Chapter 16

The collection and use of the ashes by the worshippers point to the fact that we have here a sacrifice of the god of fertility. Originally the sprinkling of the ashes on fields or animals or in running water was a fertility charm; but when Christianity became sufficiently powerful to attempt the suppression of the ancient religion, such practices were represented as evil, and were therefore said to be 'pour faire mancquer les fruits de la terre'.

The animal-substitute for the divine victim is usually the latest form of the sacrifice; the intervening stages were first the volunteer, then the criminal, both of whom were accorded the power and rank of the divine being whom they personated. The period of time during which the substitute acted as the god varied in different places; so also did the interval between the sacrifices. Frazer has pointed out that the human victim, whether the god himself or his human substitute, did not content himself by merely not attempting to escape his destiny, but in many cases actually rushed on his fate, and died by his own hand or by voluntary submission to the sacrificer.

The witch-cult being a survival of an ancient religion, many of the beliefs and rites of these early religions are to be found in it. Of these the principal are: the voluntary substitute, the temporary transference of power to the substitute, and the self-devotion to death. As times changed and the ceremonies could no longer be performed openly, the sacrifices took on other forms. I have already suggested that the child-murders, of which the witches were often convicted, were in many cases probably offerings made to the God. In the same way, when the time came for the God or his substitute to be sacrificed, recourse was had to methods which hid the real meaning of the ceremony; and the sacrifice of the incarnate deity, though taking place in public, was consummated at the hands of the public executioner. This explanation accounts for the fact that the bodies of witches, male or female, were always burnt and the ashes scattered; for the strong prejudice which existed, as late as the eighteenth century, against any other mode of disposing of their bodies; and for some of the otherwise inexplicable occurrences in connexion with the deaths of certain of the victims.

Read in the light of this theory much of the mystery which surrounds the fate of Joan of Arc is explained. She was put to death as a witch, and the conduct of her associates during her military career, as well as the evidence at her trial, bear out the fact that she belonged to the ancient religion, not to the Christian. Nine years after her death in the flames her commander, Gilles de Rais, was tried on the same charge and condemned to the same fate. The sentence was not carried out completely in his case; he was executed by hanging, and the body was snatched from the fire and buried in Christian ground. Like Joan herself, Gilles received a semi-canonization after death, and his shrine was visited by nursing mothers. Two centuries later Major Weir offered himself up and was executed as a witch in Edinburgh, refusing to the end all attempts to convert him to the Christian point of view.

The belief that the witch must be burnt and the ashes scattered was so ingrained in the popular mind that, when the severity of the laws began to relax, remonstrances were made by or to the authorities. In 1649 the Scotch General Assembly has a record: 'Concerning the matter of the buriall of the Lady Pittadro, who, being vnder a great scandall of witchcraft, and being incarcerat in the Tolbuith of this burgh during her triall before the Justice, died in prison, The Comission of the Generall Assembly, having considered the report of the Comittee appointed for that purpose, Doe give their advyse to the Presbyterie of Dumfermling to show their dislike of that fact of the buriall of the Lady Pittadro, in respect of the maner and place, and that the said Presbyterie may labour to make the persons who hes buried her sensible of their offence in so doeing; and some of the persons who buried hir, being personallie present, are desired by the Comission to shew themselvis to the Presbyterie sensible of their miscarriage therein.'[638]

At Maidstone in 1652 'Anne Ashby, alias Cobler, Anne Martyn, Mary Browne, Anne Wilson, and Mildred Wright of Cranbrook, and Mary Read, of Lenham, being legally convicted, were according to the Laws of this Nation, adjudged to be hanged, at the common place of Execution. Some there were that wished rather they might be burnt to Ashes; alledging that it was a received opinion among many, that the body of a witch being burnt, her bloud is prevented thereby from becomming hereditary to her Progeny in the same evill.'[639] The witches themselves also held the belief that they ought to die by fire. Anne Foster was tried for witchcraft at Northampton in 1674: 'after Sentence of Death was past upon her, she mightily desired to be Burned; but the Court would give no Ear to that, but that she should be hanged at the Common place of Execution.'[640]

9. _Magic Words_

The magic words known to the witches were used only for certain definite purposes, the most important use being to raise the Devil. I have omitted the charms which are founded on Christian prayers and formulas, and quote only those which appear to belong to the witch-cult.

In the section on _Familiars_ it will be seen how the witches divined by means of animals, which animals were allotted to them by the Chief. In auguries and divinations of this kind in every part of the world a form of words is always used, and the augury is taken by the first animal of the desired species which is seen after the charm is spoken.

Agnes Sampson, the leading witch of the North Berwick Coven, 1590, summoned her familiar by calling 'Elva', and then divined by a dog, whom she dismissed by telling him to 'depart by the law he lives on'. She also used the formula, 'Haill, hola!', and 'Hola!' was also the cry when a cat was cast into the sea to raise a storm.[641] A man-witch of Alest, 1593, gave the devil's name as Abiron: 'quand il le vouloit voir il disoit: vien Abiron, sinon ie te quitteray.'[642] Andro Man at Aberdeen, 1597, 'confessis that the Devill, thy maister, is rasit be the speking of the word _Benedicite_, and is laid agane be tacking of a dog vnder thy left oxster in thi richt hand, and casting the same in his mouth, and speking the word _Maikpeblis_.--He grantit that this word _Benedicite_ rasit the Dewill, and _Maikpeblis_ laid him againe, strikin him on the faice with ane deice with the left hand.'[643] Alexander Hamilton of East Lothian, 1630, when covenanting with the devil, had 'ane battoun of fir in his hand the devill than gave the said Alexr command to tak that battoun quhan evir he had ado with him and therewt to strek thruse upone the ground and to chairge him to ruse up foule theiff'; the divining animals in this case were crows, cats, and dogs.[644] Marie Lamont of Innerkip, 1662, was instructed to call the Devil _Serpent_ when she desired to speak with him.[645]

The Somerset witches, 1664, cried out _Robin_ at an appointed place, and the Master then appeared in his proper form as a man: Elizabeth Style and Alice Duke also called him _Robin_ when summoning him privately, and Elizabeth Style added, 'O Sathan give me my purpose', before saying what she wished done.[646] The Swedish witches, 1669, called their Chief with the cry, 'Antecessor, come and carry us to Blockula'; this they did at an appointed place, and the Devil then appeared as a man.[647]

The words used before starting to a meeting are rarely recorded; only a few remain. The earliest example is from Guernsey in 1563, when Martin Tulouff heard an old witch cry as she bestrode a broomstick, 'Va au nom du diable et luciffer [p=] dess[~q=] roches et espynes.' He then lost sight of her, with the inference that she flew through the air, though he acknowledged that he himself was not so successful.[648] The witches of the Basses-Pyrenees, 1609, anointed themselves before starting, and repeated the words 'Emen hetan, emen hetan', which de Lancre translates 'Ici et la, ici et la'. 'Quelquefois plus furieuses elles se batent entre elles mesmes, en disant, Ie suis le Diable, ie n'ay rien qui ne soit a toy, en ton nom Seigneur cette tienne seruante s'oingt, & dois estre quelque iour Diable & maling Esprit comme toy.' When, crossing water they cried, 'Haut la coude, Quillet,' upon which they could cross without getting wet; and when going a long distance they said, 'Pic suber hoeilhe, en ta la lane de bouc bien m'arrecoueille.'[649] Isobel Gowdie, 1662, gives two variants of the magic words used on these occasions: the first, 'Horse and hattock, in the Divellis name' is not unlike the form given by Martin Tulouff; the second is longer, 'Horse and hattock, horse and goe, Horse and pellattis, ho! ho!'[650] The Somerset witches, 1664, when starting to the meeting, said, 'Thout, tout a tout, tout, throughout and about'; and when returning, 'Rentum tormentum'. At parting they cried, 'A Boy! merry meet, merry part.'[651] They also had a long form of words which were used when applying the flying ointment, but these are not recorded.

Other magical words were used at the religious services of the witches in the Basses-Pyrenees (1609). At the elevation of the host the congregation cried, '"Aquerra goity, Aquerra beyty, Aquerra goity, Aquerra beyty," qui veut dire _Cabron arriba, Cabron abaro (sic)_'; at the elevation of the chalice at a Christian service they said, 'Corbeau noir, corbeau noir.' There were two forms of words to be used when making the sign of the cross; the first was, 'In nomine Patrica, Aragueaco Petrica, Agora, Agora Valentia, Iouanda, goure gaitz goustia,' translated as 'Au nom de Patrique, Petrique, d'Arragon, a cette heure a cette heure Valence, tout nostre mal est passe'. The second roused de Lancre's horror as peculiarly blasphemous: 'In nomine patrica, Aragueaco Petrica, Gastellaco Ianicot, Equidae ipordian pot,' 'au nom de Patrique, petrique d'Arragon. Iannicot de Castille faictes moy vn baiser au derriere.'[652] The mention of the ancient Basque god Janicot makes this spell unusually interesting. As the dances were also a religious rite the words used then must be recorded here. Bodin gives the formula, 'Har, har, diable, diable, saute icy, saute la, ioue icy, ioue la: Et les autres disoyent sabath sabath.'[653] The word _diable_ is clearly Bodin's own interpellation for the name of the God, for the Guernsey version, which is currently reported to be used at the present day, runs 'Har, har, Hou, Hou, danse ici', etc.; Hou being the name of an ancient Breton god.[654] Jean Weir (1670) stated that at the instigation of some woman unnamed she put her foot on a cloth on the floor with her hand upon the crown of her head, and repeated thrice, 'All my cross and troubles go to the door with thee.'[655] This seems to have been an admission ceremony, but the words are of the same sentiment as the one recorded by de Lancre, 'tout notre mal est passe.'

There were also certain magical effects supposed to be brought about by the use of certain words. Martin Tulouff (1563) claimed that he could bewitch cows so that they gave blood instead of milk, by saying 'Butyrum de armento', but he admitted that he also used powders to accomplish his purpose.[656] Isobel Gowdie (1662) described how the witches laid a broom or a stool in their beds to represent themselves during their absence at a meeting. By the time that this record was made the witches evidently believed that the object took on the exact appearance of the woman, having forgotten its original meaning as a signal to show where she had gone. The words used on these occasions show no belief in the change of appearance of the object:

'I lay down this besom [or stool] in the Devil's name, Let it not stir till I come again.'

Her statements regarding the change of witches into animals I have examined in the section on Familiars (p. 234). The words used to effect these changes are given in full. When a witch wished to take on the form of a hare she said:

'I sall goe intill ane haire, With sorrow, and sych, and meikle caire; And I sall goe in the Divellis nam, Ay quhill I com hom againe.'

To change into a cat or a crow the last two lines were retained unaltered, but the first two were respectively,

'I sall goe intill ane catt, With sorrow, and sych, and a blak shot'

or

'I sall goe intill a craw, With sorrow, and sych, and a blak thraw.'

To return into human form the witch said:

'Haire, haire, God send thee caire. I am in an haire's liknes just now, Bot I sal be in a womanis liknes ewin now.'

From a cat or a crow, the words were 'Cat, cat, God send thee a blak shott' or 'Craw, craw, God send thee a blak thraw', with the last two lines as before. When the witch in animal form entered the house of another witch, she would say, 'I conjure thee, Goe with me'; on which the second witch would turn into the same kind of animal as the first. If, however, they met in the open, the formula was slightly different, 'Divell speid the, Goe thow with me,' the result being the same.[657]

The Somerset trials record the words used for cursing anything. These were simply 'A Pox take it', the curse being supposed to take effect at once. If the curse were pronounced over an image of a person the words were 'A Pox on thee, I'le spite thee'.[658]

Alexander Elder's grace over meat is probably a corrupt form of some ancient rite:

'We eat this meat in the Divellis nam, With sorrow, and sych, and meikle shame; We sall destroy hows and hald; Both sheip and noat in till the fald. Litle good sall come to the fore Of all the rest of the litle store.'[659]

The 'conjuring of cats' was a distinct feature, and is clearly derived from an early form of sacrifice. The details are recorded only in Scotland, and it is possible that Scotland is the only country in which it occurred, though the sanctity of the cat in other places suggests that the omission in the records is accidental.

In the dittay against John Fian, 1590, he was 'fylit, for the chaissing of ane catt in Tranent; in the quhilk chaise, he was careit heich aboue the ground, with gryt swyftnes, and as lychtlie as the catt hir selff, ower ane heicher dyke, nor he was able to lay his hand to the heid off:--And being inquyrit, to quhat effect he chaissit the samin? Ansuerit, that in ane conversatioune haldin at Brumhoillis, Sathan commandit all that were present, to tak cattis; lyke as he, for obedience to Sathan, chaissit the said catt, purpoiselie to be cassin in the sea, to raise windis for distructioune of schippis and boitis.'[660] Agnes Sampson of the same Coven as Fian confessed 'that at the time when his Majestie was in Denmark, shee being accompanied by the parties before speciallie named, tooke a cat and christened it, and afterwards bounde to each part of that cat, the cheefest parte of a dead man, and severall joyntis of his bodie: And that in the night following, the saide cat was convayed into the middest of the sea by all the witches, sayling in their riddles or cives, as is aforesaid, and so left the said cat right before the towne of Leith in Scotland. This doone, there did arise such a tempest in the sea, as a greater hath not bene seene.'[661] The legal record of this event is more detailed and less dramatic; the sieves are never mentioned, the witches merely walking to the Pier-head in an ordinary and commonplace manner. The Coven at Prestonpans sent a letter to the Leith Coven that--

'they sould mak the storm vniuersall thro the sea. And within aucht dayes eftir the said Bill [letter] wes delyuerit, the said Agnes Sampsoune, Jonett Campbell, Johnne Fean, Gelie Duncan, and Meg Dyn baptesit ane catt in the wobstaris hous, in maner following: Fyrst, twa of thame held ane fingar, in the ane syd of the chimnay cruik, and ane vther held ane vther fingar in the vther syd, the twa nebbis of the fingars meting togidder; than thay patt the catt thryis throw the linkis of the cruik, and passit itt thryis vnder the chimnay. Thaireftir, att Begie Toddis hous, thay knitt to the foure feit of the catt, foure jountis of men; quhilk being done, the sayd Jonet fechit it to Leith; and about mydnycht, sche and the twa Linkhop, and twa wyfeis callit Stobbeis, came to the Pier-heid, and saying thir words, 'See that thair be na desait amangis ws'; and thay caist the catt in the see, sa far as thay mycht, quhilk swam owre and cam agane; and thay that wer in the Panis, caist in ane vthir catt in the see att xj houris. Eftir quhilk, be thair sorcerie and inchantment, the boit perischit betuix Leith and Kinghorne; quhilk thing the Deuill did, and went befoir, with ane stalf in his hand.'[662]

Beigis Todd was concerned in another 'conjuring of cats', this time at Seaton.

'Eftir thay had drukkin togidder a certane space, thay, in thair devillische maner, tuik ane katt, and drew the samyn nyne tymes throw the said Beigis cruik; and thaireftir come with all thair speed to Seaton-thorne, be-north the [3]et.... And thay thaireftir past altogidder, with the Devill, to the irne [3]et [iron gate] of Seatoun, quhair of new thay tuik ane cat, and drew the samyn nyne tymes throw the said Irne-[3]ett: And immediatlie thaireftir, came to the barne, foiranent George Feudaris dur, quhair thai christened the said catt, and callit hir _Margaret_: And thaireftir come all bak agane to the Deane-fute, quhair first thai convenit, and cuist the kat to the Devill.'[663]

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 465: Danaeus, ch. iv.]

[Footnote 466: Boguet, pp. 131-9.]

[Footnote 467: _Pleasant Treatise_, pp. 5-7.]

[Footnote 468: Lea, iii, p. 501.]

[Footnote 469: Remigius, pt. i, pp. 89, 91.]

[Footnote 470: Glanvil, pt. ii, pp. 137, 139, 163, 164.]

[Footnote 471: W. G. Stewart, p. 175.]

[Footnote 472: Danaeus, ch. ii.]

[Footnote 473: Cooper, p. 90.]

[Footnote 474: Rymer, i, p. 956.]

[Footnote 475: Chartier, iii, p. 45.]

[Footnote 476: From a trial in the Guernsey Greffe.]

[Footnote 477: De Lancre, _Tableau_, p. 123.]

[Footnote 478: Bodin, p. 187.]

[Footnote 479: Melville, p. 396; _see also_ Pitcairn, i, pt. ii, pp. 210-12, 239, 246.]

[Footnote 480: F. Hutchinson, p. 43.]

[Footnote 481: _Spalding Club Misc._, i, pp. 121, 125.]

[Footnote 482: Boguet, p. 411.]

[Footnote 483: Cannaert, p. 46.]

[Footnote 484: Id., p. 50.]

[Footnote 485: De Lancre, _Tableau_, p. 131.]

[Footnote 486: Michaelis, _Historie_, pp. 334-5.]

[Footnote 487: Pitcairn, iii, p. 613.]

[Footnote 488: De Lancre, _Tableau_, pp. 68, 126, 128.]

[Footnote 489: Id. ib., p. 148.]

[Footnote 490: _Spalding Club Misc._, i, p. 171.]

[Footnote 491: Boguet, p. 131.]

[Footnote 492: De Lancre, _Tableau_, pp. 72, 131.]

[Footnote 493: Doughty, _Travels in Arabia Deserta_, i, 89.]

[Footnote 494: Moret, _Mysteres Egyptiens_, pp. 247 seq.]

[Footnote 495: _Spalding Club Misc._, i, pp. 97-8. Spelling modernized.]

[Footnote 496: Ib., i, p. 144. Spelling modernized.]

[Footnote 497: Ib., p. 149.]

[Footnote 498: Ib., p. 153. Spelling modernized.]

[Footnote 499: De Lancre, _Tableau_, p. 123.]

[Footnote 500: F. Hutchinson, _Historical Essay_, p. 43.]

[Footnote 501: Compare the account of the Forfar witch-dance. Kinloch, p. 120.]

[Footnote 502: Boguet, pp. 131-2.]

[Footnote 503: De Lancre, _Tableau_, p. 210.]

[Footnote 504: Compare the dittay against Bessie Thom, who danced round the Fish Cross of Aberdeen with other witches 'in the lyknes of kattis and haris'. _Spalding Club Misc._, i, 167.]

[Footnote 505: Boguet, p. 127.]

[Footnote 506: Horneck, pt. ii, p. 316.]

[Footnote 507: More, p. 232.]

[Footnote 508: Pitcairn, i, pt. ii, pp. 245-6. Spelling modernized.]

[Footnote 509: Id., iii, p. 606. Spelling modernized.]

[Footnote 510: Fountainhall, i, p. 14.]

[Footnote 511: Sinclair, p. 163.]

[Footnote 512: De Lancre, _Tableau_, p. 210.]

[Footnote 513: De Lancre, _Tableau_, p. 212.]

[Footnote 514: _Surtees Soc._, xl, pp. 195, 197.]

[Footnote 515: Danaeus, ch. iv.]

[Footnote 516: De Lancre, op. cit., p. 211.]

[Footnote 517: _Spalding Club Misc._, i, pp. 165, 167. Spelling modernized. The account of the Arab witches should be compared with this. 'In the time of Ibn Munkidh the witches rode about naked on a stick between the graves of the cemetery of Shaizar.' Wellhausen, p. 159.]

[Footnote 518: _Pleasant Treatise of Witches_, p. 6.]

[Footnote 519: Reg. Scot, Bk. iii, p. 42. La volta is said to be the origin of the waltz.]

[Footnote 520: Lea, iii, p. 501.]

[Footnote 521: Remigius, p. 82.]

[Footnote 522: E. Monseur, p. 102.]

[Footnote 523: Glanvil, pt. ii, p. 141.]

[Footnote 524: Pitcairn, i, pt. ii, pp. 239, 246.]

[Footnote 525: _Spalding Club Misc._, i, pp. 114-15. Spelling modernized.]

[Footnote 526: Id., i, p. 149. Spelling modernized.]

[Footnote 527: _Spottiswoode Miscellany_, ii, p. 68.]

[Footnote 528: Kinloch, p. 129. Spelling modernized.]

[Footnote 529: Sinclair, p. 163.]

[Footnote 530: Burns Begg, pp. 234, 235.]

[Footnote 531: De Lancre, _Tableau_, p. 127.]

[Footnote 532: Id. ib., p. 150.]

[Footnote 533: Id. ib., p. 211.]

[Footnote 534: Danaeus, ch. iv.]

[Footnote 535: Sinclair, p. 219.]

[Footnote 536: Kinloch, p. 120.]

[Footnote 537: Sharpe, p. 131.]

[Footnote 538: Boguet, p. 132.]

[Footnote 539: Michaelis, _Hist._, p. 336.]

[Footnote 540: Van Elven, v (1891), p. 215.]

[Footnote 541: _Pleasant Treatise of Witches_, p. 5.]

[Footnote 542: Potts, G 3, I 3, P 3.]

[Footnote 543: _Examination of Joan Williford_, p. 6.]

[Footnote 544: Glanvil, pt. ii, pp. 139-40.]

[Footnote 545: Id., p. 138.]

[Footnote 546: Id., p. 149.]

[Footnote 547: Pitcairn, i, pt. ii, p. 163.]

[Footnote 548: _Spottiswoode Misc._, ii, p. 67.]

[Footnote 549: Kinloch, p. 121.]

[Footnote 550: Id., p. 124.]

[Footnote 551: Id., p. 126.]

[Footnote 552: Id., p. 127.]

[Footnote 553: Id., p. 133. Dated = caressed.]

[Footnote 554: Burns Begg, p. 227.]

[Footnote 555: Id., p. 238.]

[Footnote 556: Sharpe, p. 131.]

[Footnote 557: The complete grace is given on p. 167. It will be seen that it is a corrupt version of some ancient form of words.]

[Footnote 558: Pitcairn, iii, pp. 612, 613. Spelling modernized.]

[Footnote 559: _Scots Magazine_, 1814, p. 200. Spelling modernized.]

[Footnote 560: Burr, p. 418.]

[Footnote 561: De Lancre, _Tableau_, p. 197.]

[Footnote 562: Id. ib., p. 148.]

[Footnote 563: Michaelis, _Historie_, pp. 335-6.]

[Footnote 564: Boguet, pp. 135-9.]

[Footnote 565: Cannaert, p. 45.]

[Footnote 566: Horneck, pp. 321-2, 327.]

[Footnote 567: Bodin, _Fleau_, p. 187.]

[Footnote 568: Melville, p. 395.]

[Footnote 569: Pitcairn, i, pt. ii, p. 246. The ploughman, Gray Meal, who took a large part in the ceremonies, was an old man.]

[Footnote 570: Id., i, pt. ii, p. 210.]

[Footnote 571: F. Hutchinson, _Hist. Essay_, p. 42.]

[Footnote 572: _Spalding Club Misc._, i, p. 172.]

[Footnote 573: Boguet, p. 131.]

[Footnote 574: De Lancre, _Tableau_, pp. 68, 401.]

[Footnote 575: Id., _L'Incredulite_, p. 805.]

[Footnote 576: Davenport, p. 2.]

[Footnote 577: Van Elven, _La Tradition_, v (1891), p. 215.]

[Footnote 578: Sinclair, p. 163. The account given by Barton's wife of the position of the candle on the Devil's person is paralleled by the peculiarly coarse description of the Light-bearers at the witch-sabbaths at Muenster. Humborg, p. 120.]

[Footnote 579: Kinloch, p. 120.]

[Footnote 580: Glanvil, pt. ii, p. 139.]

[Footnote 581: Chambers, iii, p. 298.]

[Footnote 582: Stewart, p. 175.]

[Footnote 583: Glanvil, pt. ii, p. 294.]

[Footnote 584: Holinshed, _Ireland_, p. 58.]

[Footnote 585: Boguet, p. 141.]