Part 27

"Most treu it is, Madame, (said the other,) and yit it appeareth to me that wisdome should persuade your Grace, never to raise truble for that, whiche to this day hath not trubled your Majestie, neather in persone nor yit in authoritie. For of lait yearis, many thingis, whiche befoir war haldin stable, have bene called in doubt; yea thei have bene plainlie impugned. But yit, Madame, (said he,) I am assured that neather Protestant nor Papist shalbe abill to prove, that any suche questioun was at any time moved in publict or in secreat. Now, Madam, (said he,) yf I had intended to have trubled your estaite, becaus ye ar a woman, I myght have chosen a tyme more convenient for that purpose, then I can do now, when your awin presence is within the Realme.

"But now, Madam, schortlie to ansuer to the other two accusationis. I hartlie praise my God, throwgh Jesus Christ, that Sathan the ennemye of mankynd, and the wicked of the world, have no other crymes to lay to my charge, then suche as the verray world it self knoweth to be most fals and vane. For in England I wes resident onlie the space of fyve yearis.[654] The places war Berwick, whair I abode two yearis; so long in the New Castell; and a year in London. Now, Madam, yf in any of these places, during the tyme that I wes thair, any man salbe able to prove, that thair wes eather battell, seditioun, or mutinie, I shall confesse that I my selff was the malefactour, and the scheddar of the bloode. I eschame not, Madam, farther to affirme, that God so blissed my waik laubouris, that in Berwick (whair commonlie befoir thair used to be slauchter, be ressone of quarrellis that used to aryse amongis soldartis) thair was as great quyetnes, all the tyme that I remaned thair, as thair is this day in Edinburgh.[655] And whare the sclander me of magick, nycromancie, or of any other arte forbidden of God, I have witnesses, (besydis my awin conscience,) all[656] congregationis that ever heard me, what I spake both against suche artis, and against those that use suche impietie. But, seing the wicked of the world said, That my Maister, the Lord Jesus, was possessed with Beelzebub, I man patientlie bear, albeit that I, wretched synnar, be injustlie accused of those, that never delyted in the veritie."

[654] Knox's residence in England extended from the period of his release from the French galleys till the death of Edward the Sixth, (1549-1553:) see vol. i. pp. xv. xvi.

[655] Knox's interview took place on a Tuesday, the 26th of August. Randolph alludes to it in a letter to Cecil, dated 7th September. Mr. Knox spoke upon Tuesday with the Quene. "He knocked so hardelye upon her harte, that he made her weepe, as well you know ther be of that sexe that will do that as well for anger as for greef, &c.... The brute [report] that he hathe tawlked with the Quene maketh the Papistis dowte what wyll become of the worlde." (Wright's Queen Elizabeth, vol. i. p. 72.)

[656] In MS. G, "all the."

[Sidenote: THE QUENIS SECOUND OBJECTIOUN.]

"But yit, (said sche) ye have taught the peeple to receave ane other Religioun, than thair Princes can allow: And how can that doctrin be of God, seing, that God commandis subjectis to obey thair Princes?"

[Sidenote: [ANSWER]]

"Madam, (said he,) as rycht Religioun tooke nather originall strenth[657] nor authoritie frome worldly Princes, but frome the Eternall God allone, so are not subjectis bound to frame thair Religioun according to the appetites of thair Princes. For oft it is, that Princes ar the most ignorant of all otheris in Goddis treu Religioun, as we may reid in the historyes alse weill befoir the death of Christ Jesus, as efter. Yf all the sead of Abraham should have bene of the Religioun of Pharao, whome to thei war lang subjectis, I pray you, Madam, what Religioun should thair have bene in the world? Or, yf all men in the dayis of the Apostles should have bene of the Religioun of the Romane Emperouris, what Religioun should thair have bene upoun the face of the earth? Daniell and his fellowis war subjectis to Nabuchadonozzar, and unto Darius, and yitt, Madam, thei wold nott be of thair Religioun, neather of the one or of the other: for the thre Children said, "We maik it known unto thee, O King, that we will not worschip thy goddis." And Daniell did pray publictlie unto his God against the expressed commandiment of the King. And so, Madam, ye may perceave, that subjectis ar not bound to the Religioun of thair Princes, albeit thei ar commanded to geve thame obedience."

[657] MS. G, omits this word, "strenth."

[Sidenote: THE THIRD OBJECTIOUN.]

"Yea, (quod sche,) but nane of thai men raised the sweard against thair Princes."

[Sidenote: [ANSWER]]

"Yit, Madam, (quod he,) ye cane not deny but that they resisted: for these that obey nott the commandimentis that ar gevin, in some sort resist."

[Sidenote: QUESTIOUN.]

"But yit, (said sche,) thei resisted not by the sweard?"

[Sidenote: [ANSWER.]]

"God, (said he,) Madam, had not gevin unto thame the power and the meanes."

"Think ye, (quod sche,) that subjectis having power may resist thair Princes?"

[Sidenote: QUESTION TO ANSWER THE FORMAR]

[Sidenote: BLYND ZEALL WHAT.]

[Sidenote: WHEN THIS WAS WRITTEN, THAIR WES NO APPEARANCE OF MARIES IMPREASONMENT.][658]

[658] This marginal note in MS. 1566, occurs in one of the re-written sets or quires, and is in the same hand with the text. The reference is evidently to the imprisonment of Queen Mary in Lochlevin Castle, in June 1567, from whence she made her escape on the 2d May 1568.

"Yf thair Princes exceed thair boundis, (quod he,) Madam, and do against that whairfoir they should be obeyed, it is no doubt but thei may be resisted, evin by power. For thair is neather greattar honour, nor greattar obedience to be gevin to kings or princes, then God hes commanded to be gevin unto father and mother: But so it is, Madam, that the father may be stricken with a phrensye, in the which he wold slay his awin childrene. Now, Madame, yf the children aryese, joyne thame selfis togetther, apprehend the father, tack the sweard or other weaponis frome him, and finallie bind his handis, and keape him in preasone, till that his phrenesy be over past; think ye, Madam, that the children do any wrang? Or, think ye, Madam, that God wilbe offended with thame that have stayed thair father to committ wickedness? It is even so, (said he,) Madam, with Princes that wold murther the children of God that are subject unto thame. Thair blynd zeall is no thing but a verray mad phrenesie; and thairfoir, to tack the sweard frome thame, to bynd thair handis, and to cast thame selfis in preasone, till that thei be brought to a more sober mynd, is no disobedience against princes, but just obedience, becaus that it aggreith with the will of God."

At these wordis, the Quene stood as it war amased, more then the quarter of ane hour. Hir countenance altered, so that Lord James begane to entreat her, and to demand, "What hes offended you, Madam?"

[Sidenote: THE QUENIS CONCLUSIOUN.]

At lenth, sche said, "Weall then I perceave that my subjectis shall obey you,[659] and not me; and shall do what thei list, and nott what I command: and so man I be subject to thame, and nott thei to me."

[659] Namely, John Knox.

"God forbid, (answered he,) that ever I tack upoun me to command any to obey me, or yitt to set subjectis at libertie to do what pleaseth thame. Bot my travell is, that boyth princes and subjectis obey God. And think not, (said he,) Madam, that wrong is done unto you, when ye ar willed to be subject unto God: for it is he that subjects people under princes, and causses obedience to be gevin unto thame; yea, God craves of Kingis That thei be as it war foster-fatheris to his Churche, and commands Quenis to be nurisses unto his people. And this subjectioun, Madam, unto God, and unto his trubled Churche, is the greatest dignitie that flesche can get upoun the face of the earth, for it shall cary thame to everlasting glorie."

[Sidenote: THE QUENIS KIRK.]

"Yea, (quod sche,) but ye are not the Kirk that I will nureiss. I will defend the Kirk of Rome, for, I think, it is the treu Kirk of God."

"Your will, (quod he,) Madam, is no reassone; neather doeth your thoght maik that Romane harlot to be the treu and immaculat spous of Jesus Christ. And wonder nott, Madam, that I call Rome a harlott; for that Churche is altogidder polluted with all kynd of spirituall fornicatioun, alsweall in doctrine as in maneris. Yea, Madam, I offer myselff farther to prove, that the Churche of the Jewes that crucifyed Christ Jesus, was not so far degenerated frome the ordinances and statutis which God gave be Moses and Aharon unto his people, when that thei manifestlie denyed the Sone of God,[660] as that the Churche of Rome is declyned, and more than five hundreth year hath declyned frome the puritie of that Religioun, whiche the Apostles taught and planted."

[660] In MS. G, these words are transposed.

"My conscience, (said sche,) is nott so."

"Conscience, Madam, (said he,) requyres knowlege; and I fear that rycht knowlege ye have none."

"But, (said sche,) I have bayth heard and red."

[Sidenote: QUESTIOUN.]

"So, (said he,) Madam, did the Jewes that crucifyed Christ Jesus, read both the Law and the Prophetis, and heard the same interprete after thair maner. Have ye heard, (said he,) any teache, but such as the Pope and his Cardinalles have allowed? And ye may be assured, that suche will speak nothing to offend thair awin estaite."

[Sidenote: ANSWRE.]

"Ye interprete the Scripturis (said she,) in one maner, and thei interprete in ane other; Whome shall I beleve? And who shalbe judge?"

[Sidenote: MESSE.]

"Ye shall beleve (said he,) God, that planelie speaketh in his word: and farther then the word teaches you, ye neather shall beleve the ane or the other. The word of God is plane in the self; and yf thair appear any obscuritie in one place, the Holy Ghost, whiche is never contrariouse to him self, explanes the same more clearlie in other places: so that thair can remane no doubt, but unto suche as obstinatlie remane ignorant. And now, (said he,) Madam, to tack ane of the cheaf pointis, whiche this day is in contraversie betwix the Papistis and us: for example, the Papistis allege, and boldly have affirmed, That the Messe is the ordinance of God, and the institutioun of Jesus Christ, and a sacrifice for the synnes of the quyck and the dead. We deny bothe the one and the other, and affirme, that the Messe, as it is now used, is nothing but the inventioun of man; and, thairfoir, is an abominatioun befoir God, and no sacrifice that ever God commanded. Now, Madam, who shall judge betwix us two thus contending? It is no reassone that eather of the parteis be farther beleved, then thei are able to prove by insuspect witnessing: Let thame lay down the book of God, and by the plane wordis thairof prove their affirmatives, and we shall geve unto thame the pley granted. But so long as thei ar bold to affirme, and yit do prove nothing, we man say, that albeit all the warld beleved thame, yit beleve thei not God, but receaves the lyes of men for the treuth of God. What oure maister Jesus Christ did, we know by his Evangelistis: what the preast doeth at his Messe, the warld seeth. Now, doeth nott the word of God planelie assure us, that Christ Jesus neather said, nor yit commanded Messe to be said at his Last Suppar, seing that no suche thing as thair Messe is maid mentioun of within the whole Scripturis?"

"Ye ar oure sair for me, (said the Quene,) but and yf thai war here that I have heard, thai wold ansuer you."

"Madam, (quod the other,) wold to God that the learnedest Papist in Europe, and he that ye wold best beleve, war present with your Grace to sustene the argument; and that ye wald patientlie abyd to hear the mater reassoned to the end; for then I doubt not, Madam, but that ye should hear the vanitie of the Papisticall religioun, and how small[661] ground it hath within the wourd of God."

[661] In MS. G, "how little."

"Weall (said sche) ye may perchance gett that sonner than ye beleve."

"Assuredlie, (said the other) yf ever I gett that in my lyeff, I gett it sonnar than I beleif; for the ignorant Papistis can not patientlie reassoun, and the learned and crafty Papist will never come in your audience, Madam, to have the ground of thair religioun searched out; for thai know that thai ar never able to sustene ane argument, except fyre and sweard, and thair awin lawis be judges."

"So say ye, (quod the Quene,) but I cane beleve that."

"It hes bene so to this day,[662] (quod he,) for how oft have the Papistis in this and other realmes bein required to come to conference, and yitt could it never be obteaned, unless that thame selfis war admitted for judges. And thairfoir, Madam, I must yitt say agane, that thai dar never dispute, but whare thame selfis are both judge and partye. And whensoever that ye shall let me see the contrarye, I shall grant my selff to have bene deceaved in that poynt."

[662] In MS. G, these words are added to the preceding sentence. In MS. L 4, the words are arranged, and perhaps more correctly thus:--"So say ye," said the Quene, "Bot (said he) I can believe that it has not been this day," &c.

And with this the Quene was called upon to dennar, for it was after-noon. At departing, Johnne Knox said unto hir, "I pray God, Madam, that ye may be als blessed within the Commoun-wealth of Scotland, yf it be the pleasur of God, as ever Debora was in the Commoun-wealth of Israell."

* * * * *

Of this long Conference, whairof we onlie tueich a part, war diverse opinionis. The Papistis grudged, and feared that which thai neided not. The godlye, thinking at least that sche wold have heard the preaching, rejoised; but thai war alluterly deceaved, for sche continewed in her Messing; and dispised and quyetlie mocked all exhortationis.

[Sidenote: JOHNE KNOX HIS JUDGMENT OF THE QUENE AT THE FIRST, AND EVER SINCE.]

Johne Knox his awin judgement, being be some of his[663] familiaris demanded, What he thought of the Quene? "Yf thair be not in hir (said he) a proud mynd, a crafty witt, and ane indurat hearte against God and his treuth, my judgment faileth me."

[663] In MS. G, "his awn."

* * * * *

When the hoill Nobilitie war convened, the Lordis of Privey Counsall war chosen,[664] who war appointed,[665] the Duke his Grace, the Erles of Huntley, Ergyle, Atholl, Mortoun, Glencarne, Merschell, Bothwell: Lordis Erskin, &c., Lord James, &c. Of these war a certane appointed to wait upoun [the] Court by course; but that ordour continewed not lang.

[664] In MS. L 4, "those that war appointed, war."

[665] The meeting of the Privy Council, referred to, was held in the Palace of Holyrood, on the 6th of September 1561. See an extract from the Register, in Keith's History, (new edit. vol. ii. p. 78.)

Duck D'Omell[666] returned with the galayes to France. The Quene entered in hir progresses, and in the moneth of September traveled from Edinburgh to Lynlythqu, Striveling, Sanct Johnestoun, Dondie, Sanctandrois;[667] which all partis sche polluted with hir idolatrie. Fyre followed hir verray commounlie in that jorney. The townis propyned hir liberallie, and thairof war the Frenche enriched.

[666] Claude, Duke d'Aumale, (see note 6, page 268.) On Sunday, the last of August, he was present at the banquet given by the Town of Edinburgh to the Queen and the French princes; and on the following day, "the said Monssieur Domell [d'Aumale] depairtit with the twa gallionis, quhilk brocht the Quenis Grace hame, to France." (Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 67.) The Queen, on the 24th of August, had granted precepts for the following sums, £37, 10s. to be paid "to John Terrie, maister of ane schip;" 100 crounis of the sun "to six pilots, of the twa galeris;" £66, 13s. 4d. to "Monsieur Tynnance, to be distributit amangis the officiaris of the twa galeris;" and 200 crounis of the sun, or £266, 13s. 4d. to Monsieur Tynnance, for his own use. (Treasurer's Accounts.)

It may be added, that the Grand Prior, the Sieur Damville, and most of their attendants, returned by land, intending to visit the English Court. They were accompanied to Berwick by several of the Scottish Nobility; the Queen having addressed letters "to some Lords and others to convoy the Grande Priour and Mons^r. Damweile of Edinburgh to Berwick," on the 8th and 9th of October. About the same time, the Treasurer "deliverit to the Quenis Grace ane chene of gold contenand J^o 1. (150) crounis of the sone, and twa chenis of gold, ilk ane of tham contenand 1. (50) crounis of the sone, quhilk hir Grace deliverit to Mons^r. Marquess, to gif three Frenche men that passit with the Grande Priour and Mons^r. Danweill--Summa, £333, 6s. 8d." There was also paid to James Mosman, goldsmith, for making these chains, £29, 10s., and 20s. in drink-silver to his servants.

[667] Preparatory to the Queen's progress, her Master Stabler, on the 6th September, purchased 10 horses or haikneys. She was accompanied by two of her Uncles, Monsieur Damville, and a number of ladies. She set out from Holyrood Palace on horseback, after dinner, on the 11th of that month, and remained at Linlithgow Palace that night, and the following day; on the 13th she rode to Stirling Castle, and was there on Sunday the 14th; on the 15th she passed through Alloa to Kincardine, or, as some authorities state, to Leslie Castle in Fife; on the 17th she came to Perth; on the 19th to Dundee; crossed the Tay to St. Andrews, on the 20th; a few days afterwards she proceeded to Falkland Palace; and returned to Holyrood on Monday the 29th of September 1561. (Chalmers's Queen Mary, 2d edit. vol. i. pp. 82-86; Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 69.)

[Sidenote: BALFOUR, HIS DOCTRINE.]

In the begyning of October,[668] sche returned to Edinburgh, and at the day appointed sche was receaved in the Castell. Great preparationis war maid for hir enteress in the town. In ferses, in masking, and in other prodigalities, faine wold fooles have counterfooted France. Whatsoever myght sett furth hir glory, that sche heard, and glaidlye beheld. The keyes war delivered unto hir by a pretty boy, descending as it war from a cloud. The verses of hir awin praise sche heard, and smyled. But when the Bible was presented, and the praise thairof declared, sche began to frown: for schame sche could not refuise it.[669] But she did no better, for immediatelie sche gave it to the most pestilent Papist within the Realme, to wit, to Arthoure Erskyn.[670] Edinburgh since that day had reaped as thai sew. Thai gave hir some taist of thair prodigalitie; and becaus the liquor was sweet, sche hes licked of that buist oftar than twyse since.[671] All men know what we mean: the Quene can not lack, and the subjectis have.

[668] See next page, note 1.

[669] From the preceding note it will be seen that Queen Mary returned from her progress on the 29th of September; and that Knox has mistaken the date of her first entry into Edinburgh. It was on Tuesday the 2d September. A minute and interesting notice of it occurs in the Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 67, but the passage is too long for quotation. She rode through the town to the Castle, where she dined at 12 o'clock; and then returning, various pageants were represented in different parts of the town, as she proceeded, convoyed by the nobility and chief inhabitants, dressed in velvet gowns and bonnets, carrying a pall of fine purple velvet, with fringes of gold and silk. Upon reaching the Palace of Holyrood, she received a _propyne_, or gift of a cupboard, "quhilk was double our-gilt; the price thairof was 2000 merks." Randolph, in his letter to Cecil, on the 7th September, also mentions that part of the pageant to which Knox alludes. He says, "Upon Tuesday last the Queen made her entry. She dyned in the Castle. The fyrst syghte she sawe after she cam oute of the Castle, was a boye of six yeres of age, that cam, as it were, from heaven oute of a rounde globe, that presented unto hir a Bible and Psalter, and the keys of the gates, and spake unto her the verses which I send you. There, for the terrible sygnifications of the vengeance of God upon idolatrie, ther war burnt Coron, Dathan, and Abiram, in the tyme of thair sacrifice. Thei war mynded to have had a priest (that is, the representation of a priest) burned at the altar, at the elevation. The Erle of Huntlye stayed that pagent, but hath playde manye as wicked as that since he came hyther." (Wright's Queen Elizabeth, vol. i. p. 73.) The expenses attending the "Banquet" on the 31st August, and the "Triumph," on the 2d September, cost the inhabitants of Edinburgh the sum of 4000 merks, which it was resolved should be levied by a general stent or assessment.

[670] Arthur Erskine was Captain of the Queen's guard. He was present at supper in Queen Mary's apartment the night of Riccio's murder. And having escaped from her temporary confinement in Holyrood, on the night of the 11th of March 1566, she "came to the place where Arthur Ersken, the captayn of her garde kept the horses, and so rode her waye behinde Arthur Erskin untill she cam to Seton. There she took a horse to herself, and rode to Dunbarre," &c. (Wright's Queen Elizabeth, vol. i. p. 231.) In April 1562, the Treasurer paid "be the Quenis Grace speciall command, to Arthur Erskin to by him ane hors, £40:" and on the 2d of June 1565, in like manner there was paid "to Arthur Erskin ane of the maisteris of hir Graces Curie to by him ane horse, xx crownis." In December 1564, he is styled "Arthur Erskine of Blackgrange, brother-german to John Lord Erskine." (Register of Signatures.) He was probably the ancestor of the Erskines of Scotscraig in Fife, who flourished in the following century.

[671] In MS. A, the marginal note is thus inserted in the text, "ance or twice since this was Balfoures rule."

In Edinburgh it hath bene ane auncient and laudable custom, that the Provest, Baillies, and Counsall, after thair electioun, which useth to be at Michaelmess, caused publictlie proclame[672] the Statutes and Ordinances of the town. And thairfoir Archibald Dowglas, Provest; Edwarde Hope, Adame Fowllartoun, [Mr. James Watsone, and David Somer,][673] Baillies, caused proclame, according to the formar Statutes of the town, that no adulterar, [no fornicatour,] no noted drunkard, no mess-mongare, no obstinate Papistis that corrupted the people, such as preastis, freiris, and otheris of that sorte, should be found within the toun within fourty-aught houris thairafter, under the paines conteaned in the statutes. Which blawin in the Quenis earis, thair began pryde and maliciousnes to schaw the self; for without farther cognitioun of the caus, was the Provest and Baillies charged to ward in the Castell; and immediatlie was commandiment gevin, that other Provest and Baillies should be elected.[674]