CHAPTER III

ROGER DE FLOR’S CAREER AT CONSTANTINOPLE

Roger de Flor, with many soldiers and adventurers from Catalonia and Aragon, had fought on the side of Frederick I of Aragon, while the latter was engaged in a war against Charles of Anjou, King of Naples, for the possession of the kingdom of Sicily. When the war was over, Roger and his companions in arms were without employment. He then conceived the plan of entering the service of the Emperor of Constantinople, who was hard pressed by the Turks. Accordingly he sent two trustworthy knights to the emperor, with instructions and full powers to act for him. He offered his services under the following conditions: that the emperor give him his niece in marriage; that he appoint him Magaduch of the empire; and that he pay to the soldiers who came with Roger a stipulated wage. He felt certain that the mission of his agents would be successful, and, even before these returned, was busy making preparations for the expedition. Finally they came back with the espousals duly signed and Roger’s appointment and commission as Magaduch. This title and position was equal to that of prince, and carried with it command of the soldiers of the empire and authority over the Admiral. Roger, with the assistance of King Frederick, gathered a fleet of thirty-six vessels, and in these, without counting the crews, women, and children, 1500 cavalry and 5000 infantry set sail. On arriving at Constantinople they were received with great joy. The marriage of Roger and the emperor’s niece was celebrated without delay. The Genoese who were fighting under the imperial banners were in an ugly mood when they saw with what cordial welcome their rivals were received. Roger’s men resented their insolence, and a bloody battle ensued in which 3000 Genoese were slain. The emperor watched the fight with pleasure, for the overbearing ways of the Genoese had long been a source of extreme vexation to him. Roger’s _almogávares_ wished to sack Pera, where the Genoese lived, and it was with difficulty that the new Magaduch restrained them.

The Turks had conquered all the territory of Anatolia and were so near the city of Constantinople that only an arm of the sea separated them. Some time before the arrival of Roger, Xor Miqueli,[46] the eldest son of the emperor, had crossed this body of water with 12,000 cavalry and 100,000 infantry, but he was afraid to join battle with the Turks. The emperor now sent Roger with his 1500 cavalry and 5000 infantry to attack the enemy. But before the Magaduch set out he succeeded in having his intimate friend, En Ferran de Ahones, married to a relative of the emperor and at the same time appointed Admiral. Then he took his forces across the arm of the sea and landed near the camp of the Turks, without having been seen by them. The next day at dawn his forces made an unexpected attack on the enemy, and a hard-fought battle ensued. The Turks were unable to resist the terrific onslaught of the _almogávares_, and finally were forced to yield, after having lost 3000 cavalry and 10,000 infantry. The news of the victory brought great joy to the heart of the emperor, but to the Genoese it was a bitter draught. Xor Miqueli, too, was disappointed. From that time he frowned on Roger and his men.

[46] Xor is a Greek title of honor, accorded to illustrious personages. It corresponds to the Spanish Don as used formerly.

After this victory the Magaduch planned to reconquer all the cities, towns, and castles that the Turks had captured. But a severe winter set in, and he was obliged to go into winter quarters at Artaqui, where the above battle had been fought. When the cold season was nearly over he ordered all his men to be ready to follow the banner on the first day of April, on which date the army marched towards Filadelfia. Just before reaching that city they came upon a Turkish army drawn up in battle array. The battle that followed was stubbornly fought on both sides, but finally the Magaduch’s forces were victorious. They entered the city, where they were warmly welcomed. From this place they went to Nif, thence to Magnesia, and next to Tira. The morning after they entered this city hostile troops appeared, and the Magaduch sent out the Seneschal, En Corberan de Alet, with a body of men, to attack them. The Turks were soon routed and in pursuing them the Seneschal was struck by an arrow and killed.

The Magaduch sent word to the Admiral to bring the whole fleet to Ania. In the meantime En Berenguer de Rocafort arrived at Constantinople with 200 cavalry and 1000 infantry, and these were immediately sent to the Magaduch. These reinforcements, the fleet, and the forces in the field all came together at Ania. Rocafort was made Seneschal. At this place another clash with the enemy took place, and the latter was soon put to flight. The victorious army then continued its march through Anatolia, and when they arrived at a mountain pass called “La Porta del Ferre,” they were attacked by a large army of the enemy. The Turks fought furiously, but in vain; they were forced to flee and the victors pursued them until darkness intervened.

Finally the power of the Turks in Anatolia was completely broken. Roger now asked the emperor to make a payment to his troops, and the latter ordered special money to be coined. This money was not worth its face value. The emperor did this in order that friction and hatred might arise between the people of the empire and the strangers, for “if he had not had need of these foreigners, he would have wished all of them dead and out of the empire.”

En Berenguer Dentença arrived with additional reinforcements. A few days later Roger suggested to the emperor that the newly-arrived commander should be given a position of honor, and offered to resign his position in order that Dentença might be appointed Magaduch. His Imperial Majesty approved this suggestion. The following day Roger placed his cap on the head of Dentença and gave him the insignia of the high office of Magaduch. Thereupon the emperor asked Roger to be seated and proclaimed him Caesar of the Empire. Caesar’s throne was a half-hand lower than the emperor’s, and his cap and robes were blue instead of red. That constituted the only difference between emperor and Caesar. There had been no Caesar of the Empire for four hundred years. Roger’s elevation to this dignity was celebrated with great solemnity.

Another winter came on, and the Caesar spent it with his troops at Gallipoli. After the Christmas festivities he returned to Constantinople to confer with the emperor in regard to affairs of the empire. As a result of this consultation the whole territory of Anatolia and the islands of Romania were placed in his hands. He was to distribute the cities, towns, and castles among vassals, who were to furnish armed men and horses in return.

But before going to Anatolia he felt it his duty to take leave of Xor Miqueli, who was at Adrianople, five _jornadas_ from the imperial city. His wife and her mother, knowing the hatred that the emperor’s son bore him, warned him not to go there, but he went in spite of their pleadings. Xor Miqueli came out to meet him and showed him much honor. Apparently the fears of his wife and her mother were unfounded. But on the seventh day of his visit Gircon, the chief of the Alanos, entered the palace, and at the behest, or at least with the consent, of Xor Miqueli, put a tragic end to the heroic career of Roger de Flor, Caesar of the Empire.

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Now let us see what striking resemblances we can discover in comparing the careers of Tirant lo Blanch and Roger de Flor. The points of similarity that stand out prominently in the comparison of these heroes are the following: Tirant, like Roger de Flor, came from Sicily to the aid of the ill-faring empire; both were immediately placed in command of the imperial forces, Tirant with the title of Capita Major and Roger de Flor with that of Magaduch; both were always victorious on the field of battle, and recovered the territory that had been conquered by the Turks; both were made Caesar of the Empire for their distinguished services; Roger was assassinated at Adrianople, and in that same city Tirant’s fatal malady seized him.

The historical basis of Tirant’s career at Constantinople is evidently furnished by the _Chronica_, but Martorell’s hero differs very much from the Catalan hero. The author evidently had the latter in mind to some extent, but apparently he did not wish to portray him in such manner that one would recognize him. While we still have Guy of Warwick’s career at Constantinople fresh in mind, do not the details of Tirant’s career seem to be more in accord with the English hero’s than with those of Roger de Flor? Did we not expect more of a resemblance, when we were told that Tirant represents the latter? In short, is that judgment not misleading? If it had been Martorell’s intention to make this part a kind of historical novel in which Roger de Flor was to be the central figure, would he not have adhered to the facts more closely, and elaborated them at his own free will and pleasure?