Part 17

[31] This Dialogue is founded on a short passage in Mr. SPRAT’S Life of Mr. COWLEY, in which he observes, “That in his long dependence on my Lord St. ALBANS, there never happened any manner of difference between them; except a little at LAST, because he would leave his service.”

[32] A small village on the _Thames_, which was Mr. COWLEY’S first retreat, before he removed to _Chertsea_.

[33] Meaning an estate he had obtained by means of this lord. This particular is several times referred to in the course of the Dialogue.

[34] The writer of the Dialogue has thought fit to soften the misanthropy of Mr. COWLEY in this instance. In one of his Essays he talks strangely. “It is the great boast,” says he, “of eloquence and philosophy, that they first congregated men dispersed, united them into cities, and built up the houses and the walls of cities. I wish they could unravel all they had woven, that we might have our woods and our innocence again, _instead of our castles and our policies_.”

[35] These verses are inserted in one of his _Essays_, and in some editions of his works.

[36] “Perhaps, says he (speaking of the poets), it was the immature and immoderate love of them, which stampt first, or rather engraved, the characters in me: they were like letters cut in the bark of a young tree, which with the tree, still grow proportionably.”

[_Essay on himself._]

[37] “When the civil war broke out, his [Mr. COWLEY’S] affection to the king’s cause drew him to _Oxford_, as soon as it began to be the chief seat of the royal party.” [Dr. SPRAT’S life of him.]

[38] Dr. SPRAT tells us in _his Life_, “That, during his residence at _Oxford_, he had the entire friendship of my Lord FALKLAND, one of the principal secretaries of state. That affection was contracted by the agreement of their learning and manners. For you may remember, Sir, [addressing himself to Mr. M. CLIFFORD] we have often heard Mr. COWLEY admire him, not only for the profoundness of his knowledge, which was applauded by all the world, but more especially for those qualities which he himself more regarded, for _his generosity of mind, and his neglect of the vain pomp of human greatness_.”

[39] _The Cutter of Coleman-street_; the occasion and purpose of which was this: At the Restoration, there was not a set of men more troublesome to the ministry than the cavalier officers; amongst whom had crept in all the profligate of broken fortunes, to share in the merits and rewards of that name. COWLEY writ this comedy to unmask these wretches, and might reasonably pretend to some thanks for it. But, contrary to expectation, this very attempt raised a storm against him even at court, which beat violently upon him. See his preface to that play in the later editions in 8vo.

[40] SHAKESPEAR. _As you like it._ Act II. S. 1.—There is a quaintness in these lines of the great poet, which however are not unlike some of Mr. COWLEY’S addressed to J. EVELYNE, Esq.

Where does the wisdom and the pow’r divine, In a more bright and sweet reflexion shine; Where do we finer strokes and colours see Of the Creator’s real poetry;

Than when we with attention look Upon the third day’s volume of the book? If we could open and intend our eye, We all, like _Moses_, should espy, Ev’n in a _Bush_, the radiant Deity.

[41] In the PREFACE to his _Proposition for the advancement of experimental philosophy_, first printed in 1661. _See the edition in 24^{to}, Lond. for H. Herringham._

[42] Dr. SPRAT tells us, “That he had obtained a plentiful estate by the favour of my Lord ST. ALBANS, and the bounty of my lord duke of BUCKINGHAM.” [See his _Life_.]

[43] Meaning _The true history of_ Don Quixote; in which poor _Sancho Panca_ is drawn into all adventures, by the promise of his _knight_, to reward him in due time with the government of an _island_.

[44] LORD BACON gives another account of this matter.—“As for the privateness of life of contemplative men, it is a theme so common to extol a private life, not taxed with sensuality and sloth, in comparison, and to the disadvantage of a civil life, for safety, liberty, pleasure, and dignity, _as no man handleth it, but handleth it well_: such a consonancy it hath to men’s conceits in the expressing, and to men’s consents in the allowing.” [_Adv. of Learning_, Book 1.]

[45] The justness of this encomium on Lord CLARENDON will hardly be disputed by any man, whose opinion is worth regarding.—What pity, that Mr. COWLEY’S connexions with some persons, indevoted to the excellent Chancellor, kept him at a distance from a man, so congenial to himself, and for whom he could not but entertain the highest esteem! The Chancellor, though he could not be expected to take him out of the hands of his old patrons, seems, yet, to have been generous enough to Mr. COWLEY, not to resent those connexions: as may be gathered from the handsome testimony paid to his merit, in the _Continuation of the History of his own Life_. Speaking of B. JONSON, he says—“He [BEN JONSON] was the best judge of, and fittest to prescribe rules to, poetry and poets, of any man who had lived with, or before him, or since; _If Mr._ COWLEY _had not made a flight beyond all men_; with that modesty yet, to ascribe much of this, to the example and learning of BEN JONSON.”—Among the other infelicities of men of genius, ONE is, and not the least, that it rarely happens to them to have the choosing of the persons, to whom they would most wish to be obliged. The sensibility of their gratitude being equal to their other parts and virtues, the man, whose favour they chance first to experience, is sure of their constant services and attachment through life, how strongly soever their interest, and even their judgment, may _draw_ another way.

[46] The reader is not to forget, that Mr. SPRAT is writing to the Lord ST. ALBANS, and was, at this time, chaplain to the Duke of BUCKINGHAM.

[47] “Ingenium illustre altioribus studiis juvenis admodum dedit: non, ut PLERIQUE, UT NOMINE MAGNIFICO SEGNE OTIUM VELARET, sed quo firmior adversus fortuita rempublicam capesseret.” [_Hist._ IV. 5.]—Part of the fine character given us of HELVIDIUS PRISCUS.

[48] THE ROYAL SOCIETY; not yet instituted, but much talked of at this time.

[49] We have in this remonstrance that follows, the usual language of those we call our _friends_; which may sometimes be the _cause_, but is oftner the _pretence_, of ambition. Hear how gravely Sir DUDLEY CARLTON, who loved business, and drudged on in it all his life, is pleased, in an evil hour, to express himself: “The best is, I was never better, and were it not more for a necessity that is imposed by the EXPECTATION OF FRIENDS, not to stand at a stay and SENESCERE, whilst a man is young, than for ambition, I would not complain myself of my misfortune.” [Sir RALPH WINWOOD’S _Memorials_, vol. II. p. 45.]

[50] That Mr. COWLEY _had_ his prince’s grace appears from what the king said of him, on the news of his death: “_That he had not left a_ BETTER _man behind him in_ England.” And this with _grace_ enough, in reason, from SUCH a prince.—How it came to pass that he _wanted_ the grace of his peers (if, indeed, he _did_ want it), hath been explained in a note, p. 140.

[51] The application of this line is the affair of the _Mastership of the_ Savoy; “which though granted, says Mr. Wood, to his highest merit by both the CHARLESES I. and II. yet by certain persons, enemies to the Muses, he lost that place.” But this was not the worst. For, such is the hard lot of unsuccessful men, the _Savoy-missing_ COWLEY became the object of ridicule, instead of pity, even to the wits themselves; as may be seen in “_The session of the poets_, amongst _the miscellaneous poems_ published by Mr. DRYDEN.”

Quid DOMINI facient, audent si talia FURES?

[52] Printed among his works, under the name of THE COMPLAINT. The relation it has to the subject debated, made me think it not amiss to print it at the end of this Dialogue—It must raise one’s indignation to find that so just, so delicate, and so manly a _complaint_ should be scoffed at, as it was by the wits before mentioned, under the name of THE PITIFUL MELANCHOLY.

[53] Juvenal, _Sat._ i. ver. 112.

[54] Whether it were owing to his other occupations, or that he had no great confidence in the success of this attempt, these _Essays_, which _were to give entire satisfaction_ to his court-friend in the affair of his retirement, went on very slowly. They were even left imperfect at his death, “a little before which (says Dr. SPRAT) he communicated to me his resolution, to have dedicated them all to my Lord ST. ALBANS, as a testimony of his entire respects to him; and a _kind of apology_ for having left human affairs in the strength of his age, while he might have been serviceable to his country.”——However, if this apology had not the _intended_ effect, it had a much better. Lords and wits may decide of the qualities of Mr. COWLEY’S _head_ as they please; but, so long as these _Essays_ remain, they will oblige all honest men _to love the language of his heart_.

[55] Alas! he was mistaken.

[56] A citation from one of his own poems.

[57] Mr. SPRAT himself tells us, speaking of Mr. COWLEY’S retreat, that “some few friends and books, a _chearful heart_, and innocent conscience, were his constant companions.” _Life._

[58] This is one of the prettiest of Mr. COWLEY’S smaller Poems. The plan of it is highly poetical: and, though the numbers be not the most pleasing, the expression is almost every where natural and beautiful. But its principal charm is that air of _melancholy_, thrown over the whole, so expressive of the poet’s character.

The _address_ of the writer is seen in conveying his just reproaches on the _Court_, under a pretended vindication of it against the _Muse_.

[59] An execrable line.

[60] For the account of these _Monuments_, and of _Kenelworth-Castle_, see the plans and descriptions of DUGDALE.

[61] The speaker’s idea of Lord LEICESTER’S porter agrees with the character he sustained on the queen’s reception at _Kenelworth_; as we find it described in a paper of good authority written at that time. “Here a PORTER, tall of person, big of limbs, stark of countenance—with club and keys of quantity according; in a rough speech, full of passion in metre, while the queen came within his ward, burst out in a great pang of impatience to see such uncouth trudging to and fro, such riding in and out, with such din and noise of talk, within his charge; whereof he never saw the like, nor had any warning once, ne yet could make to himself any cause of the matter. At last, upon better view and advertisement, he proclaims open gates and free passage to all; yields over his club, his keys, his office and all, and on his knees humbly prays pardon of his ignorance and impatience. Which her highness graciously granting, _&c._”—

A letter from an attendant in court to his friend a citizen and merchant of _London_. From the court at _Worcester, 20 August 1575_.

[62] In the first volume of the SPECTATOR.

[63] The factious use, that was afterwards made of this humour of magnifying the character of ELIZABETH, may be seen in the _Craftsman_ and _Remarks on the History of England_.

[64] What the _political_ character of Mr. ADDISON was, may be seen from his _Whig-examiner_. This amiable man was keen and even caustic on subjects, where his party, that is, _civil liberty_, was concerned. Nor let it be any objection to the character I make him sustain in this Dialogue, that he treats ELIZABETH’S government with respect in the _Freeholder_. He had then the people to cajole, who were taught to reverence her memory. He is, here, addressing himself, in private, to his friends.

[65] Lucian expresses this use of the Table prettily—ΦΙΛΙΑΣ ΜΕΣΙΤΗΝ ΤΡΑΠΕΖΑΝ, Ἔρωτες, c. 27.

[66] Besides this sort of hospitality, there was another still more noble and disinterested, which distinguished the early times, especially the purer ages of chivalry. It was customary, it seems, for the great lords to fix up HELMETS on the roofs and battlements of their castles as a signal of hospitality to all adventurers and noble passengers. “Adoncques etoit une coustume en la Grant Bretagne (says the author of the old romance, called PERCEFOREST) et fut tant que charité regna illecque, tous gentils hommes et nobles dames faisoient mettre au plus hault de leur hostel ung heaulme, en SIGNE que tous gentils hommes et gentilles femmes trespassans les chemins, entrassent hardyement en leur hostel comme en leur propre; car leurs biens estoient davantage à tous nobles hommes et femmes trespassans le royaulme.” Vol. iii. fol. 103.

[67] This is not said without authority: “Give me leave, says one, to hold this paradox, that the English were never more idle, never more ignorant in manual arts, never more factious in following the parties of princes or their landlords, never more base (as I may say) trencher slaves, than in that age, wherein great men kept open houses for all comers and goers: and that in our age, wherein we have better learned each man to live of his own, and great men keep not such troops of idle servants, not only the English are become very industrious and skilful in manual arts, but also the tyranny of lords and gentlemen is abated, whereby they nourished private dissensions and civil wars, with the destruction of the common people.” FYNES MORYSON’S _Itinerary_, Part III. Ch. v.

[68] Dr. ARBUTHNOT, too, has his authority. A famous politician of the last century expresseth himself to much the same purpose, after his manner: “Henceforth, says he, [that is, after the statutes against retainers in HEN. VII’S reign] the country lives, and _great tables_ of the nobility, which no longer nourished veins that would bleed for them, were fruitless and loathsome till they changed the air, and of princes became _courtiers_; where their revenues, never to have been exhausted by beef and mutton, were found _narrow_; whence followed racking of rents, and, at length, sale of lands.” SIR JAMES HARRINGTON’S OCEANA, p. 40. _Lond._ 1656.

[69] True it is, that this divertisement of _bear-baiting_ was not altogether unknown in the age of ELIZABETH, and, as it seemeth, not much misliked of master STOW himself, who hath very graphically described it. He is speaking of the _Danish_ embassador’s reception and entertainment at _Greenwich_ in 1586. “As the better sort, saith he, had their convenient disports, so were not the ordinary people excluded from competent pleasure. For, upon a green, very spacious and large, where thousands might stand and behold with good contentment, their BEAR-BAITING and bull-baiting (tempered with other merry disports) were exhibited; whereat it cannot be spoken of what pleasure the people took.

For it was a sport alone, of these beasts, continueth the historian, to see the bear with his pink-eyes leering after his enemies; the nimbleness and wait of the dog to take his advantage; and the force and experience of the bear again to avoid the assaults; if he were bitten in one place, how he would pinch in another to get free; and if he were once taken, then what shift with biting, clawing, roaring, tugging, grasping, tumbling, and tossing, he would work to wind himself away; and, when he was loose, to shake his ears with the blood and slaver about his phisnomy, was a pittance of good relief. The like pastime also of the bull.—And now the day being far spent, and the sun in his declination, the embassador withdrew to his lodging by barge to CROSBY’S place; where, no doubt, THIS DAY’S SOLEMNITY WAS THOUGHT UPON AND TALKED OF.”—p. 1562.

[70] See the _Anarcharsis_ of LUCIAN.

[71] If the reader be complaisant enough to admit the fact, it may be accounted for, on the ideas of chivalry, in the following manner. The knight forfeited all pretensions to the favour of the ladies, if he failed, in any degree, in the point of valour. And, reciprocally, the claim which the ladies had to protection and courtesy from the order of knights, was founded singly in the reputation of chastity, which was the female point of honour. “Ce droit que les dames avoient sur la chevalerie (says M. DE LA CURNE DE STE PALAYE) devoit étre conditionel; il supposoit que leur conduite et leur reputation ne les rendoient point indignes de l’espece d’association qui les unissoit à cet ordre uniquement fondé sur l’honneur.

Par celle voye (says an old _French_ writer, the chevalier DE LA TOUR, about the year 1371) les bonnes se craignoient et se tenoient plus fermes de faire chose dont elles peussent perdre leur honneur et leur etat. _Si vouldroye que celûi temps fust revenu, car je pense qu’il n’en seroit pas tant de blasmées comme il est à present.”_

[72] Sir PHILIP SYDNEY.

[73] What is hinted, here, of the _reality_ of these representations, hath been lately shewn at large in a learned memoir on this subject, which the reader will find in the XX^{th} Tom. of HIST. DE L’ACAD. DES INSCRIPTIONS ET BELLES LETTRES.

[74] This representation of things in the ages of chivalry agrees with what we are told by the author of the memoir just quoted: “Les premières leçons,” (says he, speaking of the manner in which the youth were educated in the houses of the Great, which were properly the schools of those times) “qu’on leur donnoit, regardoient principalement _l’amour de Dieu, et des dames_, c’est-à-dire, la religion, et la galanterie. Mais autant la dévotion qu’on leur inspiroit étoit accompagnée de puerilités et de superstitions, autant l’amour des dames, qu’on leur recommandoit, étoit il rempli de RAFFINEMENT et de FANATISME. Il semble qu’on ne pouvoit, dans ces siécles ignorans et grossiers, présenter aux hommes la religion sous une forme assez materielle pour la mettre à leur portée; ni leur donner, en même tems, une idée de l’amour assez pure, assez metaphysique, pour prevenir les desordres et les excès, dont etoit capable une nation qui conservoit par-tout le caractere impetueux qu’elle montroit à la guerre.” Tom. xx. p. 600.

One sees then the origin of that furious gallantry which runs through the old romances. And so long as the _refinement and fanaticism_, which the writer speaks of, were kept in full vigour by the force of institution and the fashion of the times, the morals of these enamoured knights might, for any thing I know, be as pure as their apologist represents them. At the same time it must be confessed that this discipline was of a nature very likely to relax itself under another state of things, and certainly to be misconstrued by those who should come to look upon these pictures of a _refined and spiritual passion_, as incredible and fantastic. And hence, no doubt, we are to account for that censure which a famous writer, and one of the ornaments of ELIZABETH’S own age, passeth on the old books of chivalry. His expression is downright, and somewhat coarse. “In our fathers time nothing was read but books of chivalry, wherein a man by reading should be led to none other end, but only to _manslaughter_ and _baudrye_. If any man suppose they were good enough to pass the time withall, he is deceived. For surely vain words do work no small thing in vain, ignorant, and young minds, especially if they be given any thing thereunto of their own nature.” He adds, like a good Protestant, “These books, as I have heard say, were made the most part in abbayes and monasteries; a very likely and fit fruit of such an idle and blind kind of living.” _Præf._ to ASCHAM’S TOXOPHILUS, 1571.

I thought it but just to set down this censure of Mr. ASCHAM over-against the candid representation of the French memorialist.—However, what is said of the influence, which this ancient institution had on the character of his countrymen, is not to be disputed. “Les preceptes d’amour repandoient dans le commerce des dames ces considerations et ces egards respectueux, qui, n’ayant jamais été effacés de l’esprit des François, ont toujours fait un des caractères distinctifs de nôtre nation.”

[75] Of SCRIBLERUS. See the VI^{th} chapter of that learned work, _On the ancient Gymnastics_.

[76] MASQUES, p. 181. WHALEY’S edition.

[77] This romantic spirit of the Queen may be seen as well in her _amours_, as military achievements. “Ambiri, coli ob formam, et AMORIBUS, etiam inclinatâ jam ætate, videri voluit; de FABULOSIS INSULIS per illam relaxationem renovatâ quasi memoriâ in quibus EQUITES AC STRENUI HOMINES ERRABANT, et AMORES, fœditate omni prohibitâ, generosè per VIRTUTEM exercebant.”

THUANI Hist. tom. vi. p. 172.

The observation of the great historian is confirmed by FRANCIS OSBORNE, Esq., who, speaking of a contrivance of the Cecilian party to ruin the earl of ESSEX, by giving him a rival in the good graces of the queen, observes—“But the whole result concluding in a duel, did rather inflame than abate the former account she made of him: the opinion of a CHAMPION being more splendid (in the weak and romantic sense of women, that admit of nothing fit to be made the object of a quarrel but themselves) and far above that of a captain or general. So as Sir EDMUND CARY, brother to the Lord HUNSDON, then chamberlain and near kinsman to the Queen, told me, that though she chid them both, nothing pleased her better than a conceit she had, that her _beauty_ was the subject of this quarrel, when, God knows, it grew from the stock of honour, of which then they were very tender.”—MEM. OF Q. ELIZABETH, p. 456.

But nothing shews the romantic disposition of the Queen, and indeed of her times, more evidently than the TRIUMPH, as it was called; devised and performed with great solemnity, in honour of the _French_ commissioners in 1581. The contrivance was for four of her principal courtiers, under the quaint appellation of “four foster-children of DESIRE,” to besiege and carry, by dint of arms, “THE FORTRESS OF BEAUTY;” intending, by this courtly ænigma, nothing less than the queen’s majesty’s own person.—The actors in this famous triumph were, the Earl of ARUNDEL, the Lord WINDSOR, Master PHILIP SIDNEY, and Master FULK GREVIL. And the whole was conducted so entirely in the spirit and language of knight errantry, that nothing in the Arcadia itself is more romantic. See the account at large in STOW’S continuation of HOLINSHED’S Chronicles, p. 1316-1321.

To see the drift and propriety of this triumph, it is to be observed that the business which brought the _French_ commissioners into _England_ was, the great affair of the queen’s marriage with the duke of ALANÇON.

[78] Speeches at Prince HENRY’S barriers.

[79] There was an instance of this kind, and perhaps the latest upon record in our history, in the 13th year of the queen, when “a combat was appointed to have been fought for a certain manor, and demain lands belonging thereto, in _Kent_.” The matter was compromised in the end. But not till after the usual forms had been observed, by the two parties: of which we have a curious and circumstantial detail in _Holinshed’s_ Chronicles, p. 1225.

[80] Alluding to a tract, so called, by GASCOIGNE, an attendant on the court, and poet of that time, who hath given us a narrative of the entertainments that passed on this occasion at _Kenelworth_.

[81] Hence then it is that a celebrated dramatic writer of those days represents the entertainment of MASKS and SHOWS, as the highest indulgence that could be provided for a luxurious and happy monarch. His words are these;