Chapter 20

In the Lyons district (1598) 'les Sorciers rendent conte a Satan de ce qu'ils ont fait des la derniere assemblee, estans ceux la les mieux venus qui ont commis le plus de meschancetez. Les autres sont sifflez & mocquez de tous; l'on les fait mettre a l'escart, & sont encor le plus souuent battus & maltraitez de leur Maistre'.[801] According to Bodin, 'chacun Sorcier doit rendre compte du mal qu'il a faict sur peine d'estre bien battu.'[802] De Lancre says, 'Les Sorciers le vont adorer trois nuicts durant. Ceux qui par nonchalance, ou autre petit empeschement ne s'y trouuent, sont foueettez & battus a l'outrance.'[803] Alexander Hamilton (1630) stated that 'thair was ane new tryst appointed be him to be keipit wt thame altogidder within xiii days thereftir upon the cauldbit mure Quhilk meitting was nocht keipit be the said Alexr for the quhilk caus and breking of that tryst the said Alexr was maist rigorouslie strukin be the devill wt ane battoun at ane meitting keipit betuix thame schortlie thereftir upone gairnetoune hillis'.[804] In France (1652) two sisters were tried for witchcraft: 'Icelle confesse n'avoir faict mourir qu'un vaulx et d'avoir ete battu par le diable, deux fois, parce qu'elle ne vouloit faire mourir aultres personnes et bestiault.' The other sister was 'interrogee sy le diable ne luy avoit conseille de cracher la Sainte Hostie hors de sa bouche, ou bien ne la point recepvoir, dist que non, mais bien que le diable l'at une fois battue fort parce qu'elle l'avoit receu'.[805] The girls at Lille (1661) informed Madame Bourignon that the witches 'are constrained to offer him their Children, or else the Devil would Beat them'.[806] Isobel Gowdie's account is, as usual, very full:

'Som tymis, among owr felwis, we wold be calling him "Blak Johne", or the lyk, and he wold ken it, and heir ws weill aneughe; and he ewin then com to ws, and say, "I ken weill aneughe what [3*]e wer sayeing of me!" And then he vold beat and buffet ws werie sor. We wold be beattin if ve wer absent any tyme, or neglect any thing that wold be appointit to be done. Allexr Elder, in Earlseat, vold be werie often beattin. He is bot soft, and cowld never defend him self in the leist, bot greitt and cry, quhan he vold be scourging him. Bot Margret Wilson, in Auldearne, wold defend hir selfe fynelie, and cast wp hir handis to keip the stroakis off from hir; and Bessie Wilson would speak crustie with hir townge, and wold be belling again to him stowtlie. He wold be beatting and scurgeing ws all wp and downe with cardis [cords] and vther sharp scurges, like naked gwhastis; and we wold still be cryeing, "Pittie! pittie! Mercie! mercie, owr Lord!" Bot he wold haue neither pittie nor mercie. When he vold be angrie at ws, he wold girne at ws lyk a dowge, as iff he wold swallow ws wp.'[807]

The Swedish witches (1669) also had reason to complain of their Grand-Master's cruelty: 'heretofore it was sufficient to carry but one of their Children [to the meeting] or a strangers Child with them, but now he did plague them and whip them if they did not procure him Children.'[808] Among the Northumberland witches (1673):

'All of them who had donne harme gave an account thereof to their protector, who made most of them that did most harme, and beate those who had donne no harme.--At the said meeting their particular divell tooke them that did most evill, and danced with them first, and called every of them to an account, and those that did most evill he maid most of.--The devill, in the forme of a little black man and black cloaths, calld of one Isabell Thompson, of Slealy, widdow, by name, and required of her what service she had done him. She replyd she had gott power of the body of one Margarett Teasdale. And after he had danced with her he dismissed her and call'd of one Thomasine, wife of Edward Watson, of Slealy.'[809]

Punishments for minor offences are rarely recorded. At North Berwick (1590), when the witches returned after sinking a ship, 'seeing that they tarried over long, hee at their comming enjoyned them all to a pennance, which was, that they should kisse his buttockes, in sign of duety to him.'[810] At Aberdeen (1597) Christen Mitchell confessed that when the Devil asked her to join, 'thow ansuerit, I will enter in thy band, bot I will nocht byd thairin; and thairefter that the Devill gawe the a wisk, and thow fell on thy face one the dyk of that yaird.'[811] Beigis Tod, who belonged to one of the North Berwick Covens but was not tried till 1608, was late in arriving at a meeting, 'quhair the Deuill appeirit to thame, and reprovet the said Beigis Tod verrie scherplie, for hir long tayreing; to quhome scho maid this ansuer, "Sir, I could wyn na soner."'[812] At Lille if any witch desired to leave the religion, 'the Devil reproves them then more severely, and obligeth them to new Promises.'[813] Occasionally the witches kept discipline among themselves; this seems to have been the case only when the culprit prevented the proper execution of magical performances. At Aberdeen Thomas Leyis 'led the ring, and dang the said Kathren Mitchell, becaus scho spillit your dans, and ran nocht sa fast about as the rest.'[814] At Auldearne Isobel Gowdie described how the witches used flint arrow-heads: 'I shot at the Laird of Park, as he ves crossing the Burn of Boath; bot, thankis to God now, that he preserwit him. Bessie Hay gaw me a great cuffe, becaus I missed him.'[815] The former minister of Crighton, Mr. Gideon Penman, acted as the Devil's chaplain; 'ordinarily Mr. Gideon was in the rear in all their dances, and beat up all those that were slow.'[816] But a reasonable excuse for trifling misdemeanours could be accepted: 'The devill asked at Kathrine Moore quhair hir Husband was that he came not she answered there was a young bairne at home and that they could not both come.'[817]

Capital punishment was reserved for traitors, actual and potential. It must have been brought into use only after the cult had fallen upon evil days, and then only when the Chief himself was in danger. Beating to death, hanging, and poison were the usual means of execution.

The earliest instance occurred in 1450, when the Church had begun to use its power systematically against the witches. 'The Inquisitor of Como, Bartolomeo de Homate, the podesta Lorenzo da Carorezzo, and the notary Giovanni da Fossato, either out of curiosity or because they doubted the witches whom they were trying, went to a place of assembly at Mendrisio and witnessed the scene from a hiding-place. The presiding demon pretended not to know their presence, and in due course dismissed the assembly, but suddenly recalled his followers and set them on the officials, who were so beaten that they died within fifteen days.'[818] Alesoun Peirson (1588) was burnt as a witch, having gained her knowledge from the fairies, who threatened that 'gif scho wald speik and tell of thame and thair doingis, thay sould martir hir'.[819] The Lorraine witches (1589) took an oath of silence, 'welchen Eyd sie so hoch und heilig halten, dass wenn sie Eydbruechig werden, so darfuer halten, also ob sie ewig darumb musten verdampt und gestrafft seyn.'[820] Alice Gooderidge, the Derbyshire witch (1597), was tried for witchcraft, 'she should haue bin executed, but that her spirit killed her in the prison.'[821] Jeannette d'Abadie (1609) was more fortunate than most in that she was not killed, 'elle a este battue au sabbat reellement & corporellem[~e]t par deux sorcieres qu'elle nomme, par ce qu'elle auoit reuele les mysteres du sabbat.'[822] John Stewart, the 'juglour' of Irvine (1618)--

'for his better preferring to the day of the assys, was put in ane lockfast buith, quhair no maner of persoun might haif access to him quhil the dounsitting of the justice court, and for avoyding of putting violent handis on himself, was verie strictly gairdit and flitherit be the airms, as us is, and upon that same day of the assys, about half ane hour befoir the doun sitting of the justice court, Mr. David Dickson, minister at Irving; and Mr. George Dunbar, minister of Air, having went to him to exhort him to call on his God for mercie for his bygane wicked and evil lyf and that God wold of his infinite mercie, lowis him out of the handis of the devil quhom he had servit thir mony years by gane He acquiescit to their prayer and godlie exhortation, and utterit thir wordis--I am so straitlie gairdit that it lyis not in my hand to tak off my bonnett, nor to gett bread to my mouth. And immediately after the departing of the two ministers from him, the Juglour being sent for at the desyr of my Lord of Eglintoune, to be confrontit with ane woman of the burgh of Air, callit Janet Bous, quha was apprehendit by the Magistrates of the burghe of Air, for witchcraft, to the burghe of Irvine, purposlie for that effer. He was fund be the burrow officers, quha went about him stranglit and hangit be the cruik of the dur, with ane tait of hemp (or a string maid of hemp, supposed to haif been his garten, or string of his bonnet) not above the length of twa span long, his kneyis not being from the grund half ane span, and was brocht out of the hous, his lyf not being so layt expellit: but notwithstanding of quhatsomever meines usit to the contrair for remeid of his lyf, he revievit not, but so endit his lyf miserable by the help of the devill his maister.'[823]

Rebecca West, a young Essex witch (1645), confessed to Matthew Hopkins that 'if shee should discover any thing, they all told the said Rebecca, shee should endure more torments on earth, then could be in hell: and the said Rebecca told this informant that shee promised to keepe all their secrets; and moreover they all told her, that shee must never confesse any thing, although the rope were about her necke, and shee ready to be hanged'.[824] In Fifeshire (1649) 'ane Mistres Hendersone (sister to Fordell Hendersone, in the presbytrey of Dumfermling), sometymes lady of Pittahro, being delated by many to be a witch, was apprehended and caried to Edenbroughe, wher she was keiped fast; and after her remaining in prison for a tyme, being in health att night, vpon the morne was founde dead. It was thought, and spoken by many, that she wronged her selfe, either by strangling or by poyson.'[825] The Swedish children (1670) were not spared: 'if the Children did at any time name the Names of those that had carried them away, they were again carried by force either to Blockula, or to the Cross way, and there miserably beaten, insomuch that some of them died of it.'[826] Whether Deliverance Hobbs (1692) was actually beaten, or whether her statement was made from the knowledge of what might happen to her, cannot be certain without reference to the records of the trial itself, as Mather's bias is apt to distort the evidence: 'She now testifi'd, that this _Bishop_ tempted her to Sign the _Book_ again, and to deny what she had confess'd. She affirm'd, that it was the Shape of this Prisoner, which whipped her with Iron Rods, to compel her thereunto.'[827] Elizabeth Anderson in Renfrewshire (1696) went with her father to a witch-meeting, 'severals of them being affraid that the Declarant would Confess, and tell of them as she done formerly on her Grand-mother, they threatened to tear her all in pieces if she did so.'[828] John Reid of the same Coven--

'after his Confession had called out of his prison Window, desiring Baily Scott to keep that old body Angus Forrester, who had been his fellow prisoner, closs and secure; whereupon the company asked John when they were leaving him on Friday night the 21th of May, whether he desired company or would be afraid alone, he said he had no fear of anything: So being left till Saturday in the Forenoon, he was found in this posture, viz. sitting upon a stool which was on the Hearth of the Chimney, with his feet on the floor and his Body straight upward, his shoulders touching the lintel of the Chimney, but his Neck tyed with his own neck-cloath (whereof the knot was behind) to a small stick thrust into a hole above the lintel of the Chimney, upon which the Company, especially John Campbel a Chyrurgeon who was called, thought at first in respect of his being in an ordinary posture of sitting, and the neck-cloath not having any drawn knot (or _run loup_) but an ordinary one which was not very strait, and the sticke not having the strength to bear the weight of his Body or the struggle, that he had not been quite dead; but finding it otherways, and that he was in such a Situation that he could not have been the Actor thereof himself, concluded that some extraordinary Agent had done it, especially considering that the Door of the Room was secured, and that there was a board set over the Window which was not there the night before when they left him.'[829]

A similar fate befell the warlock Playfair in 1597. He was found strangled in his prison at Dalkeith with the 'point' of his breeches tied round his neck.[830]

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 735: Cotton Mather, p. 160.]

[Footnote 736: De Lancre, _Tableau_, p. 123.]

[Footnote 737: Pitcairn, i, pt. ii, pp. 219, 220, 239, 240.]

[Footnote 738: Potts, B 2.]

[Footnote 739: Sinclair, pp. 46, 47.]

[Footnote 740: Kinloch, pp. 124, 129.]

[Footnote 741: Pitcairn, iii, pp. 603, 605.]

[Footnote 742: Pitcairn, iii, p. 617.]

[Footnote 743: Glanvil, pt. ii, pp. 139, 147, 148.]

[Footnote 744: Id., pt. ii, pp. 291, 293.]

[Footnote 745: Pitcairn, i, pt. iii, p. 246.]

[Footnote 746: _Spalding Club Misc._, pp. 97, 98.]

[Footnote 747: Ib., p. 115.]

[Footnote 748: Fountainhall, i, p. 14.]

[Footnote 749: Law, p. 145.]

[Footnote 750: _Spalding Club Misc._, i, p. 142.]

[Footnote 751: _Spottiswoode Misc._, ii, p. 67.]

[Footnote 752: Ib., ii, p. 68.]

[Footnote 753: Sinclair, p. 219.]

[Footnote 754: Pearson, ii, p. 26.]

[Footnote 755: _Rehearsall_, par. 26.]

[Footnote 756: _Spalding Club Misc._, i, p. 171.]

[Footnote 757: De Lancre, _L'Incredulite_, p. 36.]

[Footnote 758: Id., _Tableau_, p. 401.]

[Footnote 759: Pitcairn, iii, pp. 610, 613.]

[Footnote 760: Burr, p. 417.]

[Footnote 761: Lemoine, _La Tradition_, 1892, vi, pp. 108, 109. The italics are in the original.]

[Footnote 762: Pitcairn, i, pt. ii, p. 52.]

[Footnote 763: _Witches taken at St. Oses._]

[Footnote 764: Pitcairn, i, pt. ii, p. 245.]

[Footnote 765: _Spalding Club Misc._, i, pp. 87 seq.]

[Footnote 766: Potts.]

[Footnote 767: Goldsmid, p. 13. Translated from the French record.]

[Footnote 768: Fyfe, p. 87.]

[Footnote 769: _Scottish Antiquary_, ix, pp. 50-2.]

[Footnote 770: Kinloch, p. 114.]

[Footnote 771: From the record of the trial in the Edinburgh Justiciary Court.]

[Footnote 772: Burns Begg, pp. 219 seq.]

[Footnote 773: Pitcairn, iii, pp. 603-17.]

[Footnote 774: Glanvil, pt. ii, pp. 140 seq.]

[Footnote 775: _Surtees Soc._, xl, pp. 191, 192; _Denham Tracts_, ii, pp. 300-2, 304.]

[Footnote 776: Hector, i, pp. 51-6.]

[Footnote 777: Cooper, _Mystery_, pp. 90-2.]

[Footnote 778: Pitcairn, ii, pp. 53, 54.]

[Footnote 779: Id., ii, p. 164.]

[Footnote 780: Id., ii, p. 230.]

[Footnote 781: Id., iii, p. 96.]

[Footnote 782: _County Folklore_, iii, p. 112; _Mait. Cl. Misc._, ii, p. 188.]

[Footnote 783: Pitcairn, ii, p. 537.]

[Footnote 784: _County Folklore_, iii, p. 103.]

[Footnote 785: Sinclair, p. 122.]

[Footnote 786: Scot, Bk. III, p. 43.]

[Footnote 787: Pitcairn, i, pt. ii, pp. 211, 239, 245-6.]

[Footnote 788: Glanvil, pt. ii, pp. 293-5.]

[Footnote 789: Id., pt. ii, pp. 137-8.]

[Footnote 790: Id., pt. ii, pp. 293-5.]

[Footnote 791: Pitcairn, iii, pp. 603, 605 seq.]

[Footnote 792: Kinloch, pp. 122, 133.]

[Footnote 793: Campbell, pp. 293-4.]

[Footnote 794: _Berwickshire Naturalists Club_, xi, p. 265. Unfortunately the author of the article gives neither her authority for the statement, nor any indication of the date of the occurrence.]

[Footnote 795: Danaeus, ch. iv.]

[Footnote 796: Gaule, p. 65.]

[Footnote 797: Cooper, p. 91.]

[Footnote 798: _Pleasant Treatise_, pp. 6-7.]

[Footnote 799: Lea, iii, p. 525.]

[Footnote 800: Remigius, pt. i, cap. xiii, p. 59.]

[Footnote 801: Boguet, p. 139.]

[Footnote 802: Bodin, p. 189.]

[Footnote 803: De Lancre, _Tableau_, p. 398.]

[Footnote 804: From the record of the trial in the Edinburgh Justiciary Court.]

[Footnote 805: Van Elven, _La Tradition_, v (1891), p. 215. The names of the witches and the place are not given.]

[Footnote 806: Bourignon, _Vie_, p. 222; Hale, p. 37.]

[Footnote 807: Pitcairn, iii, p. 613.]

[Footnote 808: Horneck, pt. ii, p. 318.]

[Footnote 809: _Surtees Soc._, xl, pp. 191, 195, 197.]

[Footnote 810: Pitcairn, i, pt. ii, p. 217.]

[Footnote 811: _Spalding Club Misc._, i, p. 165.]

[Footnote 812: Pitcairn, ii, p. 542.]

[Footnote 813: Bourignon, _Vie_, p. 223; Hale, p. 38.]

[Footnote 814: _Spalding Club Misc._, i, p. 97.]

[Footnote 815: Pitcairn, iii, p. 615.]

[Footnote 816: Fountainhall, i, p. 14.]

[Footnote 817: _Highland Papers_, iii, p. 26.]

[Footnote 818: Lea, iii, p. 501.]

[Footnote 819: Pitcairn, i, pt. ii, p. 163.]

[Footnote 820: Remigius, ch. xviii, p. 83.]

[Footnote 821: _Alse Gooderidge_, p. 43.]

[Footnote 822: De Lancre, _Tableau_, p. 91.]

[Footnote 823: _Trial of Isobel Inch_, p. 11.]

[Footnote 824: Howell, iv, 842.]

[Footnote 825: Lamont, p. 12. For further particulars of this lady, see Ross, _Aberdour and Inchcolme_, p. 339.]

[Footnote 826: Horneck, pt. ii, p. 319.]

[Footnote 827: Cotton Mather, p. 131.]

[Footnote 828: _Narr. of the Sufferings of a Young Girle_, p. xl.]

[Footnote 829: _Narr. of the Sufferings of a Young Girle_, p. xliv; _Sadducismus Debellatus_, pp. 43-4.]

[Footnote 830: Sharpe, p 46.]

VIII. FAMILIARS AND TRANSFORMATIONS

The question of familiars is one which has always puzzled the student of witch-trials, and almost more than any other has been the cause of the belief that hysteria and hallucination were the foundation of the witches' confessions. Yet when the accounts are carefully examined, the circumstantial detail given in the evidence shows that here, as elsewhere, a foundation of fact underlies the statements of the accused. These statements are often misunderstood and therefore misrepresented by the recorders, and still more so by the modern commentator, but by comparison of the details a considerable amount of information can be gained.

The familiars can be divided into two types: (1) those by which the witch divined, (2) those who attended on the witch to obey her commands.

1. _The Divining Familiar_

The essence of this familiar is that it did not belong to the witch but was an animal which appeared accidentally after the performance of certain magical ceremonies. Forbes puts this quite clearly when describing the contract: 'The Devil on his Part articles with such Proselytes, concerning the Shape he is to appear to them in, the Services they are to expect from him, upon the Performance of certain Charms or ceremonious Rites.'[831] From this statement and from the facts revealed in the trials it would seem that the Devil appointed to the witch, on her admission, some kind of animal or animals by which she should divine, and which therefore represented himself for the time being, for he claimed the power, as God, to know and reveal the future. This explanation accounts for the fact that the witches always spoke of such animals as the Devil and believed that they could foretell the future by his means. The actual method of divination is not preserved; all that remains of the ceremony are the words and gestures which were used before the appearance of the animal, and these only in few cases. The method was probably such as obtained in other places where auguries by animals and birds were practised, i.e. by the direction and pace of the animal, by its actions, by its voice if it emitted any sound, and so on. The method of making such observations and of translating them when made was part of the instruction given to the witch by the Devil; and was usually employed to discover whether a person were bewitched, the ultimate result of an illness, and the length of life of any given person.

In 1566 John Walsh, of Netherberry in Dorset, who 'knoweth when anye man is bewytched, sayth vpon his oth, that his Familiar would sometyme come vnto hym lyke a gray blackish Culuer, and somtime like a brended Dog, and somtimes lyke a man.'[832] In 1590 Agnes Sampson, the 'wise wife' of Keith, was--

'fylit and convict, that the Dewill apperit to hir in liknes of ane dog, att quhom she socht her haill responsis that quhene sche wes send for to haill the auld Lady Edmestoune, quhene sche lay seik, befoir the said Agnes departit, sche tauld to the gentilwemene, that sche sould tell thame that nycht quhidder the Lady wald haill or nocht; and appointit thame to be in the gardin efter supper, betuix fyve and sax att ewin. Sche passit to the gairdene, to devyise vpoun hir prayer, one quhat tyme sche chargeit the Dewill, calling him "Elva", to cum and speik to hir, quha come in owir the dyke, in liknes of ane dog, and come sa neir to hir, that sche wes effrayit, and chargeit him "on the law that he lewit on", to cum na neirar, bot to ansuer hir; and sche demandit, Quhidder the lady wald leif or nocht. He said, "Hir dayes war gane." Than he demandit, "Gif the gentilwemen hir dochteres, quhair thay wer?" And sche said, that "the gentilwemen said, that thay war to be thair". He ansuerit, "Ane of thame sould be in perrell, and that he sould haif ane of thame." Sche ansuerit, "It sould nocht be sa", and swa departit fra hir zowling. Fra this tyme quhill eftir supper, he remanit in the wall [well]. Quhen the gentilwemen come in, the dog come out of the wall, and apperit to thame; quhairatt thay wer effrayit. In the mene tyme, ane of the said gentilwemen, the Lady Torsenze, ran to the wall, being forceit and drawin by the Devill, quha wald haif drownit hir, war nocht the said Agnes and the rest of the gentilwemen gatt ane gryp of hir, and with all hir [their?] forceis drew hir abak agane, quhilk maid thame all effrayd. The dog passit away thaireftir with ane zowle.'[833]

Margerat Clarke, like Agnes Sampson a midwife of great reputation, was tried at Aberdeen in 1597 for witchcraft, in that, being sent for to a case