida, where he had been engaged in the examination of the coral reefs.

After looking at the extensive collection of corals and shells which had been placed in the Museum, we walked across the college grounds to the Professor’s house. I delivered my letter of introduction, and was received with great courtesy. Agassiz for some time talked about his varied experiences in many parts of the world and his recent researches, but upon hearing that I was going to visit the prairies in the North-west, he showed much interest in the details of the journey that I proposed to take.

He said that he had been in many parts of those prairies, and had made several careful investigations with the object of establishing certain facts with regard to their formation, and had come to the conclusion that they were caused by glacial action. He thought that the theory that they were once sea beaches was erroneous, for he was convinced that the sea had never been in those regions. He also spoke about the consequences of the habits of the numerous herds of buffaloes that had roamed, in remote times, over those lands and had made their wallows there. These shallow depressions collected large quantities of water, and influenced the manner in which many of the streams originated.

After having drawn my attention to the chief objects of geological interest that might possibly come within my notice in the region to the south of Lake Superior, Agassiz mentioned his work in Florida. He had given much consideration to the outlying banks fringing the southern coasts of that promontory. The facts he had established were not in accordance with the views of Darwin and Lyell. “If,” he said, “the Pacific formations were as described by Darwin and others, those on the coast of Florida were entirely different. In no way could Darwin’s theory explain the Florida formations.” He had ascertained that the corals grew up from great depths, for he had dredged to a depth of eight hundred fathoms and had brought up live corallines; thus proving that they existed and worked in very deep waters. It was his opinion that Darwin’s coral theories had not had a sufficient study of evidence given to them.

In the evening, at Mr. Ticknor’s house, there were present at dinner Commodore Rogers, Superintendent of the Navy Yard; Mr. Francis Parkman, author of several historical works relating to the early European settlements in North America; Mr. Hillard, also an author of considerable reputation, and Mr. Frank Parker. Mr. Ticknor[4] told us anecdotes of his travels in Europe soon after the restoration of Louis XVIII. He had known many of the celebrities of that time, and spoke of Sir Walter Scott, Sir Humphrey Davy, Mrs. Siddons, Lord and Lady Byron, Talleyrand, Madame de Stael and Madame Récamier.

There was a long discussion upon the uncertain future of the republic. It seemed to be considered that as America became more populated, it was much to be feared that universal suffrage, freedom and equality of race, would lead to disorder. Mr. Ticknor mentioned that Prince Metternich, when speaking to him about this subject, remarked that there was a great difference between old Austria and America. In Austria he had always to look out for mischief and prepare to meet it or contrive a remedy. In America, he said, a mischief, if it exists, takes time and grows until it gradually forces itself upon the attention of the people. Finally, if it becomes alarming, the mass deals with it and arrests its progress as it best can, and then things go on as before.

Professor Jeffries Wyman,[5] who had discovered several extensive shell banks on the eastern coasts of Florida, gave me, at his house at Cambridge, an interesting account of his investigations. He thought that the mounds were entirely formed by the refuse of the food eaten by the tribes dwelling near the sea; but, whether by a large settlement of tribes in a comparatively short time, or by a small tribe in a long time, it was difficult to determine. Some of the banks were from fourteen to twenty-five feet high. They varied in length from one hundred to five hundred yards. On the tops of several of them he had seen large trees, whose age he estimated to be not less than eight hundred years. It did not appear that the mounds followed the outlines of any particular plan of encampment, except in an instance where one of the longest of them had the shape of an amphitheatre.

He also examined some fresh water shell heaps. These, he thought, were made in the same manner as the sea shell mounds, by the Indians eating the fish and piling up the shells. In all of them he had discovered fragments of pottery and other marks of human life. The Professor proposed that I should make an appointment with him in order to have a thorough examination of his collection, not only from the shell heaps, but also from the tumuli of the mound builders and other Indian tribes. A day for this purpose was accordingly fixed. In the meanwhile my time was occupied in visiting the public schools: Mr. Frank Parker, who was interested in educational work, usually went with me.

From a national point of view it was considered of great importance that the children of the emigrants should receive a sound education so as to enable them to become useful and self-respecting citizens. The majority of the parents upon their arrival at New York or Boston, do not attempt to seek their fortunes away in the West, but settle in those quarters of these cities where they find that others of their race are already established. The elder members of the emigrating families are quite aware that their age or other circumstances practically debar them from all hope of success in any attempts to gain a livelihood by their own work. Thus their attention is directed to the training of their children, so that these may have a fair start in life. For this purpose, the free and thoroughly practical system of education carried out in the schools seems to be excellent.

It is needless to dwell upon the methods adopted in American cities for raising the standard of knowledge among the boys and girls of the poorer classes, for they are well known. Nothing can be more pleasing than to observe the development of the minds of these young wanderers from other lands, where their fate was adverse and their lives were without hope. They appear to seize with eagerness the chances that are given them to attain, by their own intelligence, higher and more secure positions, and thus break away from the discouraging conditions into which they were born. The construction and size of the school buildings were well adapted for their purpose. The health and attention of the students are, therefore, not affected by close confinement or the insufficiency of pure air.

There was an institution in Boston, devoted to the work of teaching the blind, which had an especial interest of its own, and I was therefore glad to accept Dr. Howe’s invitation to dine with him and then see Laura Bridgman,[6] the blind girl, whose education had been so successfully managed, and whose history had, for many years, attracted observation.

After dinner Laura came into the room. I noticed that she was of average height and looked thin, pale and delicate. She had a shy and peculiar manner. Mrs. Howe placed herself in communication with her, and Laura immediately became more assured. When I was introduced she expressed, by the movements of her fingers, that she was much pleased to have my companionship. I asked if she wished to inquire about any English friends? She replied, “Yes. Do you know Dickens, how is he?” Then suddenly, before I had made any answer, she felt Mrs. Howe’s sleeve and said, “You have a new dress,” and named the material—a sort of French silk. Mrs. Howe said that the guess was correct. She then became more animated and bright, but showed a singularly quick impatience when wanting Mrs. Howe to listen to her. When not occupied in maintaining a conversation she became quiet and looked sad.

Mrs. Howe asked in what way she amused herself and what was her greatest pleasure. She replied, “reading.” “What reading do you like best?” To this question Laura replied, “Bible, hymns and psalms.” Mrs. Howe turned round to me and said this answer was very curious as Dr. Howe had brought her up without any religious training, because he did not wish to give her mind any especial bent in that matter; but owing, it was supposed, to the influence and teaching of some friend, she had been made acquainted with the Bible and had become intensely attached to it.

It was said that Laura was able to articulate two words—“Doctor” and “Grandmother”—and I asked her to say them. “Doctor,” was pronounced in a distinct manner giving the sound “Dok-tá.” The word “Grandmother” was not so clearly spoken and she gave the sound very rapidly. It was however sufficiently expressed to be understood. I was told that these words had in some manner been learnt by feeling the throats of other people who pronounced them, and finding that certain expansions of the muscles occurred when the sounds were made. She conversed by holding out one hand and moving the fingers. Mrs. Howe held her wrist and communicated her remarks by touch upon it. In this manner an intelligent conversation was carried on. Laura evidently enjoyed the excitement caused by this interchange of ideas, for when thus engaged she looked very happy.

She was blind, deaf and dumb.