The Wild Tribes Of Davao District Mindanao The R F Cummings Phi

Chapter 9

Chapter 94,298 wordsPublic domain

[56] Measured from the chin to the hair of the forehead. The greater part of this tribe live far back in the rugged mountains which form the watershed between the Cotabato valley and the Gulf of Davao. Travel through that district is entirely on foot, and is principally along the water courses, so that in going from place to place a person is continually crossing the stream. From time to time dim trails, scarcely worthy of that name, lead from the river's bank almost perpendicularly up the mountain-side or to the summits of high hills, where will be found one or two frail houses (Plate XLIX). The dwellings are never in large groups, and more frequently each house is by itself. From one habitation it is possible to look across the hills and see many others at no great distance, to reach which would necessitate a descent of several hundred feet and an equal climb up to each.

There is considerable variation in the architecture of the dwellings but the following description of the home of Datu Dialum, on the headwaters of the Ma-al river, will give the general plan of all.

Small hardwood poles about twenty feet in length formed the uprights to which the side and crossbeams were lashed, while in the center of each end beam smaller sticks were tied to form the king posts. From the ridge pole small timbers extended to the side beams, thus forming the framework on which the final topping of flattened bamboo was laid. This roof was of one pitch and at the sides overhung the walls by about a foot. Twelve feet above the ground other poles were lashed to the uprights and on these rested the cross timbers of the floor, which in turn were covered with broad strips of bark. The side walls extended between the floor and the beams, but in no place did they extend up to the roof. Entrance to the dwelling was gained by a notched log.

Once inside the house the arrangement impressed one as being similar to those of the Bagobo. Just above the door, and again in the far end of the room, poles were laid across the beams to form the floors of lofts which, in this case, were used as sleeping rooms.

In front of the door, at the opposite side of the room, was a bed of ashes in which three stones were sunk to form the stove, and above this was suspended a rack which contained cooking pots, drying wood, ears of corn, and the like. Close to the stove were a few earthen pots (Fig. 35) and many short bamboo tubes filled with water, while against the wall hung rattan frames filled with half cocoanut-shell dishes, spoons, and two or three old Chinese plates. Near the center of the room stood a rice mortar made by hollowing out a section of log. At the far end of the room was a raised sleeping platform, such as is found in all Bagobo houses, and extending from this to the center and on each side of the room were narrow stalls where the women were engaged in weaving, and in which they slept and kept their most valued possessions.

FIG. 35. COOKING POT AND COVER.

In the description of the house we have mentioned most of the furnishings. In addition it is customary to find a few well made mats of _pandanus_ or _buri_ palm leaf. These are spread on the floor when the owners wish to retire and for the rest of the time are rolled up and laid along the walls. Carved forked sticks which serve as torch-holders stand in various parts of the room, while somewhere near the stove is a miscellany of wooden meat blocks, bamboo fans and fly swatters, gourds filled with millet, salt, or mashed peppers, and shovel-shaped or round rice winnowers, which also serve as common eating dishes for the family and guests. Well made baskets stand by the walls or hang from pegs along with articles of clothing, while spears, shields, and other weapons are fastened to side walls or roof.

Small clearings are found at no great distance from these dwellings and in them the people raise rice, corn, millet, camotes, sugar-cane, and a few banana and hemp plants (Plate L). As is the case with all the wild tribes in this district, the Bila-an make new clearings as soon as the cogon grass begins to invade their fields, and this in time causes them to move their homes from one locality to another.

The domestic animals consist of a few chickens, dogs, an occasional cat and pig, and in the lower cogon lands, a few families possess horses. Some fish are secured from the river, while deer, wild pig, jungle fowl, and other game are taken with traps or secured by hunting.

There seems never to have been a time when this tribe was organized under a single leader as was the case with the Bagobo. Each district is so isolated from the others and the population so scattering that any such development has been barred, and hence the people of each river valley or highland plain have their local ruler. The power of this ruler is real only so far as his personal influence can make it so. He receives no pay for his services, but his position makes it possible for him to secure the help of his fellows when he is in need of workers or warriors. In return he conducts negotiations with other groups and administers justice in accordance with the customs handed down from bygone ages. Upon his death he is succeeded by his eldest son, unless the old men of the group should consider him incompetent, in which case they will determine upon the successor.

Warriors who have killed one or more persons[57] are known as _lEbE_ (Plate XLII), and are permitted to wear plain red suits decorated with embroidery. Their duties and privileges are much the same as those of the Bagobo _magani_.

[57] Said to be four among the Tagkogon.

A class known as _almo-os_ is composed mostly of middle-aged women who are in close communication with the spirits and who, like the _mabalian_ of the Bagobo, conduct ceremonies to aid in the cure of the sick, to secure good crops, or to thank the higher beings for their help and watchfulness. Unlike the _mabalian_, these women are seldom midwives, such duties being performed by a group called _fandita_.[58] Finally, we learn that slaves are sometimes taken from neighboring tribes or even from unfriendly settlements of their own people, to which class may be added offenders against the laws of the group. Slavery, however, is not very prevalent, for men are not greatly desired unless needed for a sacrifice, while young girls and women soon become regular members of their master's family.

[58] Probably a corruption of the Moro term _pandi'a_.

As has just been indicated a man may have as many wives as he can secure by purchase or capture, provided they are not blood relations, but a new wife cannot be added to the family until the one preceding has borne a child.

Difficulties are generally settled between the parties concerned, but if they carry their case to the ruler they must abide by his decision. A thief is usually compelled to return the stolen property, but in at least one case the culprit was sacrificed.[59]

[59] See p. 145.

Murder can be avenged by a murder so long as the trouble remains a family affair, but if the case goes to the ruler it is probable that he will levy a fine on the culprit. Unfaithfulness in a wife can be punished by the death of one or both offenders if the husband exacts the punishment, otherwise a fine is imposed.

The type of clothing worn by this tribe is practically identical with that of the Bagobo, while the cloth from which it is made is procured by a like process. However, in the ornamentation of these garments there is wide variation. Beads are not used to any great extent, but in their place are intricate embroidered designs which excel, both in beauty and technique the work of any other wild tribe in the Islands, while on the more elaborate costumes hundreds of shell disks are used in artistic designs. The woman's skirt is of hemp and is made in exactly the same manner as those of the Bagobo, but the general pattern is different, and it seldom contains the broad decorative center panel (Plate LX).

Some of the men cut their hair so that it falls in bangs along the center line of the forehead and behind reaches to the nape of the neck, but the majority of them, and all the women, allow the back hair to grow long and tie it in a knot at the back of the head. Ordinarily the men dispense with head covering, or at most twist a bit of cloth into a turban, but for special occasions they wear palm leaf hats covered with many parallel bands of rattan and crowned with notched chicken feathers (Plate LI). Rarely is a women seen with any kind of head protection or hair ornament other than a small comb which is peculiar to this tribe (Fig. 36). This comb is made of bamboo or rattan splints drawn together at the center but flaring at top and bottom until it forms an ornament in the shape of an hour glass. The ear plugs worn by the men are of wood and are undecorated, but those of the women have the fronts overlaid with incised brass plates (Fig. 37). In other respects the dress of the women differs little from that of the Bagobo. They have the same necklaces, arm and finger rings, leglets, and anklets, although in less quantity. They also carry trinket baskets, but these are larger than those used by the women of the other tribe and are lacking in bead and bell pendants. However, they are tastily decorated with designs in colored bamboo or fern cuticle. We have already noted that the use of plain red garments is limited to warriors, but cloth of that hue which contains narrow black stripes may be used by all. Quite a number of garments are seen in which white pattens appear in a red background (Plate LVIIIc). In this tribe the use of such suits is not restricted, but with the neighboring Kulaman they can be worn by warriors[60] only.

FIG. 36. WOMEN'S COMBS.

FIG. 37. A. WOMEN'S EAR PLUGS. B. MEN'S EAR PLUGS.

[60] See p. 155 for a description of this process. [Transcriber's note: 20 pages further from this one.]

Before we proceed further with the description of the life of the people, it will be well for us to inquire into their religious beliefs, for, as is the case with all their neighbors, their faith in unseen beings influences their daily life to a very great extent. The two following tales deal with the Bila-an genesis.

"In the beginning was _MElu_--a being of such great size as to be beyond comparison with any known thing; who was white, having gold teeth, and who sat upon the clouds, and occupied all space above.

"He was very cleanly and was constantly rubbing himself with his hands in order that he might keep his skin quite white. The scurf or dead skin which he thus removed, he placed to one side where it accumulated at last to such a heap that it annoyed him. To be rid of this annoyance he made the earth, and being pleased with his work, he decided to make two beings like himself only much smaller in size. This he did from remnants of the material from which he made the earth.

"Now, while MElu was making the first two men, and when he had the first one finished, all excepting the nose; and the second one finished all excepting the nose and one other part, Tau Tana (Funtana) or Tau Dalom Tana appeared and demanded of MElu that he be allowed to make the nose. Then began a great argument in which Tau Dalom Tana gained his point and did make the noses and placed them on the faces of the first two people upside down. So great had been the argument over this making and placing of noses that MElu forgot to finish that part of the second person and went away to his place above the clouds, and Tau Dalom Tana went away to his place below the earth. Then came a great rain and the two people on the earth were about to perish on account of the water which ran off their heads into their noses. MElu seeing what was happening came to them and changed their noses, and then told them that they should save all the hair which came from their heads, and all the scurf which came from their bodies to the end that when he came again he might make more people. As time passed there came to be a great many people, and they lived in a village having plenty to eat and no labor but the gathering of such fruits as they desired.

"One day when the rest of the people were about the village and the near country, a man and woman who had been left behind fell to gazing, one upon the person of the other, and after a little while they went away apart from the rest and were gone many days, and when they returned the woman carried a child in her arms, and the people wondered and were afraid. When MElu came again soon, knowing what had taken place, he was very angry and he went away abandoning them, and a great drought came, when for two seasons no rain fell and everything withered up and died. At last the people went away, two by two, one man and one woman together, and MElu never again came to visit his people on earth."[61]

[61] Recorded by Mr. H. S. Wilson.

The writer did not hear the foregoing tale, but the following, with more or less variation, was told to him by several Bila-an:

"In the beginning four beings, MElu and Fiuweigh-males, and Dwata and Saweigh (or sEwE or sEweigh)-females, lived on a small earth or island as large as a hat and called _salnaon_. There were no trees or grass on this island, but they had one bird called Baswit. They sent this bird across the waters to secure some earth, the fruit of the rattan and of trees. When it returned MElu took the earth and beat it the same as a woman beats pots until he had made the land, then he planted the seeds in it and they grew. When he had watched it for a time he said: 'Of what use is land without people'; so the others said, 'Let us make wax into people.' They did so, but when they put the wax near to the fire it melted, so they saw they could not make man that way. Next it was decided that they should use dirt, and MElu and Fiuweigh began to make man. All. went well until they were ready to make the nose. Fiuweigh who was making this part put the nose on upside down and when MElu told him that the people would drown if he left it that way he became very angry and refused to change it. When he turned his back, MElu seized the nose quickly and turned it as it now is, and you can see where, in his haste, he pressed his fingers (at the root).

"The people they made were Adnato and Andawi, male and female. These two had children, Tapi (or Mastafi) and Lakarol. (Informants disagreed here, part insisting that MEsa, Lakbang, and Mangarang were part of the first people made.) Their descendants were Sinudal (female), Moay (male), Limbay (female), Madinda (female), Sinnamoway (male), Kamansa (male), Gilay (female), Gomayau (male), Salau (male), Slayen (female), BaEn (female), Kanfal (female), Latara (male)."

[Transcriber's note: These identifications of male and female (in parentheses above and below) are all signaled in the text using non-ASCII symbols; the symbols for male or female were footnoted.]

The last was the father of Alimama, the chief informant of this tale. Inok, dato of Labau, is also of this line, tracing his descent from Lakbang.

It is said that MElu and Saweigh now live below, Dwata and Fiuweigh in the sky.

A variation of this story credits MElu and Dwata with being the creators of Fiuweigh and SEweigh. They were the ancestors of men, for they took earth and made it into the form of people and then whipped it until it moved. The first people they made were Otis (male) and Lakbang (female). Two of their children were Mastafi (male) and Lakarol (or Landol) (female). From these two came all the Bila-an. "These two lived in a small distant place and their one animal was Baswit--a bird. They sent him on a long journey and when he returned he brought a piece of earth and the fruit of a _pandag_ tree. Lakarol planted the fruit in the piece of earth and when it grew the leaves fell down and finally made the earth."

From these tales and later questioning we learn the MElu, or MElE, is the most powerful of all the natural spirits and that his help is sought in times of calamity and at very important occasions.

Duwata (Duata, Dwata, Adwata, Diwata) is generally considered to be the wife of MElu and of equal strength with him. She is sometimes identified with a female spirit called Kalalokan.

Fiuweigh and SEweigh are now powerful spirits; but there is some dispute as to whether they have always been so, or once were human.

Lamot ta Mangayo, also called Mandalangan, is the patron spirit of the warriors and is in all respects almost identical with Mandarangan of the Bagobo.

The _busau_ are a class of spirits, often ill-disposed toward men, who live in various parts of the mountains. Bakay, one of the _busau_, is said to be the owner of the deer and pig and is held in considerable esteem by the people of the Padada region, but he is not recognized by the Tagkogon branch of the tribe. Another spirit, Bawi, who owns the rice, is in great favor with the Padada people, but is unknown to the latter group. Flau is the spirit of an unborn child whose mother died in pregnancy. Its cry is often heard at night, and at times it attacks and injures people.

These natural spirits are very powerful, and since they sometimes interest themselves in the doings of mortals it behooves all to keep their good will. Below them is another class of spirits, less powerful, but far more concerned in the affairs of men, and for this reason more to be feared should they become displeased. This class is made up of the spirits of the dead. A man's spirit, _almogol_, does not live in his body, but always accompanies him during life. If at any time it wanders the man becomes ill, and if it fails to return its owner dies. After separating from the body the _almogol_ goes to Kilot, a good place below the earth where there is no work or punishment. There it spends most of its time, but upon occasion returns to its former haunts where it aids or injures the living.

The _almo-os_, already mentioned,[62] have considerable influence with all the spirits, but they are particularly close to the _almogol_. When a person is ill he is placed in a little house known as _lawig_ (Plate LII), beside which a fire is kindled. Nearby are two decorated bamboo sticks, behind which the spirit of the sick man stands while he watches the proceeding. The _almo-os_ takes a chicken in his hands and, while five or six assistants dance, he chants, appealing to the spirit to see the good things that are being prepared, and to be pleased to return to the sick man. Occasionally, the music stops and one of the dancers cries "_almogol_, here is food for you; you must not go away." After a time the fowl is killed, is cooked over the fire, and is fed to the invalid, while the "doctor" continues his song of entreaty. If the call pleases the spirit it will pass between the bamboo sticks and go to the sick person in the _lawig_, but if it is not convinced that it should remain it departs, and the patient dies. The sick person is kept in the spirit house for a day and is then returned to his home.

[62] See page 133.

Little structures known as _bolon_ are erected for other spirits who may be trying to injure the _almogol_ or attempting to persuade it to leave its owner.

Certain ceremonies and offerings occur after a death, at the birth of a child, at planting and harvest times, and when the warriors are about to start on a raid; all of which will be spoken of in a later paragraph. When approaching a place known to be owned by certain spirits, it is thought wise to make a small offering. On the trail to Ma-al is a large rock which marks the divide between the mountains and the open cogon lands. As the writer's party approached this stone one of the men removed some of his leg bands and placed them beside the rock, at the same time praying the _busau_ to "take the present and do not let any of our party fall sick or be injured on the journey." It is also customary for a man who wishes to buy anything or to make a trade, first to make an offering of betel-nut to the spirit of some rich man, and to ask his help in the venture.

Some new clearings are cut in the jungle each year, after the constellation _Balatik_ has risen out of the sea. The spirits place this sign in the heavens to notify all that the land should be cleared, but it does not call for a sacrifice as in the case of the people we have previously described. At that time the men cut the trees and underbrush, and after allowing them to dry, fire them. They also make the holes into which the women drop seed rice.

When the land is ready for planting, a little house called _botabwE_ is built in the center of the field, and beside it is placed a platform or table, _sina-al_, on which is an offering of food. Early in the morning, while the others sleep, the owner and his wife carry the seed rice to the field and place it on the _botabwE_. After a time they eat some of the food which has previously been offered and then begin to plant, beginning close to the spirit house. Soon they are joined by other workers who aid them in the planting. These assistants do not receive payment for their services other than food while working and like help when in need. At this time a bamboo pole, with one end split and spread open like a cup,[63] is placed in front of the elevated platform of the family dwelling and the guardian spirit of the fields is promised that after the harvest he will receive the new seed rice. While the rice is growing the men attend to the fences and the women keep down weeds or frighten birds and other intruders away. When the crops have matured all the people of a neighborhood will meet at the home of the chief, and there celebrate a ceremony known as _Pandoman_. Two bundles of rice are laid on a mat in the center of the room, and beside them a spear is thrust into the floor. These are offerings to the great spirits MElu and Dwata who are besought to give health to the workers while they are gathering crops. As soon as this offering is made, the men begin to build the rice granaries; meanwhile the women silently guard the mat and gifts, for until the new storehouses are completed there must be no dancing or merry-making. When all is ready for the harvest, the wife of the owner goes alone to the field, and having cut a few heads of grain, she carries them back to the house. One portion is placed in the _sabak_ another on a little platform, _gramso_, near to the house, as an offering to MElu and Dwata; and the balance is cooked and eaten by the family. The following morning all the women go to the fields to gather the harvest. When the last bundle has been carried to the house a celebration begins, agongs and _EdEl_[64] furnish the music for the dancers, and for a day and a night all feast and make merry; then the workers return to their homes carrying small gifts of cooked food or new rice.

[63] This pole which is here known as _sabak_ is the same as the _tambara_ of the Bagobo. See p. 66 and Fig. 12.

[64] See p. 110 note. [Transcriber's note: 30 pages earlier.]

Aside from clearing the land and helping somewhat with the rice crops, the men seldom concern themselves with work in the fields but leave the cultivation of corn, sweet potatoes, tobacco, and the like to the women.

A large part of the food of the tribe is furnished by the fruits and herbs of the jungle and here again the women are the chief providers. Although in the sago industry both sexes have well defined duties.