Part 2
As touching their correspondence with the Indians, they are friends with all their neighbours—as namely with those of Cohasset[26] and Massachusetts to the north, with the great king of Pocanocket[27] to the southwest, with those of Pamet, Nauset, Capawack[28] and others to the east and south. And notwithstanding that those of the isle Capawack are mortal enemies to all other English, ever since Hunt most wickedly stole away their people to sell them for slaves,[29] yet are they in good terms with them of Plymouth, because as they never did wrong to any Indians, so will they put up no injury at their hands. And though they gave them kind entertainment, yet stand they day and night precisely upon their guard. True it is that Narragansett,[30] situate to the west of Pocanocket, being set on either by the French or Flemings,[31] sent them a snake’s skin full of arrows in token of hostility and defiance. In answer whereof, having filled the same with shot and powder, they sent it back again with this message: that whensoever[32] he should be welcome, and should find them ready to entertain him. The shot and powder he liked not, nor would meddle with it, but caused it to be cast into the river.
One thing which made them to be much respected was the revenge which they attempted in the night upon Corbitant,[33] the chief man about the great king, because they were (though falsely) informed that he had slain Tisquanto, Sir Ferdinando Gorges his Indian,[34] who lived as their servant under their protection, interpreting the injury done to him as done to themselves. Besides, when Tisquanto was earnestly required to be sent home by the great king, they choose rather to hazard a falling out with him than to break their faith and promise with Tisquanto, who had been sure to have gone to the pot if they had delivered him up. Which faith and courage of theirs hath made other distracted Indians to retire themselves into their protection, of whose labour and service they have made good use, but especially of Tisquanto’s.
And since I have taken occasion to speak both of amity and enmity, give me leave to note unto your Lordship the general enemy of all, both Christians and Indians in Canada, that inhabit toward the ocean, being (as they of New Plymouth relate) an Indian nation of man-eaters called Mohawks,[35] who go armed against arrows with jacks[36] made of cordage, and they themselves use clubs only.
Of the language of the natives about Plymouth and Cape Cod I have collected a small dictionary, wherein I find many words agreeing with those of the South Colony and of the eastern shore of the bay.[37] I have one great design; namely, to find out what sea that is, which the Frenchmen put down in their cards[38] to west in 40 degrees over against the bottom of the said bay, whether or no an inlet of the South Sea.[39] It must be done, by the grace of God, through the guidance of the Susquehannas,[40] a most barbarous nation and supposed to be man-eaters. Yet upon this condition I will adventure myself with them by land: if I may have a convenient bark [in which] to keep for my security three or four hostages.
John Pory to the Governor of Virginia (Sir Francis Wyatt)
Autumn, 1622.
Whereas heretofore a vulgar error, namely that fish is not to be had here[41] at all times of the year, had generally possessed the minds of all men, experience hath now taught us the contrary: that in some two months of the cod, which never bites but in the daytime, comes altogether as good a fish called a hake, to be caught in the night. The places of fishing upon this coast are as universal as the times, for it is experimented now by one John Gibbs,[42] who this summer hath passed five or six times between this place and New Plymouth, that a man cannot cast out a hook at any ledge at sea in that distance, but he shall draw up goodly fish at pleasure—upon whose relation divers mean to fish the next year more toward the southwest. And Cape Cod itself hath not that name for naught: for it is thought that one shallop’s fishing only would suffice the whole plantation of New Plymouth all the year long. To the east and north of this place is found as great plenty as to the south and west. Now whether there be any cod or no to the south of the place (as the Company[43] desire to be informed), although Mr. Vengham,[44] a man of experience in those parts, do seem to doubt. Yet a Flemish[45] pilot, who is to conduct Captain Argall his pinnace into Hudson’s River,[46] putteth down in his plot a place some fifteen leagues to the west of Elizabeth’s Island, which he calleth Cod Island.[47]
And by the way, that you may know how strongly the Flemings make title from 40 to 44 degrees, they call Hudson his river, “Prince Maurice his river”; Cape Cod, the “States Hooke”; Sagadahoc or thereabouts, “Prince Henricks river”; and the great bay wherein Port Royal (taken by Captain Argall from the French) was seated, “Grave Williams Bay.”[48] And in the same place they confine Virginia within the Cape Henry and Charles, as if it had no further extension both north and south. Also, to the south of Hudson’s River, they name the country “_Aquahanacke_.”[49]
Besides that plantation of New Plymouth in 41 degrees and one half, and that other in Massachusetts[50] in 42 or thereabouts, there is a third in Canada at Damerill’s Cove[51] in 43 and 45 minutes, at the cost of Sir Ferdinando Gorges, consisting of some thirteen persons, who are to provide fish all the year with a couple of shallops for the most timely loading of a ship, and to keep that island to be farmed out in Sir Ferninando’s name to such as shall there fish. And lest the French or the savages should root them out in winter, they have fortified themselves with a strong palisado of spruce trees of some ten foot high, having besides their small shot one piece of ordnance and some ten good dogs.
Howsoever they speed, they undertake an hazardous attempt, considering the savages have been this year, as those to the north use to be by the French, furnished (in exchange of skins) by some unworthy people of our nation with pieces, shot, powder, swords, blades and most deadly arrow heads; and with shallops from the French, which they can manage as well as any Christian, as also their pieces, it being an ordinary thing with them to hit a bird flying. And how little they are to be trusted here as well as in Virginia, may appear by the killing lately of the master of a ship of Plymouth[52] with eighteen of his company among the islands toward the northeast, which was the cause that the same ship lost her fishing voyage and went empty home.
Now, as concerning the soil, it is all along, as far as I could perceive, rocky, rough and uneven; and, that as I hear, from a little on this side [of] Cape Cod as far as to Newfoundland, being all along the sea coast a labyrinth of innumerable islands or broken lands rent in sunder by intricate channels, rivers and arms of the sea. Upon these rocky grounds do grow naturally fir, spruce, birch and other trees, and in some open places abundance of rasps, gooseberries, hurts[53] and such fruit; in other places, high[54] rank grass for the grazing of cattle, to make hay withal; as likewise, great plenty of pease like our English pease, growing naturally without any tilth. Upon these rocky places, there is passing good soil, yet culturable with hoe and spade rather than with the plow. Yet they say that up the river Prinaquie[55] there is a place of even champian[56] country without any rocks, abounding with variety of excellent timber, and like at Anquam[57] nearer unto Cape Ann,[58] a level of more beauty and largeness.
Within an infinity of rocks may be intombed abundance of rich minerals, among which silver and copper are supposed to be the chief. Out of these rocks do gush out delicate streams of water which, together with the temper of the air, maketh this place marvelous wholesome in summer—which is the cause I have not known one man sick all the time I was there, save only that villain which accused you falsely concerning Swabber, and died (aboard the _Bona Nova_) as he had lived, frantic.[59] Yet is the air too cold here for the summer, but with an easterly wind subject to fogs and mists.
The people[60] seem to be of one race with those in Virginia, both in respect of their qualities and language. They are great lovers of their children and people, and very revengeful of wrongs offered. They make their canoes, their arrows, their bows, their tobacco pipes and other their implements far more neat and artificially than in those parts. They dress, also, and paint leather; and make trousers, buskins, shoes with far greater curiosity. Corn they set none in their parts toward the north, and that is the cause why Indian corn, pease and such like is the best truck[61] for their skins—and then in winter especially, when hunger doth most pinch them, which is the season when the French do use to trade with them. They have the same names of numbers with them in the south. _Accamus_ (in the southern language, a dog) they call here _Aramouse_. For _Malta_ (no), they pronounce _Madda_; for _Matcheray_ (nought), _Mathat_; for _Mitchin_ (to eat), _Mitterim_; for _Kijos_ (the sun), _Hijos_; and many other like or self-same words spoken by the rebels[62] of the South Colony. Neither is their manner of singing and dancing much different. Their babes here also they bind to a board and set them up against a wall, as they do here in the south. Likewise, their head they anoint with oil mixed with vermillion; and are of the same hair, eyes and skin that those are of.
EMMANUEL ALTHAM
Emmanuel Altham (1600-1635/1636)
Emmanuel Altham was born a gentleman, though his family had its connections with commerce and the legal profession rather than the titled aristocracy. His two older brothers successively held the family’s country seat at Mark Hall, Latton, about twenty miles north of London. As a younger son, Altham inherited little of his parents’ wealth and so, over objections by his relatives, sought excitement and his fortune in the expanding world of English overseas trade. Altham began as an investor in the Company of Adventurers for New Plymouth, served for a time as agent of the Company, and became an admirer of the colonists and New England with such ardor that he could more easily envision the colony’s future success than see the hardships which the planters were enduring when he first arrived. He went to the New World with a sense of honor, moreover, rather than the qualities of a hard-driving trader. Perhaps he was not a typical Adventurer: his devotion to the cause of colonization and taste for the heroic side of commerce rather than the ledger went beyond the ordinary, and helped keep English backing for the Pilgrim plantation alive when profit did not.
Altham crossed the Atlantic to Plymouth the first time in the summer of 1623. He went as “Captain” of the _Little James_ (James Bridge, master), the pinnace of about 44 tons which the Company was sending to the plantation for use in fishing and fur-trading expeditions. In 1623, the expert in charge of sailing a ship was her “master,” and if there was a captain, he had command over the military and mercantile affairs of the voyage. Since his ship carried authorization to operate as a privateer, Altham had the decision about taking prizes as well as the transaction of business. After a year in New England waters, described in the first three of Altham’s letters printed here, he recrossed the ocean with the ship. She was seized for the satisfaction of debts to two of the Company’s members, Thomas Fletcher and Thomas Goffe, who sent her (but not under Altham) on a second voyage in 1625.
Altham’s fourth letter from New England describes the occasion of his second expedition, on his own. Evidently his hopes for a future with the colony faded, for he returned to England some time before July 1626 and soon afterwards began to look for employment as a soldier with the East India Company.
Through the influence of his brother, Sir Edward, he was sent to the Company’s fort at Surat and spent over two years in exploits around the Indian Ocean. The East India Company’s business was a mixture of trade and raid—competing with the Portuguese for control of port cities in India and the trade to which they gave access. The climax of these years, for Altham, was an expedition to Madagascar and Mozambique to intercept the fleet of caracks from Portugal.
After a visit to England in 1630, Altham returned to India a more important man: Factor and Captain of the fort at Armagon (now abandoned, at a place about sixty miles north of Madras), the Company’s main post on the east side of India. He served the firm well, rebuilt the fortifications, and finally began to accumulate wealth. He expected to return to England permanently and live in style—had even begun to order paintings and fancy bedding, but died at Armagon in January, 1635/1636.
The originals of the letters of Emmanuel Altham to Sir Edward Altham belonged to Dr. Otto Fisher, of Detroit, who before his death generously consented to their first publication here. The letter of Altham to James Sherley has been published in Massachusetts Historical Society, _Proceedings_, XLIV, 182-189, from a transcript of the original in the English Public Records Office (Admiralty Court Misc., bundle 1142), with editorial comment and notes by J. F. Jameson.
Emmanuel Altham to Sir Edward Altham
September, 1623
Most loving and kind brother,
My promise doth put me in remembrance, with the first opportunity of a messenger,[63] to write unto you. And if I were not by promise, yet that special nearness that is between us obliges me to the same, for as I have always to this time found your constant affections towards me, so have I, and shall continually, acknowledge the same.
And now, loving brother, since I have undertaken a voyage not altogether pleasing to some of my friends—and because of my forwardness in the same, I may be taxed with many censures—therefore, as it doth more nearly concern me, I will here lay down not what my ear hath heard, but what I have with my eyes seen to be true.
After our departure from the Cowes in the Isle of Wight, we recovered our desired passage three months and one day after, being the 5th of August, with many bitter a storm. And I have learned by this voyage that God hath made the seas more for use than pleasure, but I praise the Lord for his goodness that I never had my health better. And likewise by the blessings of God, I have and hope to learn that at sea which will prove for my extraordinary advantage. But everyone hath a time, although some sooner than others.
After our arrival in New England, we found all our plantation in good health, and neither man, woman or child sick. And here, likewise, we found the other ship set forth by the Company,[64] who came from Portsmouth six days after us, and arrived here at New England ten days before, with all her people well—as we with our people did the like. And yet one good wife Jennings[65] was brought abed of a son aboard our ship and was very well. And then, we had an old woman in our ship about four score years of age, which was in good health—and this I speak not as needful to write of, but to show that God did give us our health when we looked not for it, and to those, likewise, that had not been well a year before on the shore.
And now to come more nearer to that I intend to write of, and first of the situation of the place—I mean the plantation at Patuxet.[66] It is well situated upon a high hill close unto the seaside, and very commodious for shipping to come unto them. In this plantation is about twenty houses, four or five of which are very fair and pleasant, and the rest (as time will serve) shall be made better. And this town is in such manner that it makes a great street between the houses, and at the upper end of the town there is a strong fort, both by nature and art, with six pieces of reasonable good artillery mounted thereon; in which fort is continual watch, so that no Indian can come near thereabouts but he is presently seen. This town is paled round about with pale of eight foot long, or thereabouts, and in the pale are three great gates. Furthermore, here is belonging to the town six goats, about fifty hogs and pigs, also divers hens. And lastly, the town is furnished with a company of honest men, that do, in what lies in them, to get profit to the adventurers.
And now to speak more at large of the country and what profit is to be raised here; and first, to speak of the fishing that is in this country. Indeed it is beyond belief, but I can assure you thus much: that if a man be well provided with all things necessary for to make a fishing voyage, he may easily make his voyage two for one.[67] But lest this should seem incredible to some, I will give you an instance of the same. Before we got hither to Patuxet, we had many fogs at sea, insomuch that we were driven to lie at hull and to take down all our sails—and so went to fishing. In one hour we got 100 great cod, and if we would have but stayed after the fog broke up, we might quickly [have] loaded our ship—and, I am persuaded, had we been prepared with all things necessary for a fishing voyage, we might have loaded our ship in a week. I think we got 1000 in all. And indeed, when we had nothing else to do, my people took delight to catch them, although we threw them away again, as I think we did 300. One fish we got, I think, weighed 100 pound: it was as big a cod as ever was seen. We got many turbots, likewise, and one turbot we got gave all our ship a meal and to spare. And to speak what voyages of fishing hath been found and made this year, here hath been at Monhegan, Damerill’s Cove, Anquam, Pemaquid, Sagadahoc, and the Isles of Shoals[68]—all principal places for fishing—about 400 sail. And every one of them, by their confession, say that they have made good voyages, and now most of them are gone into Spain, to sell their fish where they have ready gold for it. And now to speak what sorts of other fish are here to be had. Here are great store of sturgeon—I mean abundance; likewise great of salmon, bass, trout, eels—and lobsters such infinite that when we have them the very multitude of them cloys us. There are likewise great store of other fish which I cannot remember, as clams and oysters.
And now to speak somewhat of our store of beaver’s skins that are round about us both to the norward and southward. And now at this present, we are going to the southward into Hudson’s River, where the Dutchmen have all their skins of the savages. We hope there to get good store of beaver’s, otter’s and martin’s skins, as also fox skins and raccoon skins—all which will yield money good store in England. And towards Christmas we are to return to our plantation again. And then, before the fishermen come in February to the norward, we mean to go trade for all the skins that are to be had thereabout, and then to take the best stage for fishing in the country, and so to fish in the beginning of the year;[69] and then about May, 1624, to go trading for furs again. And then it may be so, that we will come home about Christmas come twelvemonth, but look not for me before I come. Divers occasions of employments may fall out so that I may be hindered—and indeed, I shall not desire to come for England unless I bring good store of profit with me, which I make no doubt of, by God’s help.
Thirdly, I will speak somewhat of the timber in the country, which will raise great profit to the Adventurers. We have here as good timber as ever I saw—of many sorts. We have here cedar, beech, pine, oak, and divers other sorts, of which we have here sent a sample of about two or three hundred pounds worth, and with it a good many beaver’s skins and furs of divers sorts.
Fourthly, we will say somewhat of the sarsaparilla and sassafras—as also, alkermes berries[70]—all which are worth good store of money in England, and of which, when I come myself, God willing, I will bring a pattern to London. For when I was at London, sarsaparilla was of two shillings a pound, at the least, and we have here enough to load a ship.
Fifthly, to speak of the profit that may arise by salt—and I make no doubt we shall make much salt before I come for England. And if we could but have salt to sell to the fishing ships that come hither yearly, I think we might compare our plantation to the Spaniards’ Indies. And we have good hopes of making salt about a mile from our plantation, and it shall be put in execution ’ere long.[71]
Sixthly and lastly, here are many other things in this country to raise profit, as for example, at the place whereto we are now bound with our ship to the southward—the place is called Capawack[72]—there is a mountain of bole armeniac[73] and divers other metals. No English hath been there, but only one Captain Dermer whom was killed by the savages there;[74] for the savages in this place are very strong and are men of very able bodies. But notwithstanding, we mean to put it upon trial and to go well armed among them. We hope there to get store of skins.
And now, having spoken what is but the truth concerning the profit that may with small labor be got for the Company of Adventurers, I will now, as briefly as I can, show you what good will redound to those that live here. And first, of the fish in the country, which, as I said before, is of all sorts in infinite number; and two, for the fowl that are in the country. Here are eagles of many sorts, pigeons, innumerable turkeys, geese, swans, duck, teel, partridge divers sorts, and many others fowl, [so] that one man at six shoots hath killed 400. And then to speak of the healthfulness of the air. It lieth in 42 degrees of northerly latitude. We have here the wind come off the land all the day time, and in the night off the sea, which is wondrous wholesome. Some few have had agues at the first coming over, but not sick above a week—and myself was ill for three or four days, but I thank these good friends of mine at the plantation, I am recovered pretty well, thanks be to God. Thirdly, those that live here need never want wood, for here is great store. Four (fourthly), here is as good ground as ever I heard of, whenas the ground yield five or six hundred for one—nay, some 1400![75] And this year they have great store of corn—as goodly corn as ever I saw—of which I have sent you six ears. And if God will, when I come myself, you nor my worshipful friend, Sir John Leventhorpe, shall not want so much beaver’s skins as will make each of you a hat. But to our purpose, I say that none of these commodities can be got without a little pains, and the most pains and cost is to be stowed at the beginning; for men must provide for the worst, that they may have provision for themselves a twelvemonth if these things fail—and then the[y] must take pains to build them houses and the like. And because I have spoken somewhat large of the country—and indeed I have good cause, because if I were well provided with all things necessary, as servants and the like, I could live here contentedly with great pleasure—but I shall better think and determine of such matters when more important business doth not call me aside.