CHAPTER I

IN WHAT LANGUAGE WAS TIRANT LO BLANCH FIRST WRITTEN?

The caption of the dedicatory letter in _Tirant lo Blanch_ is conceived in the following words:

A honor, lahor e gloria de nostre senyor deu Jesu crist: e de la gloriosa sacratissima verge Maria, mare sua, senyora nostra. Comença la letra del present libre appellat tirant lo blanch, dirigida per mossen Johanot martorell caualler al serenissimo princep don Ferrando de portogal.[12]

[12] To the honor, praise and glory of our Lord God, Jesus Christ, and of the glorious most blessed Virgin Mary, His Mother, Our Lady. Here beginneth the dedicatory letter of this book entitled _Tirant lo Blanch_, addressed by Sir Johanot Martorell, Knight, to the most serene Prince Ferdinand of Portugal.

In this letter we are told that Prince Ferdinand found great delight in the contemplation of heroic deeds. His most enthusiastic admiration was called forth by the feats of that famous hero, Tirant lo Blanch, who outshone all other knights as the sun outshines all other planets. But, according to this letter, the story of that great knight was written in the English language. Prince Ferdinand wished to have it translated into Portuguese, and since he knew that Martorell had spent some time in England, he considered him well qualified to do the work. Accordingly he asked him to translate the book.

Martorell, however, expresses a feeling of incompetency, and on account of his professional and family affairs and the adversities of fortune which do not permit him to enjoy peace of mind, he feels that he might be justified in declining the noble task. But notwithstanding all these obstacles he will undertake it, for surely the Sovereign Good, who comes to the aid of those who wish to do worthy things, will not fail him in his endeavor. Then in an enterprising spirit he announces:

... me atreuire expondre, no solament d’lengua Anglesa en Portoguesa, mas encara de Portoguesa en vulgar valenciana: perço que la nacio don yo so natural sen puxa alegrar e molt ajudar per los tants e tan insignes actes com hi son.[13]

[13] I shall undertake to translate, not only from the English language into Portuguese, but also from the Portuguese into the Valencian vernacular: in order that the country of which I am a native may enjoy and be highly benefited by the many very remarkable acts that are described therein.

He asks the prince to accept the book as from a devoted servant, and begs him to overlook with indulgence the errors that may be found therein, for in some passages it was impossible to give a good translation of the English words. The letter closes as follows:

E perque en la present obra altri no puxa esser increpat si defalliment algu trobat hi sera; yo Johanot martorell caualler sols vull portar lo carrech e no altri ab mi: com per mi sols sia stada ventilada a servey del molt illustre Princep e senyor rey spectant don ferrando de portogal: la present obra e començada a .ii. d’giner de lany .Mcccclx.[14]

[14] And in order that no other person may be blamed for any faults that may be contained in this work, I, Johanot Martorell, Knight, wish to accomplish this task alone and with the aid of no one else: in order that it may be performed by me alone in the service of the most illustrious Prince and Lord, expectant of the royal crown, Don Ferdinand of Portugal. This work is begun on the second day of January, 1460.

The principal part of the note that is found at the conclusion of the book reads as follows:

Aci feneix lo libre del valeros e strenu caualler Tirant lo blanch, Princep e Cesar del Imperi grech de Contestinoble, lo qual fon traduit de Angles en lengua portoguesa, e apres en vulgar lengua valenciana per lo magnifich e virtuos caualler mossen johanot martorell, lo qual per mort sua non pogue acabar de traduir sino les tres parts. La quarta part que es la fi del libre, es stada traduida a pregaries de la noble senyora dona Ysabel de loriç per lo magnifich caualler Mossen Marti johan d’galba: e si defalt hi sera trobat vol sia atribuit a la sua ignorancia.[15]

[15] Thus ends the book of the valorous and brave knight, Tirant lo Blanch, Prince and Caesar of the Grecian Empire of Constantinople, which was translated from English into the Portuguese language, and afterwards into the Valencian vernacular by the illustrious and excellent knight, Sir Johanot Martorell, who by reason of his death was not able to translate more than the three parts. The fourth part, which is the end of the book, has been translated at the request of the noble lady, Dona Isabel de Loriç by the illustrious knight, Sir Marti Johan d’Galba: and if there are any defects in it, may they be attributed to his ignorance.

Then is appended the colophon:

Fon acabada d’empremptar la present obra en la Ciutat de Valencia a .xx. del mes de Nohembre del any de la natiuitat de nostre senyor deu Jesu crist mil .cccc. lxxxx.[16]

[16] The printing of this work was completed in the city of Valencia on the twentieth day of November of the year of the nativity of our Lord God, Jesus Christ, 1490.

According to the above representations, _Tirant lo Blanch_ existed originally as an English romance of chivalry which was translated into Portuguese by Martorell; then the Portuguese version was translated into the Valencian language, three parts of it by Martorell and the fourth part by de Galba.

But the literary world knows no English _Tirant lo Blanch_, nor, so far as can be discovered, has it ever seen a reference to a romance of that description except the statements in the Catalan book. Consequently no little doubt arises as to an English original. The same is the case concerning a Portuguese _Tirant lo Blanch_, and the doubt as to the accuracy of Martorell’s and de Galba’s assertions increases considerably. And then, finally, the contents of the work, its spirit, its sources, and the fact that there is a _Tirant lo Blanch_ in the Catalan language, strongly impel the reader to conclude that the Catalan book is the original.

Let us first consider the question as to an English original. After a careful study of _Tirant lo Blanch_, we have come to the conclusion that it is hardly possible that it ever existed as an English romance. That conclusion is based on a study of its principal sources and on the nature of its contents. A truly Catalan atmosphere pervades by far the greater part of it. The court and military life of the Catalonians and Aragonese, their political problems and aspirations, their hopes and fears,—all these are vividly reflected in this romance of chivalry. Their history and their literature are so closely interwoven with the story of Tirant lo Blanch, that we can scarcely conceive it possible that it is not a Catalan production. We believe that when Martorell says that the work is translated from the English, he means that it has been inspired by an English book. And his statement has the semblance of truth, for his composition contains a reproduction of a considerable part of the English romance, _Guy of Warwick_, somewhat modified however, together with an account of the institution of the Order of the Garter, of which the scenes of action are all laid in England. To the story based on the above romance has been joined material derived from other sources, and one of these is Raymond Lull’s _Libre del Orde d’Cauayleria_. In the story, of which the material from these two sources forms the foundation, Guy of Warwick is represented as Guillem de Varoych, and for this reason we shall name this composite reproduction, the William of Warwick episode.[17] _Tirant lo Blanch_ begins with this episode, which occupies a little more than one-eighth part of the complete work. But this is not the only part in which the influence of _Guy of Warwick_ is revealed. We know that Martorell, when he planned his book of chivalry, was acquainted with the story of Guy of Warwick, and in the course of the composition certain features of the latter occurred to him and were incorporated in his work. But these are not very numerous, and they are so sparsely scattered that the pronounced Catalan atmosphere in which they appear absorbs whatever distinguishing characteristics they may have had originally. Our investigations, the details of which will follow, lead us to the conclusion that if _Tirant lo Blanch_ had an English original, this must have been written by a Catalan,—which, to say the least, is improbable. Scholars who have given some attention to this question entertain serious doubts concerning the representations that the work is translated from the English. Menéndez y Pelayo regards the question as very problematic.[18] Givanel Mas, in his excellent study on _Tirant lo Blanch_,[19] intimates that it is doubtful that there has existed an English original. Still he would consider it bold to deny that the book has ever appeared in English or in Portuguese. But, on the other hand, he sees no reason why we should consider it impossible that the author has followed the custom of writers of chivalry, who, in perhaps a majority of cases, pretend that their works were based on productions found in foreign languages, not only in Greek, Latin, and Arabic, but also in English and German. Bonsoms y Sicart says: “No cabe duda que la celebrada novela es hija de la imaginación del magnífico y virtuoso caballero valenciano.”[20] Rubió y Lluch makes this statement: “El Tirant, en la parte fundamental, en el carácter general del cuadro en que los personajes se mueven con más desembarazo, es indígena, es catalán por sus cuatro costados.”[21]

[17] Why did Martorell change the name from Guy to William (Guillem)? The Catalan form for Guy is Guiu, which may have been easily confused in the MSS. with Guim, a contracted form of Guillem. If this substitution did not result from a confusion in names, the resemblance may have suggested Guillem, which was more popular and therefore may have seemed preferable.

[18] D.M. Menéndez y Pelayo, _Orígenes de la Novela_, Madrid, 1905; tomo I, p. ccliii.

[19] Juan Givanel Mas, _Estudio crítico de Tirant lo Blanch_, Madrid, 1912; p. 21.

[20] _Discursos leídos en la Real Academia de Buenas Letras de Barcelona en la recepción publica de D. Isidro Bonsoms y Sicart_, Barcelona, 1907; por Don Isidro Bonsoms y Sicart y Don Antonio Rubió y Lluch, p. 40.

[21] _Ibid._, p. 164.

There is a passage in the William of Warwick episode which we feel is a probable indication that the author was not English. When the hermit-king, as leader of the English forces, recaptured the castle of Alimburch from the Moors, in which the latter held many Christian ladies as captives, Johan de Varoych, son of Guillem, called to them in the following words: “Dones angleses, exiu defora e tornau en vostra primera libertat, car vengut es lo dia de la vostra redempcio.”[22] Why did the author say “Dones angleses”? Is it not probable that he for the moment had forgotten that the work was supposed to be a translation from the English, and addressed the ladies as a foreigner might have done?

[22] English ladies, come out and enjoy your former liberty, for the day of your redemption has come.

In spite of our efforts to take the author at his word, we feel moved to conclude that the work was not translated from an English original. We believe that a statement to that effect was made, because the beginning of _Tirant lo Blanch_ was a kind of reproduction of a romance in which an English knight was the hero, and because the events that are recounted in that first part took place in England. The declaration was perhaps suggested by examples of other authors of romances of chivalry who attributed their works to foreign sources.

But if there was no English original, was there some other work to be translated? In what language was it written? For lack of any other information, we shall have to conclude that it was in Catalan, for the contents of the final version clearly indicate that. This, then, was translated into Portuguese, and then into Catalan. How absurd! for it already existed in Catalan. It is evident that there was no translating to be done.

If the book was not translated from an English, or a Catalan original, it may be asked whether it was first written in Portuguese and then translated into Catalan. In attempting to answer this question it is necessary to remember the reason that is given for translating the work from English into Portuguese, viz., that Prince Ferdinand of Portugal asked Martorell to produce the work in the Portuguese language. And who was this “serenissimo princep”?

Prince Ferdinand (1433-1470) was the second son of King Edward I of Portugal. His mother was Doña Leonor de Aragón, a daughter of King Ferdinand I. At the death of King Edward, in 1438, the latter’s eldest son mounted the throne as Alfonso V. He was but six years old, and in order that there might be no question as to the succession, “foi o Infante D. Fernando jurado Principe pellos Infantes, e pello Conde de Barcellos e por todos os que eraõ presentes, por si, e por todos os do Reyno, de que se fizeraõ Autos solemnizados por Notarios publicos e dahi em diante se chamou Principe de Portugal.”[23] This prince was, according to de la Clède, “Duc de Viseo, Grand Maître de Christ et de Saint Jacques en Portugal, et Connétable du Roiaume.”[24] He took an active part in the fighting against the Moors in the northwestern part of Africa.

[23] The Infante, D. Ferdinand was solemnly accepted as Prince by the other Infantes, and by the Count of Barcellos and by all those who were present, for themselves and for those of the kingdom; duly attested acts of this action were drawn up by notaries, and henceforth he was called Prince of Portugal. Duarte Nunes de Leaõ, _Cronicas del rey Dom Joaõ de gloriosa memoria, o I. deste nome, e dos reys de Portugal o X., e as dos reys D. Duarte, e D. Affonso o V._, Lisbon, 1780; vol. 2, p. 86.

[24] M. de la Clède, _Histoire générale de Portugal_, Paris, 1735; vol. 3, p. 242.

Apparently, then, this dedication and all that concerns Prince Ferdinand is written in good faith. And since he was a Portuguese, it would be only natural to suppose that the book was composed in the Portuguese language.

But this supposition loses much of its force when we consider that his mother was a Catalan, and consequently it is probable that he knew, or, at least, understood the Catalan language. Then, too, Martorell, who was so fond of making elaborate descriptions of court life, fails to reveal this tendency in telling about Tirant’s visit to the Portuguese court at Lisbon, while this hero was on his way from Brittany to Sicily. A few cold, matter-of-fact statements of that brief stay are the only homage he renders to the kingdom of his patron. Surely that was an excellent opportunity to sing the praises of Portugal, its heroes, and its rulers, but to our great surprise no such attempt is made. This fact is indeed astonishing, and causes us to doubt that the book was written under the direction or at the request of a Portuguese. Moreover, at the very time that Martorell was engaged in the composition of _Tirant lo Blanch_, the Portuguese were doing what they had been doing for years, performing heroic exploits in their wars against the Moors on the African shores opposite the Spanish peninsula. In the book under consideration the hero conquers that very territory, but the Portuguese efforts find no place in the account of that victorious campaign. And yet that conquest had a historical basis, for it was founded on conditions and events described in Muntaner’s _Chronica_.[25] We cannot help asking ourselves the question: Why did Martorell wholly disregard the great deeds of valor of the Portuguese heroes? He has given proof of being well versed in the history of his times, and surely he had heard and read of their prowess. The answer that suggests itself is, that the experiences of his native land with Barbary as narrated in the _Chronica_ were uppermost in his mind, and while he was writing the book the exploits of the Portuguese probably did not occur to him. If such was the case, it is highly probable that he did not reside at the Portuguese court, and perhaps Prince Ferdinand was not much more than a name to him. In the kind of work undertaken by the author, a work based principally on historical events and the customs of the times, intermingled with literary productions and problems that confronted Christianity and involved the destiny of nations, the absence of traces of Portuguese influence from the fields of history and of literature, or from any other field, causes us to doubt seriously that the book was originally in Portuguese.[26]

[25] _Chronik des Edlen En Ramón Muntaner_, edited by Dr. Karl Lang, _Bibliothek des literarischen Vereins in Stuttgart_, Stuttgart, 1844.

[26] See page 152.

Moreover, Martorell, who was to write this book, was a Catalan. Was he as excellent a master of Portuguese as he was of his native tongue? We have no definite information in that regard upon which we may rely. Surely he was courageous to write such a voluminous work in Portuguese, if he did not control that language with ease. When he drew his material from Lull’s and from Metge’s works (see pp. 79-89), did he translate it into Portuguese and then turn it back into Catalan without consulting the corresponding passages in the sources? If such was the case, there would have been a greater difference in the parallel passages. But a man who is a master of the two languages would never take that trouble. And why should he try to make the passages exactly alike? Now, what was Martorell to write about? About a great hero whose name was Tirant lo Blanch and whose deeds were so much admired by Prince Ferdinand. But this Tirant lo Blanch is not a historical personage, he is an imaginary individual, a literary character. If the Catalan Tirant had not yet been written, if there was not even such a literary character, how, then, could the Prince have become so enthusiastic about him?

The strongest argument in favor of a Portuguese original is the fact that de Galba states that he translated the final fourth part from the Portuguese. But we must remember that Martorell says that he will translate the Portuguese into Catalan, and for that reason de Galba was obliged to say the same. But the same style, vocabulary, method of composing the work, the point of view and characteristics of the author are in evidence throughout the book. For this reason it may seem that Martorell wrote the whole work in Portuguese and then translated three-fourths of it into Catalan. He died and de Galba completed it. But if the latter had translated the fourth part, we feel that we should have been able to discover some differences in style, spelling and vocabulary, and an absence of some of the favorite expressions of Martorell. If he had composed that part we should not have had much difficulty in detecting it. Consequently we cannot believe that _Tirant lo Blanch_ was first written in Portuguese, and then translated into Catalan.

However, we accept in full faith the statement of the author that he is a Valencian. The contents of his work corroborate it. He knew that Ferdinand was Prince of Portugal; but did the latter ask him to translate the English original? We cannot believe that there was such a book in English, and consequently we doubt that _Tirant_ was written at this request. We shall probably never be able to discover whether Martorell was personally acquainted with Prince Ferdinand, or whether he ever was in communication with him. The details of the dedicatory letter point in that direction, but perhaps that was only an ingenious way of the author to induce us to give credit to his statements. However that may be, there was probably some good reason for dedicating the work to the prince, but very likely we shall never know just what that reason was.

If we cannot believe that there was an English original, and we doubt that the book was first written in Portuguese, then it is probable that we shall conclude that _Tirant lo Blanch_ was first written in Catalan. Perhaps an attempt to prove that it is a Catalan production will help us solve the problem.

In the composition of this book, material drawn from Catalan history and Catalan literature has been utilized. The former we shall discuss in other parts of this work, but we take up at this time two of the literary sources. First let us give a series of parallel passages from Raymond Lull’s _Libre del Orde d’Cauayleria_ and from _Tirant lo Blanch_ in order to see what can be gained from a study of these.

_Libre del Orde d’Cauayleria_ _Tirant lo Blanch_

1^{a} En aquell temps en la entrada 1^{b} Lo virtuos rey de Anglaterra del gran iuern sesdevench perque a total oci e languiment que un gran Rey molt noble nos sotsmetessen: delibera, puix e de bones costumes be habundos, hauie contractat matrimoni, de hac manades corts: e per fer cridar cort general afi que la gran fama qui fon per la terra si fes gran exercici darmes. La de sa cort, hun assaut scuder fama fon divulgada per tots los tot sol, en son palaffre caualcant, regnes de cristians, de la grandissima anava a la cort per esser adobat festa que lo famos Rey a noueyl cauayler: on per lo preparaua. Seguis que un gentilom trebayl que hac sostengut d’son de linatge antich e natural caualcar, dementre que anaua de Bretanya, anant en companyia en son palaffre adormis. E en de molts altres gentils aquella hora lo cauayler qui en homens qui a la gran festa la forest fahia sa penitencia ffon anauen aturas mes darrer de vengut a la ffont contemplar tots e adormis sobrel roci fatigat Deu e menysprear la vanitat de del treball del gran cami que aquest mon, seguns que cascun fet hauia. Son cauall lexa lo jorn hauia acustumat. cami e pres per una senda qui Dementre que lescuder caualcaua dreçava ala delitosa font hon en axi, son palaffre exi d’l lermita staua qui en aquell cas cami e mes se per lo boscatge, se delitaua legir un libre qui es e ana tant la hon li plach per lo nomenat arbre de batalles. E boscatge, tro esdevench en la feya continuament gracies, com fontana hon lo cauayler estava aquell libre legia, a nostre en oracio. Lo cauayler qui viu Senyor Deu de les singulars venir lescuder lexa sa oracio e graties que en aquest mon hauia assech se en lo bel prat a la aconseguides servint lorde de ombra del arbre, e comença a caualleria. E stant axi veu legir a .i. libre que tenia en la venir per pla un home a cauall; fauda. e conegue que venia dormint; lexas de legir e nol volgue despertar. Lo palaffre con fo a la font Com lo roci fon dauant bech de laygua, e lescuder qui la font e veu laygua, acostasi senti en durment que son palaffre per voler beure: e per que tenia nos mouia, despertas, e la falça regna en larço de la viu denant si lo cauayler qui fo çella no podia: e tant bascha molt veyl, e hac gran barba e que fon forçat al gentilom ques lonchs cabels, e romputs vestiments: despertas: e obrint los hulls, se per la velea e per la veu dauant un hermita ab molt penitencia que fasia fo magre gran barba tota blancha: e quasi e descolorit, e per les lagremes les vestidures rompudes: e mostrauas que gitaua, sos hulls foren apoquits, flach e descolorit. E e ac esguart d’molta santa aço causaua la molta penitencia vida. que feya continuament, e per les moltes lagremes quels seus hulls destillauen li eren los hulls molt apoquits. Lo conspectu seu era de home admirable e de gran sanctedat.

2^{a} Con lo cauayler ausi parlar 2^{b} Con lermita hoy parlar al de cauayleria et remembra lorde gentilom que anaua per rebre de cauayleria lorde de caualleria, recordant li lorde quina cosa es, e tot ço que e so quey pertany pertany a caualler, lansa un gran a cauayler, adonchs gita .j. suspir sospir e entra en gran pensament, et entra en consirer membrant essent en recort de la en lo honrament en lo grandissima honor en que caualleria qual cauayleria lo auia longament lauia longament mantengut. mantengut.

3^{a} Com, fiyl, so dix lo cauayler, 3^{b} E com, dix lermita, no saps e no saps tu qual es la regla e tu qual es la retgla e lorde de lorde de cauayleria? e com pots caualleria? E com pots tu demanar tu demanar cauayleria tro sapies caualleria fins que sapies lorde de cauayleria? cor negun lorde, car negun cavaller no pot cauayler no pot mantenir lorde mantenir lorde si nol sap e tot que no sap, ni pot amar son lo que pertany a lorde: orde ni so que pertany a son orde, si no sap lorde de cauayleria, ni sap conexer lo fayliment que sia contra son orde. Ni negun cauayler no deu fer e negun caualler sino sap cauayler si no sap lorde de lorde de caualleria no es caualler, cauayleria, cor desordenat cauayler car desordenat caualler es es qui fa cauayler e no qui fa altre caualler e no li sap li sap mostrar les custumes quis mostrar los costums que pertanyen pertanyen a cauayler. a caualler.

4^{a} Bel amic, ço dix lo cauayler, 4^{b} Mon fill, dix lermita, tot lorde la regla e lorde de cauayleria es es en aquest libre scrit, lo qual en aquest libre en lo qual jo lig yo lig algunes veguades, perque alcunes vegades per ço quem sia en recort de la gratia que fassa remembrar la gracia et la nostre senyor merce que Deus ma feta en aquest mon, per ço cor honraua ma feta en aquest mon, per ço e mantenia lorde de cauayleria a com honraua e mantenia lorde tot mon poder. Cor en axi con de caualleria de tot mon poder. cauayleria dona tot ço que pertany E axi com caualleria dona tot a cauayler, en axi cauayler ço que pertany a caualler, axi deu donar totes ses forses a caualler deu donar totes ses honrar cauayleria. forces a honrar caualleria.

5^{a} E per ayso de tot lo poble 5^{b} E per aquesta causa de tot foren fets milanaris, e de cascun lo poble foren fets millenars e de .M. fo elet e triat .j. home pus cascun miller fonch elet un amable, pus savi, pus leyal e home, mes amable e de mes pus fortz, e ab pus noble coratge, afabilitat, mes savi, mes leal, ab mes densenyaments e de mes fort e ab mes noble animo, bons nodriments que tots los ab mes virtuts e bones costumes altres. Encercat fo en totes les que tots los altres. E apres feren besties qual es pus beyla bestia, cercar de totes les besties qual e pus corrent e que pusca sostenir seria mes bella mes corrent, e mes de trebayl, ni qual es pus que pogues sostenir maior treball, covinent a servir home. E cor e qual fos mes covinent per cauayl es la pus nobla bistia e a la servitut de lome, la pus covinent a servir home, per ayso de totes les besties hom e de totes eleech cauayl e dona lo al home elegiren lo cauall e donaren lo a qui fo elet de .M. homens: e lome qui fonch elet de mil homes per ayso aquel home ha nom hu: e perço aquell home ague cauayler. Com hom ac aiustada nom caualler com aguessen aiustada la pus nobla bistia al pus noble la mes noble bestia ab lo home... mes noble home.

1^{a} At that time, which was in 1^{b} The noble King of England, the beginning of the severe winter, in order that his people it happened that a great should not give themselves up to king, who was most noble and absolute idleness and languor, of many excellent habits, ordered determined, since he had contracted an assembly of his court. marriage, to proclaim a On account of the great fame meeting of the General Court which his court enjoyed all over where great exercises of arms the earth, a doughty squire, all should take place. The news of alone and riding on his palfrey, the wonderful festival which the went thither in order that he famous king was planning was might be made a knight; when, spread throughout all the Christian on account of the fatigue that he realms. It happened that underwent from his riding, he a nobleman of ancient lineage fell asleep while going along on and a native of Brittany, traveling his steed. And at that moment in the company of many the knight who was doing penance other noblemen who were going in the forest had come to to the great festival, fell behind the spring to contemplate and all the rest, and, overcome by to despise the vanity of this the fatigue of the long journey world just as he was accustomed that he had made, dropped to do every day. asleep. His steed left the road While the squire was riding and followed a path which led along in this manner, his steed to the delightful spring where left the road and entered the the hermit was, who at that woods. It went wherever it very moment was reading with pleased in the forest until it came great delight a book entitled to the spring where the knight _Arbre de Batalles_. And he was was praying. The knight, who continuously rendering thanks, saw the squire coming, ceased while reading that book, to our praying and seated himself on Lord God for the singular favors the beautiful meadow in the that he had obtained in this shade of the tree, and began to world in the service of the Order read in a book which he had in of Chivalry. Being occupied in his lap. When the steed was at this manner, he saw a man on the spring, it drank, and the horseback coming across the squire who in his sleep felt that plain, and noticed that he was the palfrey was no longer moving, asleep. He ceased reading and awoke, and saw before him did not wish to awaken him. the knight who was very old, When the steed was in front of and had a big beard and long the spring and saw the water, hair, and clothes that were torn. it approached, for it wished to From his vigils and from the drink, but because the rein was penance that he was doing he fastened to the pommel of the was thin and pale; and from the saddle it was not able to do so: tears that he was shedding, his it stooped so low that the rider eyes were swollen, and he had was obliged to wake up, and the appearance of a man leading opening his eyes, he found himself a very holy life. Ramon Lull, before a hermit with a very _Libre del Orde d’Cauayleria_, big snow-white beard: his clothes Barcelona, 1879; p. v. were almost in shreds and he was weak and pale. This was caused by the great penance that he was continuously doing, and on account of the many tears that his eyes distilled, these were very much swollen. His appearance was that of a venerable and very holy man. _Tirant lo Blanch_, chap. xxviii.

2^{a} When the knight heard the 2^{b} When the hermit heard the subject of chivalry mentioned, nobleman say that he was going and remembered the Order of so that he might be received into Chivalry and what pertains to the Order of Chivalry, he, remembering a knight, he gave a sigh and what the order is, began to reflect deeply, remembering and all that pertains to a knight, the honor in which gave a heavy sigh and began to chivalry had so long maintained reflect deeply, recalling the very him. _Ibid._, p. v. great honor in which chivalry had so long maintained him. _Ibid._, chap. xxix.

3^{a} “How now, my son,” this 3^{a} “And how now,” said the said the knight, “and do you hermit, “do you not know what not know what the rules and the rules and the Order of the Order of Chivalry are? How Chivalry are? And how can you can you ask for knighthood before ask for knighthood before you you know the Order of know the order, for no knight Chivalry? For no knight can can maintain the order if he maintain the order that he does does not know it and all that not know, nor can he love his pertains to the order: and no order nor what pertains to his knight, if he does not know the order if he does not know the Order of Chivalry, is a knight, Order of Chivalry nor can distinguish for a poor knight is he who makes the faults that are another a knight and cannot against his order. Neither ought show him the practices which any knight if he does not know pertain to a knight.” _Ibid._, the Order of Chivalry make a chap. xxx. knight, for a poor knight is he who makes a knight and cannot show him the practices which pertain to a knight.” _Ibid._, p. vi.

4^{a} “My fair friend,” this said 4^{b} “My son,” said the hermit, the knight, “the rules and the “the whole order is described in Order of Chivalry are contained this book, which I read sometimes, in this book in which I read in order that I may be sometimes in order that I may reminded of the grace that our be reminded of the grace and Lord granted me in this world, the favors that God has granted for I honored and maintained me in this world, for I honored the Order of Chivalry with all and maintained the Order of my might. And just as chivalry Chivalry with all my might. gives all that pertains to a For just as chivalry gives all knight, so also a knight ought to that pertains to a knight, so give all his strength to honor also a knight ought to give all chivalry.” _Ibid._, chap. xxxi. his strength to honor chivalry.” _Ibid._, p. vi.

5^{a} And on account of this all 5^{b} And for this reason all the the people were divided into people were divided into groups groups of thousands, and from of thousands and from each each thousand was selected and thousand was selected one man chosen one man who was more who was more amiable and of amiable, wiser, more loyal and greater affability, wiser, more more powerful, and with more loyal, more powerful and with noble courage, with more instruction nobler courage, with more excellent and good training than qualities and good practices all the others. A diligent search than all the others. And was made among all the animals afterwards they caused a search to determine which one of them to be made among all the animals is the most beautiful and most to determine which was the most fleet and which is able to endure beautiful, most fleet, and which most fatigue, and which is most could endure greatest fatigue, suitable to serve man. And and which was most suitable for since the horse is the most noble the service of man, and from animal and the most suitable to all, they selected the horse and serve man, for this reason, from gave it to the man, the one who all the animals one selected the was chosen from one thousand horse and gave it to the man men: and therefore that man who was chosen from one thousand was called caualler, since they men: and therefore that had adapted the most noble man is called cauayler. Since animal to the most noble man. one has adapted the most noble _Ibid._, chap. xxxii. animal to the most noble man... _Ibid._, p. vii.

The five parallel passages given above indicate that Martorell had Lull’s work before his eyes at the time that he was writing the part that treats of the meeting of young Tirant and the hermit and their conversation concerning the order of Chivalry. The first passage from the _Libre del Orde d’Cauayleria_ is an excellent example of the author’s method in selecting a foundation on which to base the various and numerous activities of his hero. The passage is important, for it has furnished an interesting manner of introducing Tirant lo Blanch to the reader, and, moreover, it may have been the author’s starting point. The corresponding passage from Martorell’s work reveals that the source was followed very closely. It is an easy matter to pick out the part of it that he needed to change in order to make it suit his purpose. The details of the latter part give evidence that he consulted the source probably more than once, and that the modifications which we find there are not necessarily due to the processes of translation. The same may be said of the second parallel passages. But the other three are so very nearly alike that the translation theory must be given up. Let us remember what we are asked to believe. We are told that _Tirant lo Blanch_ was translated from the English. Then these passages were translated from Lull’s work (written in Catalan), first into English, then into Portuguese, and finally back into Catalan. And in all these various processes the passages in their final form are practically the same as the original. Is not this a marvelous achievement? We cannot believe the author’s ingenious representations. We are convinced that _Tirant lo Blanch_ was not translated from the English. And since that is the case, is it not probable that it was not written in Portuguese? We admit that by translating from the Catalan into Portuguese, and then back again into Catalan, the resulting passages might not be so very different. But we cannot believe that they could be so similar to the original after two translations. Then, how do we account for the changes? A comparative study of Lull’s style and language and that of Martorell shows that there was considerable difference between them. Of course, it was not the latter’s intention to copy the material word for word. He recast it, adapting it to his style and vocabulary; in other words, he took in general merely the ideas and expressed them in his own way. If Lull’s manner of expression in certain cases agreed with his own, he did not make any changes. He added or omitted incidents at his own pleasure. Sometimes he made a reproduction, and at other times a copy with only such alterations as were necessary to make the passages conform to his own style, which presumably he considered an improvement over the original. Some few changes may have been caused by misreading or in the process of copying. Now and then we get the impression that he made certain alterations in order to avoid a literal transcription. A glance over the above passages shows that Martorell changed certain words. For “palaffre” he substituted “roci”; for “vestiments,” “vestidures”; for “magre,” “flach”; for “ausi” (heard), “hoy”; for “remembrar,” “recordar” or “esser en recort de”; for “consirer,” “entrar en gran pensament”; for “honrament,” “honor”; for “tro,” “fins”; for “en axi,” “axi”; for “pus” in comparisons, “mes.” A study of Martorell’s vocabulary reveals that the words for which he made substitutions are lacking in it. Other similar cases may be found, but, to prove our point, we do not feel it necessary to make an exhaustive study of the vocabularies of these authors. We shall, however, call attention to the ending of the first parallel passages. Lull says: “... e per les lagremes que gitaua, sos hulls foren apoquits.” The corresponding passage of Martorell reads: “e per les moltes lagremes quels seus hulls destillauen li eren los hulls molt apoquits.” There is much weeping in _Tirant lo Blanch_, and the author’s favorite way of describing it is something like this: “los seus hulls destillaren vives lagremes.” Without making an exhaustive search for this expression, we find twenty-one instances in _Tirant lo Blanch_ where the words “hulls,” some form of “destillar,” and “lagremes” are used to describe this emotional manifestation. He expresses it in other ways, but he never uses the verb “gitar,” which is employed by Lull in this connection. Martorell never uses this word, but, on the other hand, he frequently employs “lançar” with the very same meaning.

After a careful comparison of the above passages, we are satisfied that the book under consideration is not a translation from an English original, nor was it first written in Portuguese. However, if the reader is still doubtful in regard to these questions, let us examine other parallel passages, of which the originals are found in another Catalan production, which bears the title Lo _Somni d’En Bernat Metge_.

_Lo Somni d’En Bernat Metge_[27] _Tirant lo Blanch_[28]

1^{a} Tamaris reyna de Scithia, 1^{b} ... Tamarits Reyna de Sicilia no fo de menor coratge; la qual la qual no fo de menor en venjança de la mort de son fill animo. Car en veniança de la y consolacio sua mata batallant mort de son fill per consolacio aquell famos y molt temut Cirus, sua mata en batalla aquell famos rey d’Assia, ab dos cents milia e molt temut Cirius Rey d’dasia Persians. ab. CC. milia persians.

2^{a} ... y apres que la hague 2^{b} ... Lo dit Cornelio obtengue dompdada, se’n glorieja tant della victoria. E sen com si hagues vençut lo major glorieja tant com si hagues y pus victorios princep del vençut lo major princep del mon. mon.

3^{a} ... E aquella [amor] que 3^{b} ... E aquella Porcia filla Porcia filla de Catho, hague a d’l Rey Tracio sabent que lo Brut, marit seu, la qual encontinent marit seu mort era. que sabe la mort d’aquell, per tal com no habia E com no pogues prest ferre ab que’s matas, desitjant hauer ferro prest ab ques matas seguir l’espirit del dit cobejant seguir lesperit de Brut begue carbons foguejants aquell begue carbons foguejants y mort. e mort.

4^{a} Be fo cordial e memorable 4^{b} Mes fon cordial e memorable amor que Artemisia, reyna, lamor que Artemisa reyna hague a Mauseolo, marit seu; hague a Menaculo, marit seu, la la qual apres que ell fo mort y qual apres que ell fon mort e li li hague celebrades solempnes hague celebrades solemnes exequies exequies, lo feu polvoritzar, y’l lo feu poluorizar e begues begue, mostrant que ella volia la polvora mostrant que ella esser sepulcre d’ell. volia esser sepultura dell.

1^{a} Tomyris, Queen of Scythia, 1^{b} ... Tomyris, Queen of was not of less courage: who Sicily, who was not of less in avenging the death of her courage. For in avenging the son and her consolation killed death of her son, for her consolation battling that famous and much she killed in battle that feared Cyrus, King of Asia, with famous and much feared Cyrus, two hundred thousand Persians. King of Asia, with two hundred thousand Persians.

2^{a} ... and after he had defeated 2^{b} The aforesaid Cornelius her, he boasted about it won a victory over her. And as if he had vanquished the he boasted about it as if he had greatest and most victorious vanquished the greatest prince prince in the world. in the world.

3^{a} ... and that [love] which 3^{b} ... and that Portia, Portia daughter of Cato had for daughter of the King Tracio, Brutus her husband, she, who, knowing that her husband was as soon as she knew of his death, dead. And since she could not for the reason that she had no get an iron instrument immediately, iron instrument immediately at being eager to follow his hand with which to slay herself, spirit, ate burning coals and desiring to follow his spirit, ate died. burning coals and died.

4^{a} Very cordial and memorable 4^{b} More cordial and memorable was the love which Queen was the love which Queen Artemisia had for Mausolus her Artemisa had for Menaculo husband; she, who, after he was her husband, she, who, after dead and she had solemn exequies he was dead and she had solemn celebrated for him, caused exequies celebrated for him, his body to be converted into caused his body to be converted dust, and she swallowed it, into dust, and she swallowed the showing that she wished to be dust, showing that she wished to his sepulcher. be his sepulture.

[27] _Lo Somni d’En Bernat Metge_, edited by R. Miquel y Planas, Barcelona, 1907; Libre quart, pp. 93-95.

[28] Chap. cccix, cols. 3 and 4.

All that we have said in support of our contention that the excerpts from _Tirant lo Blanch_ in the first series of parallel passages have been taken directly from Lull’s work, and not from a translation, is borne out by a comparison of the passages just given. We feel that the evidence is conclusive and that comment would be superfluous. And with all this array of evidence we feel justified in concluding that _Tirant lo Blanch_ was written originally in Catalan. Martorell was a learned Catalan; he was well versed in the history of his country and its literature; he was a master of his native language; and he composed his voluminous work in the tongue that he knew so well. If _Tirant lo Blanch_ was translated into Portuguese, it was not from an English but from a Catalan original that the translation was made.